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Full text of "History of England under Henry the Fourth"

HISTORY OF ENGLAND 



UNDER 



HENRY THE FOURTH. 



PRINTED BY JAMES CLEGG, ALDINE PRESS, 
ROCHDALE. 



HISTORY OF ENGLAND 



UNDER 



HENRY THE FOURTH. 



IN THREE VOLUMES. 



BY 

JAMES HAMILTON WYLIE, M.A., 

One of Her Majesty's Inspectors of Schools. 




LONDON : 

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 

1894. 

All rights reserved. 



PREFACE TO VOL. II. 



WHEN I published Vol. I. of this History, more than nine 
years ago, I hoped to limit it to two volumes, but so much 
material has since accumulated on my hands, that I have been 
obliged to let it run over into three. The third volume will, I 
hope, be ready next year, and, in addition to the concluding 
chapters of the history, will contain appendices, index, and a 
long black-list of Corrigenda. 

I have many acknowledgments to make for help received in 
working at the present volume notably to Mr. Hubert Hall of 
the Public Record Office, and Mr. Edward J. L. Scott, Keeper 
of the Manuscripts in the British Museum. To the latter 
gentleman I am indebted for generously placing at my disposal 
a transcript of Hoccleve's Omnegadrum (Add. MS. 24,062 A), 
which I hope that he may yet decide to publish for the benefit 
of historical students generally. 

But my work could never have been carried even to its 
present stage but for the facilities afforded me by the Feoffees 
of the Chetham Library in Manchester, and I take this 
opportunity of again acknowledging my great indebtedness to 
them, especially to their Honorary Librarian, Sir Henry H. 
Howorth, M.P., who has done so much to maintain for this 
grand collection of books the premier place even in a City of 
Great Libraries. 

Rochdale, 

December pt/i, 1893. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER. PAGE. 

XXXV. Grosmont I 

XXXVI. Stoppage of Annuities 21 

XXXVII. The Earl Marshal 29 

XXXVIII. The Mortimers 35 

XXXIX. Negociations 54 

XL. The Hanse 67 

XLI. Flanders 79 

XLII. Marck 87 

XLIII. Sluys 97 

XLIV. Retrenchment 109 

XLV. War-Governor Butler 123 

XLVI. The "Wild Irish" 148 

XLVII. Usk 170 

XLVIII. Lord Bardolph 174 

XLIX. Judge Gascoigne 179 

L. Archbishop Scrope 192 

LI. Shipton Moor 212 

LIT. Clementhorpe 228 

LIII. Leprosy 245 

LIV. Berwick 253 

LV. Confiscations 275 

LVI. Owen and the French 296 

LVII. Don Pero Nino 315 

LVIII. Castile and Portugal 329 

LIX. " Saint Richard Scrope " 339 

LX. The Tripartite Convention 368 

LXI. James of Scotland 382 

LXII. The Long Parliament (I.) 408 

LXIII. Lady Philippa 434 

LXIV. The Long Parliament (II.) 460 






SUPPLEMENTARY LIST OF PRINTED BOOKS 
REFERRED TO IN VOLS. II. AND III. 

Those marked with an asterisk (*) are mostly contemporary with the 
events related. 

Aberdeen. EXTRACTS FROM BOROUGH RECORDS. 2 vols. Spalding 

Club. Aberdeen, 1844-8. 

Abram, W. A. MEMORIALS OF PRESTON GUILDS, i vol. Preston, 1882 
ROLL OF BURGESSES AT THE GUILD MERCHANT OF PRESTON 

Lancashire and Cheshire Record Society. I vol. 1884. 
Academie Royale de Belgique. Brussels, 1861, &c. 
Academie Royale des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres. Paris, 

1717, &c. 
Acta Sanctorum. J. Bollandus, c. Antwerp, Brussels, Paris, 

1643-1887. 
Adams, B. W. (d. 1886) HISTORY OF SANTRY AND CLOGHRAN 

PARISHES, i vol. London, 1883. 
[Ad Quod Damn urn] CALENDARIUM ROTULORUM CHARTARUM ET 

INQUISITIONUM A. Q. D. i vol. London, 1803. 
[>n. Sylv.] ^NEAS SYLVIUS PICCOLOMINI, or Pius II. (b. 1405, 

d. 1464) OPERA, i vol. Basle, 1551. 
Allatius = ALLACCI, L. (b. 1586, d. 1669) DE ECCLESL*: OCCIDEN- 

TALIS ATQUE ORIENTALIS PERPETUA CONSENSIONE. I vol. Cologne, 
I6 4 8. 

Allen, Thomas (b. 1803, d. 1833). HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 
LAMBETH, i vol. London, 1827. 

Alzog, J. MANUAL OF UNIVERSAL CHURCH HISTORY; translated by 
F. J. Pabisch and T. S. Byrne. 3 vols. Cincinnati, 1876. 

Ancient Laws of Ireland. 4 vols. Chron. and Mem. Dublin, 1865- 

1879- 
Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales. A. Owen. 2 vols. London, 

1841. 
Anderson, James (d. 1739) ROYAL GENEALOGIES, i vol. London, 

1736- 
Anglia. ZEITSCHRIFT FUR ENGLISCHE PHILOLOGIE. 12 vols. Halle : 

1878-89. 
Anglure, O. (circ. 1400) LE SAINT VOYAGE DE JERUSALEM, i vol. 

Soc. des Anciens Textes Fran9ais. F. Bonnardot and A. Longnon. 

Paris, 1878. 



x. REFERENCES. 

Annuaire Bulletin de la Societe de I'Histoire de France. Paris, 

1835, &c. 
Anquetil, L. P. (b. 1723, d. 1808) HISTOIRE DE FRANCE. 12 vols. 

Paris, 1818. 
Anselme, de Ste. Marie (b. 1625, d. 1694). HISTOIRE GENE- 

ALOGIQUE DE LA MAISON ROYALE DE FRANCE. 9 vols. Paris, 
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Antiquarian Repertory. F. Grose and T. Astle. 4 vols. London, 

1807-9. 
Antiquary. Elliot Stock. London, 1880, &c. 

* Antoninus, St. of Forciglioni (b. 1389, d. 1459). HISTORIC: SEU 

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* Apology for Lollard Doctrines, i vol. J. H. Todd. Camd. Soc. 

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* Aretinus = Leonardo Bruni (b. 1369, d. 1444). EPISTOLARUM LIBRI 

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Biographia Britannica. 7 vols. London, 1750. 

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Bradley, J. W. DICTIONARY OF MINIATURISTS, ILLUMINATORS, CAL- 

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Brand, J. (b. 1744, d. 1806) OBSERVATIONS ON POPULAR ANTIQUI- 
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Britton, J. CATHEDRAL ANTIQUITIES. 6 vols. London, 1836. 

PICTURESQUE ANTIQUITIES OF ENGLISH CITIES, i vol. Lond., 
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HISTORY OF ENGLAND 
UNDER HENRY THE FOURTH. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

GROSMONT. 

THE kaleidoscope of King Henry's difficulties still shifts with 
tedious regularity. In Wales, the new alliance with France 
and the assumption by Owen of a royal style had not done 
much to advance the interests of the Welsh people as a separate 
nationality, but the slackening efforts of the English King must 
have driven many who were formerly half-hearted supporters 
into thorough-paced and pronounced rebellion. Few could 
long afford to look on while their homes were constantly 
plundered, and still keep up any semblance of respect for a 
distant power which held out to them no better prospect than 
a sharp spell of sudden raiding in the summer, to be followed 
by months of helplessness, during which they must submit to 
shut themselves up for their very lives, leaving their churches, 
houses, and lands a prey to unchecked ruin and pillage. 

After the capture of Lord Grey at Ruthin in 1402, the 
border district called 1 Maelor on the banks of the Dee had 
been kept in constant dread of invasion, and the garrison of 
the castle of Hope had worn themselves out with "assiduous 
watching night and day." But a few summary executions had 
kept the disaffected 2 in check for a time. In the following 

1 DEP. KEEP. 36 REP., page 337. 2 Ibid., 247, July 1301, 1402. 

B 



2 Grosmont. [CHAP. xxxv. 

spring (1403) the rebels poured into Hopedale. 1 They fired 
the town of Hope 2 under the very walls of the castle, and the 
loyal owners of property had to remove their cattle and goods 
out of harm's way. The Prince of Wales advanced from 
Shrewsbury to the relief of Harlech and Aberystwith, but still 
the rebellion gained strength, and by June, 1403, the Welsh had 
crossed the Dee by the fords in the night and were threatening 
Wirral 8 (June 26th, 1403) in spite of special precautions taken 
along the shores of the estuary in the hundreds of Coleshill, 4 
Prestatyn, and Rhuddlan. Within five weeks 5 after the victory 
at Shrewsbury, the Cheshire men were alarmed by the presence 
of Owen on their western border. Orders were issued to put 
Chester 6 into a condition of defence, to dig trenches and place 
other obstacles in the way of his march, and to protect the flat 
lands around the estuary of the Dee, the necessary timber 
being cut in the woods about Basingwerk 7 and Holy well. In 
the early months of 1404 apprehensions were still entertained 
that the Wirral 8 district would be seriously invaded, and an 
order in council was issued calling upon all holders of lands in 
the marches to reside at once on their property and prepare 
to defend it. The fords across the Dee were to be closely 
watched from Poulton 9 to Eccleston. The castle of Denbigh 
was in urgent need of defence, the town 10 had been burnt 
in 1402, and the townsfolk were siding with the Percies and 
deserting to the enemy. 11 Sir John Stanley, 12 late Lieutenant of 
Ireland, now Steward of the Household of the Prince of Wales 

1 36TH REP. 211, March I3th, 1403. 2 Ibid., 475, May 2ist, 1403, 
hostiliter crematum. 3 Ibid., 253. 4 Ibid., 261, June 1 4th, 1403. 

ib< 



534, August 25th, 1403. 6 Ibid., 447, September i6th, 1403. ? Ibid., 
334, July I4th, 1406. 8 Ibid., 162 (January nth, 1404); also pp. 55, 
181, 294 (February I5th), 170 (May 3rd). 9 Ibid., 539, June l6th, 1404. 
10 Q. R. ARMY 8 , 6 App. G . PAT. 8, H. IV., 2, 15 (May 3rd, 1407), has 
pardon to Griffin ap Meryth for joining Glendower from Denbigh, as others 
did after the battle of Shrewsbury. I2 36 REPT., 447, September 6th and 
nth, 1404. 



1404.] Chester. 3 

at Chester, had attended the meeting of the Great Council at 
Lichfield in August, 1404, to represent the desperate condition 
of affairs, with the sole result that twenty marks in gold were 
allotted to be distributed amongst the garrison, to stop their 
clamour for the moment. At Rhuddlan 1 the troops had to be 
supplied with provisions by boatmen, who threaded their way 
from Chester and Caldy among the channels and sand-banks 
of the Dee. All Flintshire and Denbighshire were exposed 
to the ravages of the rebels. In the neighbouring county of 
Cheshire alarms 2 and panics were abundant, and beacons were 
kept ready in the border hundreds of Broxton 3 and Wirral to 
warn the Cheshire men at any time of the coming of the enemy. 
At Wrexham 4 many English who were unwilling to join the 
rebels were forced to remove and settle in Chester. In retalia- 
tion the most drastic measures were taken against those un- 
fortunate Welshmen whose business or other occupations 
required that they should frequent the border towns in England. 
At Chester the authorities had been seized with a panic of 
vindictiveness in their zeal for self-defence. No Welshman or 
Welshwoman was allowed to reside in the city at all, though 
we know of at least four 5 who got Englishmen to stand surety 
for their good behaviour. None were to enter the gates 
except within stated hours of daylight. Even then they were 
not allowed to " sit at nale " 6 in the taverns, no three of them 
were to be seen together under pain of imprisonment, and if 
found in the city after dark 7 or before sunrise, they were to be 
beheaded. All strangers coming in from the country were to 
leave their arms outside the gates, and none were to carry any 

1 36TH KEPT., 347, March 23rd, 1405. 2 Ibid., 55, 59, 66, 68, 86. 
3 Ibid., App. ii., 37, 55, 63, 108. 4 Ibid., 125, May loth, 1404. $ Ibid., 
ill., September 2ist, 1403 ; in accordance with the Statute of Winchester, 
13 ED. I., c. 4., 1285; STAT. i., 97. 6 PIERS PLOUGHMAN, 8, 19; 
FREBE'S TALE, 6931 ; COVENTRY MYSTERIES, 61. 7 Cf. Welshpool, 
1406, in MONTGOM. COLL., i., 307. 



4 Grosmont. [CHAP. xxxv. 

weapon, 1 "except a knife to cut their dinner with." These 
exaggerated fears were destined, however, to pass away. They 
date from the alarmist times which succeeded the battle of 
Shrewsbury, and commerce could not long afford to close its 
natural channels. 

Proclamations had been issued 2 in 1402, making it illegal 
for Englishmen to have any dealings at all with the Welsh, 
either in buying or selling provisions or any kind of goods. 
But the prohibition remained, as might have been expected, a 
complete dead letter. In spite of repeated warnings and con- 
fiscations, 3 the people of Cheshire, Shropshire, 4 Hereford, 5 and 
Gloucester, thought less of their patriotism than of their pockets, 
and contrived to evade the law by smuggling oats, beer, malt, 
grain, fish, and other necessaries into Wales, even buying back 
from the Welshmen cattle and other property 6 stolen in their 
raids upon English farms. At Oswestry, 7 such of the townsfolk 
as had not taken to begging, endeavoured to cover their losses 
by bartering and exchanging with the enemy. At Malpas, 8 a 
regular traffic was established in arms, horses, cattle, and general 
merchandise. Thence the goods were transferred across the 
Dee to the fairs and markets in Denbigh, 9 Hawarden, Hopedale,. 
and the valley of the Clwyd, and in due course found their way 
on the tranters 10 cars into the heart of the rebel districts. In 

1 36TH KEPT., 102, September 4th, 1403; Cf. ST. DEN T YS, in., 232; 
BOUCICAUT at Genoa, p. 263, ne porter couteau fors a couper pain ; also in 
treaty between England and Flanders in 1407 ; RYM., 8, 470, VARENBERGH 
535, excepte Coutel Dague on Espee qu'ils porront porter jusques a lour 
Hostielx; Cf. LIBER ALBUS, i., 388; SHARP, 169. - Vol. I., 284. 
3 DEP. KEEP. 36x11 KEPT., App. ii., 13, 24, 31, 60, 74, 76, 78, 83, 102, 
108, 123, 185, 203, 211, 226, 255, 269, 323, 373, 407, 526. 4 PAT. 7 H. 
IV., i, 30, 38. 5 DUNCUMB, i, 88. 6 DEP. KEEP. 36' REFT., App. ii., 
340. 7 SHROPS. ARCH^EOL. Soc., n., 208. s DEP. KEEP. 36TH KEPT., 
App. ii., 103, 323 ; Cf. p. 63, dated January 28th, 1404, forbidding traffic 
with the Welsh in Bromfield, Yale, and Dyfryn-Clwyd. 9 Ibid. , 534. 
10 Ibid., 230, 523; for "traventer" see LIB. ALB. I., 565, or " traunter : ' 
12 KEPT. HIST. MSS.. ix., 433. 



1404-] Archdeacon Kingston. 5 

South Wales, a commission consisting of Sir John Oldcastle 
and others, had been charged to stop the traffic on the borders 
of Hereford (October 2nd, 1404), and while the Parliament 
was sitting at Coventry, they reported (October i5th) that cattle 
were still being bought from the Welsh ; whereupon an im- 
potent order x was issued requiring that all such cattle should 
be confiscated. 

In June, 1404, the Prince of Wales was at Worcester, and 
he spent the rest of the year at Hanley, 2 Hereford, 3 and Leo- 
minster, except when he was called away to attend the meetings 
of the Parliament at Coventry. All through the following 
winter he was kept in constant alarm at Hereford, where Arch- 
deacon Kingston 4 had been busy borrowing money from the 
neighbouring Abbots and Priors at Malmesbury, Deerhurst, 
Leominster, 5 Wigmore, Wormsley, and Llanthony near 

1 PAT. 6 H. IV., i, 28, d. 2 NASH, i., 556. 3 See Q. R. WARDROBE, 
II, App. F., for expenses of his household from July 20 to November 21, 
1404. 4 According to LE NEVE, i., 480 (not 118, as I., 347), Richard 
Kingston was admitted Archdeacon of Hereford, April 3rd, 1379, and 
resigned before January 22nd, 1405. He appears as Archdeacon of Here- 
ford in 1387-8 (App. A, Due. LANG. REG., Class xxviii., bundle i, No. i); 
also in 1391-2 where he is treasurer pour la guerre to Henry when Earl of 
Derby (Due. LANC. REC., Class xxviii., bundle I, No. 6; DEP. KEEP. 
30TH REP., p. 36). On May 6th, 1390, he was appointed by Henry his 
treasurer for journeys in Barbary and Prussia. On July 3ist, 1403, King- 
ston, Bachelor in Civil Law, is one of the envoys going to Portugal and 
Bayonne in reference to a treaty (TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135, 3). In 1405 
Kingston was made a prebendary of Beverley (RYM , vin., 402, ROT. VIAG. 
15). In the same year, November igth, 1405, he received a prebend in 
St. Paul's (LE NEVE, IL, 407), and in September, 1406, that of Cher- 
minster and Bere, Salisbury (PRiv. SEAL, 648/6589, May 28th, 1410), 
which he held till his death in 1418 (JONES, 373). On January I7th, 1406, 
he became Archdeacon of Colchester (PAT. 7 H. IV., I, 22; LE NEVE, 
ii., 340), not 1407, as DUGDALE, ST. PAUL'S, 260. On August 2ist, 1406, 
one of those who were with King Henry at Bardney is Dominus Ricardus 
de Kyngeston, Thesaurarius Domini Regis et ipse erat Decanus castelli de 
Wyndesore (LEL. COLL., vi., 301). In GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 13 d (May 8th, 
1408) and GLAUS. 1 1 H. IV. , 9 d (May 25th, 1410) he is Gustos of Free Chapel 
at Windsor, and at Christmas 1411, he is Dean of the College at Windsor 
(Q. R. WARDROBE, 5|, App. B). 5 In 1402 Owen had taken possession of 
the town, and laid the priory under heavy contribution (MoNAST. ANGL., 
IV., 52). 



6 Grosmont. [CHAP. xxxv. 

Gloucester. But neither the poverty nor the will of the 
ecclesiastics would consent, and though their houses were all 
in imminent danger, the whole sum that could be raised 
amongst them amounted only to ^96 133. 4d./ to which the 
Prior and Chapter of Hereford 2 added ^53 more. 

The great castle of Coity was still surrounded by the rebels 
in spite of the strong muster which had been ordered to pro- 
ceed to its relief under Prince Henry and his brother Thomas 3 
in November, 1404. The "rescue" had been undertaken by a 
special order 4 of the Parliament at Coventry, the citizens of 
London 5 advancing ^733 6s. 8d. to the War Treasurers for 
that purpose on the strength of the next taxation. Haverford 
was blocked on the land side and had to be provisioned by sea 
from Bristol 6 and elsewhere. Nevertheless the question of help 
to Wales was certainly under serious consideration. On Novem- 
ber 1 4th, I404, 7 arrayers and officers were appointed to take 
command of troops which were to be called out for service in 
North Wales, and on December i3th, 8 messengers were sent out 
with proclamations calling up a muster with all haste. Orders 
were likewise given in the winter of 1404 to despatch from 
Tenby supplies of corn, barley, peas, beans, wine, beer, honey, fish, 
salt, and brine to the Englishry at Kidwelly, 9 Llanstephan, 10 and 
Carmarthen. 11 Kidwelly was defended by Thomas Fernclough 12 

1 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 30, November 6th, 1404. 2 Due. LANG. REC., xi. 15, 
69, dated Aug. 29th, 1404, shows that Richard Kingston, Dean of Windsor, 
had spent loo marks on the repair of the castle of Hereford. On February 
27th, 1406, the Bishop of Hereford received ;io from the Exchequer for 
damage and loss caused by the Welsh (ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH). 
3 PAT. 6 H. IV., i., 20 (November 23rd, 1404). * ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., 
PASCH. (May gth, 1405). s p A T. 6 H. IV., i., 24 (November i8th, 1404); 
LIB. ALB., i., 638. 6 PAT. 6 H. IV., i., 20 (Dec. 4th, 1404). i Ibid., 
19, d. 8 ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV. , MICH. 9 For description of the castle 
see ARCH^OL. CAMBR. 1852, pp. 1-20. I0 PAT. 6 H. IV., i., n (January 
23rd, 1405). " PAT. 6 H. IV., I., 39 (November 4th, 1404); GLAUS., 
6 H. IV., 28 (December i8th, 1404). I2 Due. LANe. REC., XL, 15, 66 1 
(November 3Oth, 1404). 



1404.] Kidwelly. 7 

or Fernyclough, who was appointed Receiver of Kidwelly, Carn- 
waltham, 1 and Yskenin on November 3oth, i403. 8 His account 3 
is still extant and shows that in 1403, breastplates, basnets, 
vanbraces, gauntlets, lances, poleaxes, and jacks of fence for 
six men-at-arms were sent to him in a cart from London via 
Bristol, together with six arblasts, a windlass with a belt, two 
small cannon (costing 125. each), 40 Ib. of gunpowder in a 
cask and a bag, 40 bows, 80 sheaf of arrows, 2000 quarrels, and 
12 dozen bowstrings packed in pipes, pruskists, and barrels. 
On November 6th, 1404,* the rents and tolls due by the in- 
habitants were remitted, as the town had been laid waste by 
the Welsh. 

At Carmarthen 3 there was a large force of six knights, 
75 squires, and 240 archers, under the command of Sir Rustin 
Villenove, 6 and we have still an account of stores sent to them 
from Bristol in 1404, including the cost of carriage from the 
quay to the Back and towage to " Hongerrode." 

The Lord of Powys held Welshpool with a garrison of 
20 men-at-arms and 100 archers, and a schedule 7 is still 
preserved recording all their names. 

1 Called Carnwallan in DEP. KEEP. 45 KEPT., 83 (1884), or Carn- 
wallon in DICT. NAT. BIOG., XXL, 431. 2 Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 35 ; 
before his appointment Walter Morton was Constable of Kidwelly, May 
20th, 1403 (ibid., 46) ; ibid. XL, 14, 40, 41, refers to the offices of catch- 
poll and under-steward of the Englishry in Kidwelly. 3 Ibid. , XXVIIL, 
4, 3, Appendix A; at the same time (1403) six cannon and 20 arblasts 
were sent to the garrison of Brecon from London via Gloucester. 4 Due. 
LANC. REC., XL, 15, 71, 92 111 . s Q. R. ARMY, f , , 37, 38, App. o., 
John and Henry Nevil were the captains of the town. 6 Called Villse Noef 
in INQ. P. MORT, iv., 39; CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 22, refers to Sir Rustinus 
Vylnagh, of Yorks. REC. ROLL, 8 II. IV., M., March 8th, 1407, has 
repayment to him of loan, 361 5s. 6d. ; see also PAT. 9 H. IV., 2, 29; 
also ISSUE ROLL, 14 H. IV., M., for 161 55. 6d. lent by him March 
I2th, 1408, repaid November I5th, 1412. Q. R. ARMY |Q, 34, has names 
of his retinue by indenture dated May I2th, 1404 ; ibidem 33 has 
John Moreha/'s account, with a small fragment of a seal showing 
muster of 101 men-at-arms and 290 archers for castles of Carmarthen, 
Cardigan, and Newcastle Emlyn ; ibid. I. (May 8th, 1404) shows that Lord 
Lovell had lent 500 marks to the Duke of York for the garrison of those 
castles. ^ Q. R. ARMY, f , \\, App. G. 



8 Grosmont. [CHAP, xxxv. 

The town and castle of Ludlow x offered a loyal resistance 
to the Welsh, and the townspeople were in consequence allowed 
a welcome remission of dues. 

The Prior of the Austin Canons at Llanthony 2 remained 
loyal to the English, though he was suspected of leaning to the 
side of the rebels, and informers were not wanting who called 
for the confiscation of the lands in Drogheda 3 and County 
Meath which had been originally granted to the priory by the 
founder, Hugh de Lacy/ Lord of Meath, the first Viceroy of 
Ireland, and Walter his son. The priory 5 had proved far from 
a pleasant place to live in, and 28 years after its foundation the 
Canons betook themselves to a safer site just outside of the city 
of Gloucester, carrying off books, 6 relics, muniments, and even 
the heavy metal bells, to this " second Llanthony " by the 
Severn. Afterwards it was with the greatest difficulty that any 
of them could be induced to face the dangers of residence in 
their first home in Monmouthshire, and keep their cradle from 
decay. Still, inasmuch as the Irish lands were granted to it 
and not to the comfortable Gloucester settlement, 7 we may be 
sure they found some means of keeping themselves sufficiently 
in evidence there to secure a decent claim to their rights in 
Ireland. Now in their trouble the King stood their friend, and 

1 PAT. 6 H. IV., i., 12 (February 6th, 1405). 2 PAT. 6 H. IV., i., 33 
(November 8th, 1404), and ibid. 2, 23. 3 For the house of Columb of 
Colpe (called Calp in MONAST. vi., 138), see CAL. ROT. HIB., 199. For 
appointment of attornies for their Irish estates (December 3Oth, 1401), see 
CAL. ROT. HIB., 162; also June i4th, 1409, ibid. 191. On July 2ist, 
1402, Prior John Welyngton is going from Ireland to England (ibid. 165, 
169). An undated document (probably 1345) records that the King had got 
a judgment in the Irish Exchequer for 1360 marks against the prior, who 
was making excuses in England to get off (GRAVES, 314, 319). 4 MONAST. 
ANG. vi., 137. 5 For its situation see GIRALDUS, vi., 37 ; for view of it 
see MONAST. ANGL., vi., 568; D. WILLIAMS, 163. 6 MONAST. ANGL., 
VI., 133. ' The Gloucester establishment did not secure superior rights 
over the 1st Llanthony till 1481. MONAST. ANGL., vi., 139; see also 
MASON, 105, and DUBLIN ST. MARY'S CHARTULARIES, i., 184. 



1404.] Llanthony. 9 

the Prior was allowed the use of a house in Hereford, as his 
priory in the vale of Ewyas had been wasted x by the Welsh. 

In the Benedictine priory at Usk 2 the nuns were reduced 
to absolute want ; and at Acornbury, 3 three miles to the south 
of Hereford, the nunnery buildings were destroyed, and the 
nuns were in great distress. 

The whole of the western portion of Shropshire, including 
five of the sixteen hundreds of the county, was " burnt, 4 wasted, 
destroyed, and uninhabited." At Shrewsbury 5 the walls were 
in decay, and the Welshmen fired the suburbs unopposed. 
The abbey lands were over-run, and the hamlets of Frank- 
well, Newton, Brace Meole, Edgebold, Nobold, 6 Monk 
Meole, and Shelton, were all laid waste. Lower down the 
Severn, the Cistercian abbey of Buildwas 7 was burnt, the 
services were abandoned, and the monks brought to dire 
straits ; and at Baschurch, 8 the old Norman church was totally 
wrecked. In Radnorshire, the noble abbey of Cwmhir, 9 near 
Rhayader, was fired and spoiled ; and the abbey at Dore, 10 
in the Golden Valley, was only spared when the monks had 
obtained the consent of the English authorities at Hereford to 
come to terms with the destroyer. No wonder that the church- 
men with such prospects before them cried aloud n and put up 

1 PAT. 6 H. IV., 2, 3 (September loth, 1405). 2 USK, 90. 3 p AT . 6 
H. IV., 2, 5 (September 7th, 1405). 4 ROT. PARL., in., 637 ; for Whixall 
near Frees, see GIBBONS, ELY REC., 444. s PAT. 6 H. IV., 2, 20 (May 
20th, 1405); ibid., 7 H. IV., i, 18; ROT. PARL., in., 597, 619; OWEN 
and BLAKEWAY, i., 201 ; for plan of old Shrewsbury see SHROPSHIRE 
ARCH^OL. Soc., iv., 99. 6 For Newbald, see SHROPS. ARCH^OL. Soc., 
iv., 117. 7 PAT. 7 H. IV., 2, 23 (April 2nd, 1406) ; OWEN and BLAKE- 
WAY, i., 201. 8 EYTON, x., 140; OWEN and BLAKEWAY, i., 314; 
RELIQUARY, vi., 19. 9 LEL. ITIN., v., 12, and LEWIS, s. v. ; for recent 
excavations see ARCH^OL. CAMBR., 5th Series, vn., 150; for confusion 
with abbey of Kemmer or Kinner, near Dolgelly. see MONAST. vi., 458, 
742. I0 ROT. VIAG., 19; in GLAUS., n H. IV., 6 (Aug. 1st, 1410), Richard, 
abbot of Dore, is going to a general chapter of his order at Citeaux. " See 
the Latin line on the wall in the choir at St. Alban's, quoted in ORIG. LET. 
II., i, 43, from MS. of John of Tynemouth, in Library of Corpus Christ! 
College, Cambridge. 



io Grosmont. [CHAP. xxxv. 

special prayers to Christ, " the brightness of God," for the 
destruction of " Gleendor," and it is not surprising if some of 
their leaders began to see that the time had come for them to 
make terms for themselves with the enemy before all was lost. 

At St. Asaph, the Bishop, John Trevaur (or Trevor), had 
been at first a strong supporter of King Henry. He had been 
employed at Rome as an Auditor 1 of the Palace and had thus 
secured his Bishopric in 1395. In 1397, he had been one of 
the English envoys 2 appointed with John of Gaunt to ne- 
gociate with the Scots. Very shortly after King Richard's 
capture he was made Chamberlain 3 of Chester, Flint, and 
North Wales (August i6th, 1399). On the 24th August, 4 he 
received the seals from King Richard at Lichfield, "in presence 
of Henry, Duke of Lancaster," and he retained this office till 
after the battle of Shrewsbury. 5 In September, 1399, he was* 
a member of the Commission 6 which had pronounced the 
sentence of deposition on the fallen Richard, and he was 
afterwards employed in King Henry's service upon diplomatic 
business abroad. In August, i4oo, 7 he was with the English 
army which made the futile invasion of Scotland, headed by 
the banners of St. John of Beverley, St. Mary of York, and 
St. Cuthbert of Durham, and under all the misplaced sanctions 
of the Church. In 1401, he appears as Chancellor 8 for the 
counties of Cheshire, Flint, and Carnarvon, and he assisted the 
Government in the perilous times which culminated in the fall 
of Conway. In 1402, he was one of the Lieutenants of North 
Wales appointed to govern the country during the temporary 
absence of the Prince from Chester. On April 22nd, 1403, 

1 ERLER, 101, 102. 2 ROT. SCOT., IL, 142. 3 36TH KEPT., App. ii., 
pp. 9, 99, renewed November 1st, 1399 ; ibid., pp. 84, 100, 250 ; RAMSAY, 
i., 38. 4 36TH REFT., p. 376. 5 Ibid., p. 502. 6 ROT. PAKL., in., 424. 
7 Q. R. ARMY, 5f, App. G. 8 ADD. CH., 662, dated April i6th, 1401. 

9 36TH REPT., App. ii., pp. io, 442 (January I5th and February loth, 1402). 

10 Ibid., io, 102. 



1404-] Bishop Trevor. n 

the Prince of Wales made him his Lieutenant for the counties 
of Chester and Flint. From June 13th 1 to July loth, 1403, 
he was with the Prince's muster in Wales, at the head of 
10 esquires and 40 archers, and it is probable that he fought on 
the winning side at Shrewsbury. 

But the nearness of his diocese to the head quarters of the 
rebel strength, must have made him reflect from the first on 
the personal risk that he would run if once the Welsh rebellion 
should make steady head, and poor as his possessions were, he 
had raised an interested note of warning before the Parliament 2 
in 1401, to beware of entrance in a quarrel with the " barfoots," 3 
who for years afterwards defied the power of England. In due 
course the vengeance came. The Welshmen fell upon the town 
of St. Asaph as they had fallen on the lands of the neighbouring 
Bishop of Bangor. 4 They set fire to the cathedral, 5 and burnt 
the steeple, porch, choir, and vestry, with all their contents. 
The bells, books, vestments, stalls, desks, ornaments, and sacred 
vessels were all " burnt and utterly destroyed," while of the 
Bishop's palace and three of his manor houses, there was " no 
stick left." Bishop Trevor and a few attendants remained with 
the Prince of Wales, and for a time some decent maintenance 
was allowed him by the Archbishop of Canterbury. But he 
would not long consent to eat the bread of dependence. He 

1 Q. R. WARDROBE, |, App. F; Q. R. ARMY, 5 5 ", App. G. He built 
the bridge at Llangollen. ApPLEYARD,m.,7o. 2 Vol. I., 171, and WILLIS, 
SURVEY OF ST. ASAPH, i., 75. 3 The symbol for Welsh documents in the 
Treasury represented a man with one foot bare (KAL. and INV., I., 118; 
H. HALL, EXCHEQ., 58). " Caliga Wallice," i.e., one shoe to fit either 
foot, had become a proverb (GASCOIGNE, 223). For " barfote," see HIST. 
MSS., IOTH REPT., v., 245. Cf. GIRALD, vi., 119; SMITH, GILDS, 81. 
95, 98 ; Cov. MYST., 58, 308 ; AUNGIER, 350, 352 ; PIERS PLOWMAN, x. 
121, xxi., 9. Robt. Barefot occurs as a proper name in COLCHESTER 
RECORDS, p. 6; also Wm. Barefote, in GLAUS., II H. IV., 20. 4 Vol. I., 249. 
5 36TH REPT. DEP. KEEP., 10 ; WILLIS, IL, 112, 116, contains orders of 
Henry V. and VI. for helping to rebuild it, dated November 5th, 1414 and 
July 23rd, 1442. 



12 Grosmont. [CHAP. xxxv. 

slipped away secretly 1 and joined himself to Owen, as others 2 
of his cloth had already done. This must have been in the 
summer of 1404, for about Michaelmas 3 of that year his place 
as Chamberlain of Chester was taken by Thomas Barneby, and 
his name does not occur in the long list* of Bishops summoned 
to attend the Council at Westminster on January i5th, 1405. 
His property was forfeited as far as it could be got at. Some 
of his grain, valued at 20 marks was seized at Meliden, 5 near 
Rhuddlan, and Henry refused to acknowledge him any longer 
as a Bishop. The see 6 was declared vacant and placed under 
the charge of Thomas Prestbury, 7 Abbot of Shrewsbury, as 
keeper of spirituals acting on behalf of the Archbishop of 
Canterbury. The revenues, however, were too thin to attract 
any claimant for martyrdom from England. For five years 
Trevor remained a prominent figure amongst Owen's barefoots, 
burning, slaying, robbing, flogging, and imprisoning his former 
friends. He joined the rising of the Earl of Northumberland 
and fled 8 with him into Scotland in July, 1405. In 1409, the 
" claimant bishop " 9 is still referred to as a leader of the rebels, 
and he died unrepentant in Paris in 1410. 

Hitherto the war had continued with varying fortune, but, 
as a rule, when English troops met the Welsh in the open, their 
better discipline and arms could put the Welshmen to rout, 

1 Latenter abiens, ANN. 396. 2 See the case of the chaplain, Thomas 
Leggeley, who twice went to Owen to treat for private interests (36TH 
REFT., 287, February i6th, 1406). PAT. 13 H. IV. 2, 26 d, April lyth, 
1412, refers to Hy. ap David, parson of Chesilford (Chillesford) in Suffolk, 
as having long been an adherent of the Welsh and Scots ; Cf. INQ. P. MORT. 
in., 40. 3 ARCH. CAMB., 127. 4 ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 98 ; nobody seems 
yet to have traced the charter of Henry V. dated 1415, which led Wharton 
(DE EPISCOPIS, 345) wrongly to suppose that the see was vacant in 1402. 
5 Called Althmeladyn in 3OTH KEPT., 57, October I5th, 1406. 6 PAT. 6 
H. IV., 2, 10 (August 27th, 1405) ; ibid., 9 H. IV., i, 6 (February 24th, 
1408). 7 p AT . I0 H. IV., i, 16; ibid., 2, 20 (June I2th, 1409) ; CONC., 
in., 304; LE NEVE, i., 71. 8 SCOTICHRON., n., 441 ; LIB. PLUSCARD., 
i., 348. 9 Episcopum prcetensum. RYM., vin., 588. 




1404.] Craig-y-Dorth. 13 

while the latter took their advantage in all cases where time 
and climate wearied out their foes with starvation and disease. 
Thus, in the year 1404, a Welsh force engaged the Earl of 
Warwick in the mountains near Machynlleth, 1 on the western 
border of Montgomeryshire. The English were victorious and 
Owen 2 narrowly escaped capture ; his banner was lost, and his 
bannerer, 3 Ellis ap Richard ap Howel ap Morgan Llwyd, 
of Alhrey, was taken prisoner, together with " much of his 
people." But, as a rule, the English kept within their castles 
and walled towns, and had enough to do to maintain them- 
selves even there. One of their outposts was planted on the 
hills at Craig-y-Dorth, 4 about four miles to the south of Mon- 
mouth. They were attacked by the Welsh and driven back 
disastrously into the town. Now, however, the strongest castles 
in the country were yielding one by one, owing to the dilatori- 
ness of the English council and the emptiness of the English 
exchequer. Caerleon, 5 Caerphilly, Newport, and Usk had 
already fallen. At Cardiff, in spite of the nearness of Bristol, 
the garrison of 24 men-at-arms and 479 archers had been 
reduced to dire straits, and one mutilated skin of parchment * 
remains recording their last purchases. It shows that they paid 
1 8s. 2d. for 4 Ib. of powder, 28 stones and 40 gads for their 
two guns and an iron pestle to firm them. The account also 
shows three barrels of salt meat, a pipe of salmon, some beans 
and some beer. But within a short while they yielded. Owen 

1 CARTE, u., 661, quoting ELLIS, calls the place Mynydd Camsdun ; 
PENNANT, I., 367, has Mynydd Cwm du, possibly Mynydd-du, north- 
west from Machynlleth on ORDNANCE SHEET, LIX., N.E. 2 Rows, 360. 
DUGDALE, I., 243, places the engagement in 1403 before the battle of 
Shrewsbury. The Earl of Warwick was certainly employed in Wales in 
September, 1402, though the expedition is said to have failed. Vol. I., 285. 
3 PENNANT, i., 368, from Ancient Pedigrees, MS. penes Thomas Griffith, 
of Rhial. 4T. ELLIS, 70. s Vol. I., 445. 6 Q. R. ARMY, g, App. G, 
refers the attempt at rescue to December 1404, though in EUL., in., Ixiv., 
FOR. ACCTS., 1-6 H. IV., the date is December, 1403, as Vol. I., 445, 



14 Grosmont. [CHAP. xxxv. 

burnt the town and dismantled the castle, sparing only the 
house of the Grey Friars l in Crockerstone Street, though even 
they could not save their books and chalices from the general 
loot. Radnor was defended by Sir John Greindor, 2 with nine 
men-at-arms 3 and 22 archers, but in the spring of 1405 it 
capitulated to Owen, who " defaced " the town 4 and beheaded 
60 men in the castle yard. The castle of Kevenlleece 5 on the 
Ithon was burnt, and the Earl of March's domains at Knighton 
and Cnvvclas 6 were destroyed. The King's lands about Ogmore 
.and Ebboth 7 were laid waste, so that his revenues 8 from them 
for some years had to be entered as nil. The town of Mont- 
gomery 9 was " deflourished," the hill castle of Dinas, 10 near 
Talgarth, was abandoned and fired to prevent it from falling 
into Owen's hands, and the walled town of Hay 11 still bore 
marks of his vengeance when John Leland visited it 140 years 
after. 

On the far-off western coast, Edward the First's great 
castles of Harlech and Aberystwith had at length given up 
the desperate struggle after being beset for more than two 
years, 12 and several times at the point of starvation. It is a 
striking evidence of the poverty of English resource, and a 
lasting disgrace to English enterprise and intelligence, that two 

1 MONAST., vi., 1545 ; ARCH^.OL. CAMBR., April 1889, p. 99. 2 Spelt 
"Greindre" or " Greindore," ROY. LET., i., 17; " Greyndour," PAT. 7 
H. IV., I, 26 d; "Greyndor," ibid., 9 H. IV., 2, 22; "Greyndur." 
CLARK, CHARTS, n.,38; "Greyndore," PRIV. SEAL, 647/6445. He 
had been Sheriff of Glamorgan, and had represented the county of Hereford 
in the parliaments of 1401 and 1404. RETURN PARL., i., 260, 267. 3 FOR. 
ACCTS., 10 H. IV., has his account from August gth, 1402, to January, 
1405. 4 LEL. ITIN., v., 3, vii., 14, f. 67. s p AT . 7 H. IV., I, 2 (January 
27th, 1406) ; ibid., 2, 8 (July i8th, 1406) ; called Keventhis in PAT. 8 H. 
IV., i, 8 (December 8th, 1406). 6 Or Knocklace. PAT. 10 H. IV., i, 5. 
7 PAT. 7 H. IV., i, 22 (January 2oth, 1406); 45TH REPT. DEP. KEEP., 
App. i., 86. 8 See LEVENTHORPE'S account in Due. LANC. REC., Class 
xxviii., bundle 4, No. 4, App. A. 9 LEL. ITIN., v., 3. I0 Ibid., 59, f. 69. 
11 Ibid., v., 62. I2 As early as December I4th, 1402, we have a notice that 
Harlech was besieged (DEVON, 290), and in May, 1403, it was believed 
that both castles would certainly fall if not relieved within ten days. Vol. 
I., 343, where Aberystwith should be read for Lampeter. 



1405.] Aberystwith. 15 

such impregnable strongholds, posted on the very edge of an 
open coast, should ever have been allowed to fall, so long as 
English troops held Dublin and English ships commanded the 
western sea. Of the circumstances which brought about the 
fall of Harlech we have had a brief glimpse, 1 but of the fall of 
Aberystwith we have no details. We only know that from 
March 3ist to November i3th, 1404, the castle was under the 
charge of Sir Thomas Burton, who was also Constable of 
Cardigan, and that his total force for manning the two castles 
amounted to only 12 men-at-arms 2 and 45 archers. It is 
certain also that Aberystwith had yielded before January i2th, 
1405, on which day Owen confirmed 8 the league with France 
" in our castle of Lampadarn."* On January loth, 1405, he 
was at Cefn Llanfair 5 with his sons Griffith 6 and Meredith, 
his Chancellor Griffith Yonge, and the brothers William 7 and 
Rhys ap Tudor. Here he granted a pardon to John ap Howel 
ap Jevan Goch, which was sealed 8 with a royal seal representing 

1 Vol. I., 431. In Q. R. ARMY, 5 6 S , App. G, Wm. Hunt is constable 
of Harlech, June 26th, 1403, with one man-at-arms and 23 archers. 2 Q. R. 
ARMY, 5 9 6 , App. G, has list of their names, almost all being English. 3 RYM. , 
VIIL, 382. 4 LEWIS, s. v., Aberystwith. Cf. RYM., vui., 419, where it 
is called " castrum de Lampader," with ibid., 497, " castrum de Arburust- 
wich juxta novam villam de Lampadere situatum." For Llan Padarn super 
mare, see ANNALES CAMBRICS, 105, called " les chastielx de Abristwith 
joust Lampader" in ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 221, REPT. ON FCED., E, 65 ; see 
'also WALS., I., 18, 21, and ACADEMY, 24, 3, 88, p. 210 ; not Lampeder 
as LINGARD, in., 443, nor Lampeter as Vol. I., 343, 377, 432; RAMSAY, 
I., 108. 5 Either Llanvair near Harlech (GiRALDUS, 438), or Cefn Llan, 
close to Llanbadarn Vawr, about one mile to the east of Aberystwith. 
6 By January loth, 1406, Griffith was a prisoner in the Tower. 1 They 
were natives of Penmynnedd in Anglesea. ARCH.^EOLOGIA CAMBR. 
III., v., 145, xv., 380. 8 PENNANT, i., 381 ; T. ELLIS, 72 ; THOMAS, 
147 ; BRIDGEMAN, 259. For Owen's great and privy seals with lions 
rampant, see ARCH^OLOGIA, xxv., 616 ; ARCH^:OL. CAMBR., 5th Series, 
VI., 274, 288; N. S., II., 121 ; TYLER, i., 251; and II. frontispiece; 
KNIGHT'S SHAKESPEARE, HIST., i., 210, from the Hotel Soubise in Paris, 
now TRES. DES CH. CARTON, J, 623, piece 96, in DOUET D'ARCQ., i., 285. 
A dagger with lion passant and three fleurs de lys (a plume of feathers ?) 
once preserved at Rug, near Corwen, now in University College at Cardiff, 
has been wrongly ascribed to Owen. THOMAS, 172, ARCH^OL. CAMBR., 
N. S., ii., 120. It really belonged to Charles I.; sete MANCHESTER 
GUARDIAN, February 23rd, 1889. 



1 6 Grosmont. [CHAP. xxxv. 

Owen seated in all the pomp of heraldic blazonry with a sceptre 
in his right hand and a coif on his head, though it is curious 
that he had already had to correct the date 1 from which 
his reign was supposed to begin. 

But by this time many a Welsh patriot must have flagged in 
his zeal for so wanton a destroyer, 2 whose havoc and red ravage 
were written deep in every county in Wales. 

It was rumoured that a formidable attack would be delivered 
in the spring of 1405 by the renowned Rhys Gethin, the captor 3 
of Sir Edmund Mortimer. On January 27th, 1405,* the Prince 
of Wales wrote from Hereford for reinforcements, though he 
does not appear to have received much satisfaction in reply to 
his demand. Five hundred marks (^"333 6s. 8d.) had been 
promised to him for his troops at Michaelmas last, but he did 
not get the money till ten months later. 3 

In North Wales, the castles of Flint, Rhuddlan, Conway, 
Beaumaris, and Carnarvon, were held by scanty garrisons, the 
whole provision for the safeguarding of all the five being 
only eight men-at-arms and 108 archers, showing an immense 
decrease from the numbers 6 employed two years before. In 
Conway castle, where the garrison had before stood at 15 men- 
at-arms and 60 archers, the numbers had been since the 
beginning of 1404 only three men-at-arms and 32 archers for 
the defence both of the town and castle. At Carnarvon, under 



1 Cf. RYM., viii., 356 and 382. 2 IOLO MSS. 98 (493), from MS. of 
Rev. THOS. BASSETT, of Llan-y-lai, has list of some places destroyed by 
Owen, including the castles of Penllin, Llandochan, Thref-Flemin, Din- 
dryfan Bwtler, Thal-y-Fanni, Llanfeiddan, Llancwyfan, Malffawnt, and 
Penmark, together with the villages of Llanfrynach, Aberthin, Lllanilltud 
fawr, and other places. He refers to a battle at Brynowain (now Stalling 
Down), where the English were defeated after 18 hours hard fighting, the 
horses being fetlock-deep in blood at a place called Bant-y-Wennol, "that 
separates both ends of the mountain." 3 Vol. L, 282. 4 VESP. F., xill., 
15. s ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., PASCH., July aoth, 1405. 6 Vol. I., 342. 



1405.] Carnarvon. 17 

the command of Robert Parys, 1 who was now Constable of the 
castle, there had been 20 men-at-arms and 80 archers ; the 
numbers were now 3 and 36 respectively. But even for 
these attenuated numbers the wages were all in arrear. There 
is extant a complicated statement 2 of the claim of the garrisons 
in these rive places at the beginning of the year 1405, showing 
arrears amounting to ^735, dating in some cases as far as 
twelve months back. At various dates the Constables made 
application to the Chamberlain at Chester for their wages, and 
received sundry trifling payments on account, but the gross 
total only amounts to ^"140, though paid at intervals dating 
from December i8th, 1404, to April 2nd, 1405. 

At the close of the previous Parliament it had been ordered 
that the Earl of Arundel should receive 30 men-at-arms and 
150 archers, with pay for eight weeks, for the defence of his 
castle at Oswestry. The eight weeks had almost passed and 
the promised support had not been sent. Believing that this 
order, like so many others, would be quite inoperative against 
them, the Welsh were becoming more " high and proud " 8 than 
ever before. On the yth of February, 1405,* the Earl of 
Arundel sent messages to the Council remonstrating against 
the non-fulfilment of their promise, and urging that even now, 
if the supports were sent and continued for a whole year, the 
rebels must sue for peace or be smashed up (gastez) and 
destroyed. 

Nevertheless the question of substantial help to Wales was- 
certainly under serious consideration in London. Forces were 

1 Vol. I., 431. ARCH^EOL. CAMBR., 1862, p. 125. Parys became 
Constable in 1404, Sir John Bolde being Constable of Conway. In another 
list dated 1403-4, the garrison at Carnarvon amounts to 10 men-at-arms 
and 60 archers, under Roger Massy, Wm. Tranmore, and Robt. Parys. 
Q. R. WARDROBE, ||, App. F. 2 ARCH/EOL. CAMBR., 1862, pp. 124-129. 
3 Sy hautes ne sy orgoilouses. ORD. PRIV. Co., I., 247. 4 Ibid., i., 246. 



\i'8 Grosmottt. [CHAP, xxxtf. 

'assembled at Hereford and Monmouth l under Sir Thomas 
Beaufort, and we have still a fragment of a memorandum 2 
showing that it was intended that the King should proceed in 
person to Wales, accompanied by a force of 500 men-at-arms 3 
and 2,650 archers from Cheshire and Shropshire, 4 whose wages 
would be paid for two months (from April 27th to June 22nd, 
I405). 5 As early as March 2nd, 6 the arrangements were pro- 
gressing, and various functionaries, such as minstrels 7 and 
" valets of the Queen's kitchen," 8 were told off to soften the 
rigours of the royal campaign. At the same time supports 
amounting to 300 men-at-arms and 1,398 or 1,400 archers, 
under the command of the Duke of York, the Earl of Warwick, 
and the Earl Marshal (son of the late Duke of Norfolk), would 
be forwarded to strengthen the garrisons 9 in Brecon, 10 Radnor, 
Hay, Cardigan, Newcastle Emlyn, Aberystwith, and Aber- 
gavenny, or such of them as had not yet fallen. But before 
these arrangements were completed some cheering news came 
in, and subsequent events prevented the intended programme 
from being carried out to the full. 

We have seen that the Prince of Wales was at Hereford 
making his plans for meeting the expected attack. At length 

1 ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., MICH., February i8th, 1405. 2 ORD. PRIV. 
Co., I., 253. It is certainly earlier than February i/th, 1405, when the 
Duke of York was denounced as a traitor. 3 Called " men-of-arms " (sic) 
in ORDINANCE FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE ARMY, 1386, HARL. 
MSS., 1309, in NICOLAS, AGINCOURT, 107. * PAT. 6 H. IV., n., 29. s i n 
FOR. ACCTS. , 1 1 H. IV. , is an account of Wm. Beauchamp, Lord of Aber- 
gavenny : ^1,274 for wages of 80 men-at-arms and 400 archers, from 
April 27th to June 27th, 1405. 6 PAT. 6 H. IV., i., 2, 3, 7. 7 Ibid., 2, 
26. RAMSAY, I., 142, says " we seem to hear of only one King's minstrel 
at Court." 8 See GERSON, v., 608. Non ferebantur post eos ferrei furni 
aut stanneae fornaces ut parvas facerent pastas aut placentas. 9 In PAT. 6 H. 
IV., II., 29, dated March 24th, 1405, the same list appears without 
Aberystwith, which had then capitulated. I0 Due. LANG. REG., XL, 15, 
5I 1 , 57 1 , S8 1 , has orders to spend 100 marks on repairs of walls, gates and 
ditches of Brecon, February 7th .and May 2nd, 1404. 



.1405-] Gilbert Talbot. J9 

in the morning of March nth, 1405,* a large rebel force from 
Glamorgan, estimated at 8,000 men, appeared before the castle 
of Grosmont, 2 in the upper valley of the Monnow. The castle 
was then under the command of Sir John Skidmere, 3 as the 
representative of the Constable Sir Hugh Waterton, and so 
wasted were the surrounding lands that in the previous 
November 4 half the rents due by the tenants to the Duchy 
of Lancaster had to be remitted. The Welsh force attempted 
to fire the town, but before they could carry out their purpose 
they were smartly attacked by young Gilbert Talbot. 6 His 
" few meinie " 6 was joined by Sir William Newport 7 and Sir 
John Greindor, who had recently commanded the castles of 
Usk 8 and Radnor. The whole of the English force amounted 
to only a very small number (un tres petit pouvoir en tous), 
but they did such execution that the undisciplined and panic- 
stricken Welshmen took to their heels, leaving from 800 to 

1 RYM., viii., 390; ORIG. LET., n., i, 39; APPLEYARD, in., 83. 
ANN., 399, says Ash-Wednesday, which fell on March 4th, in 1405, just 
a week too soon. 2 For view of Grosmont see D. WILLIAMS, 145 ; COXE, 
336. In Due. LANG. REG., XL, 15, 48% Sir Hugh Waterton is Constable 
of the castles of Grosmont and Monmouth on June 5th, 1404. Monmouth 
was left in the charge of William Hamme. Due. LANG. REG., XL, 15, 73 
(January 2yth, 1405). 3 Due. LANG. REG., XL, 16, 31, February 2Oth, 
1405. Ibid., Class xxviii., bundle 4, No. 4, App. A, refers to executors of 
J. Skidmere, late escheator of Hereford. 4 Due. LANG. REG., XL, 16, 73% 
Nov. 26th, 1404. 5 ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH. (Dec. 3rd, 1405), refers 
to him as still under age, though DUGDALE, L, 328, says that he was 22. 
He was 13 years old when his father died, September 8th, 1392. HUNTER, 
HALLAMSHIRE, 61. He had now been in the Prince's service for three 
years. ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH. (December I3th, 1406). In REG. 
ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH. (December nth, 1406) and 10 H. IV., PASCH., 
Sir Hugh Waterton pays loos, for custody of two-thirds of the lands of Sir 
Richard Talbot, in Irchenfield. 6 " Mon petit meigne de mon hostel," see 
WYNT., in., 32, 33; CHAUCER, MANCIPLE'S TALE, 17180; PROMPT. 
PARV., s. v., " meny"; PURVEY, REM., 31 (=meyne), HOCCL., DE REG., 
J 33> : 56; or "meynye," HOCCL., MINOR POEMS, 116; "maisgnie," 
PISAN, n., 32 ; "mesnie," DESCHAMPS, v., 27 ; or "mesgnie," ibid., v., 
216, 305 ; "mesgniee," ibid., VIL, 19. ? He brought 29 men-at-arms and 
150 archers to the Prince's muster at Shrewsbury, in April, 1403. Q. R. 
WARDROBE, gjj, App. F. 8 ORD. PKIV. Co., IL, 68. 



20 Grosmont. [CHAP. xxxv. 

1,000 dead on the field. Not a single Welshman was taken 
alive with the exception of one " great chieftain," who was so 
badly hurt that he could not sit his horse. The loss on the 
English side must have been very trifling, and only four houses 
in Grosmont were touched by the fire. As a consequence of 
this success, the tenants in the valleys 1 of the Olchon, the 
Honndu, and the Dore, who had suffered frightfully from the 
ravages of the Welsh, together with those in the district called 
the Ffwddog in the Black Forest, and the northern banks of 
the upper valley of the Usk, sent in their submission to the 
Sheriff at Hereford. 

1 ROT. VIAG., 19, names Hotheney, Slad, Ffowothog, y Glyn, Olghan, 
and Stradewy, cilra aquam de Usk. PAT. 9 H. IV. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

STOPPAGE OF ANNUITIES. 

DURING the previous year the King had been disheartened and 
crippled in health and purse, worried by Welsh, Scots, and 
French, and standing at bay in the midst of an irritated and 
grudging nation. He was now able to report himself as daily 
improving 1 in health, while his spirits rose on receiving news 
of the extraordinary successes against the Welsh. 2 The liberal 
grants made in the last Parliament were not long in producing 
a striking change in his finances. Now, at length, the War 
Treasurers had something like full hands, and, while personally 
friendly to the King, they were bound to employ their funds 
for the defence of the country alone. The pinch of the new 
financial regulations would be sorely felt by Easter, 1405," the 
date at which the " ordinance " 4 for the restriction of grants 
would really begin to take effect, and it was becoming more 
and more essential that some definite steps should be taken at 
once to secure a return of confidence in the power of the new 
dynasty to crush opposition in face of the inevitable soreness 
that must follow on the coming confiscations. 

How the trial was borne by those who thus suddenly found 
themselves deprived of a substantial slice of what they had been 
long accustomed to consider as their own, may be gathered from 

1 Beneficia convalescentke misericorditer indies operatur Deus Omni- 
potens in nobis. BEKYNGTON, n., 374. 2 Regno nostro contra Wallicos 
rebelles nostros plus solito prosperante. Ibid., 376, 377. These letters 
were obviously written in the spring of 1405, when Frederick de Mitra had 
been some months in England. See MARTENE, ANEC., I., 1707-1712. 
3 HOCCLEVE, MINOR POEMS, xn, 38. * " i t ma y no t be, bycause of the 
ordynaunce ; Long after this shall no graunte chargeable Oute passe." 
HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 68. 



22 Stoppage of Annuities. [CHAP, xxxvi. 

the personal record of Thomas Hoccleve,i the London poet, 
who in this year 2 wrote his penitent ballad to the God of 
Health. For twenty years 8 he had been stooping and staring 
upon the sheepskin, copying documents under the Privy Seal, 
and " keeping in his song and his words " for a livelihood 
averaging ^4 a year. 4 To this King Henry had added an: 
annuity 5 of ;io per annum till he should receive a benefice. 
But he was too fond of the pleasures of Westminster and the 
Strand, and he ruined his chance when he married 6 a wife 
"only for love." His pouch 7 was now all void and empty, 

1 MORLEY, VI., 122, says that "the name is Occleve in the only place 
where we are nearly sure that he himself has written it," i.e., "Occleve, 
fadir myne, men callen me" (HoccLEVE, DE REG., 67 ; MORLEY, vi., 130). 
But in his OMNEGADRUM, ADD. MSS., 24062, f. 105 (101) for contents 
see MINOR POEMS, xxix. he wrote " Hoclyf facta per manum suam ad 
finem libri." In ibid., f. 2, a later hand spells it " Thos. Harkliff clerke 
du pryvy seal en le temps de Geffray Chaucer." The name is spelt 
"Hoccleve" in ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 88, and in POEMS (MASON) p. 6i,&c. 
also in his own handwriting in the DURHAM MS., see MINOR POEMS, 242; 
but "Occlyff" in ISSUE ROLL, n H. IV., MICH. (November 22nd, 1409) ; 
or "Occlive," ibid., 7 H. IV., MICH. (March 26th, 1406); 8 H. IV., 
PASCH. (June I2th, 1407) ; 9 H. IV., PASCH. (July 5th, 1408). For John 
" Hokclif " who was assessed for subsidy in London in 1412, see ARCHVEOL. 
JOURN., XLIV., 75. The name is probably taken from Hockliffe or 
Occleve on the Watling Street, near Dunstable. MONAST., vi., 758;, 
LYSONS, i., 94; MORLEY, vi., 122. For extracts from SUBSIDY ROLLS 
temp. ED. II. , III., see HOCCLEVE, MINOR POEMS, vu. For picture of 
Thomas Hoccleve in BODL. DIGBY MS., 233, see STRUTT, ANTIQ., 77. 
2 Annus ille fuit annus restrictions annuitatum. HOCCLEVE, POEMS, 55 ; 
DE REG., x.; ROT. PARL., in., 601 ; STAT., IL, 156. 3 In 1410 he 
writes that he had been in the office of the Privy Seal 24 years " come 
Easter," i.e., he must have joined in 1386. "Thou of the pryve seal art 
old y-yerede." HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 29, 34, 36, 37, 67 ; MINOR POEMS, 
ix, XVIL; MORLEY, vi., 127, 128. 4 HOCCLEVE, MINOR POEMS, xiv. 
5 Ibid., LI. 

6 I gased longe first and waitede faste 
After some benefice and when none came 
By processe I weddede me atte last, 
Onely for love I chese her to my make. 

HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 53; MINOR POEMS, xv. 

7 For that alle voide and empty is my pouche, 
That alle my luste is queynt with hevynesse. 

HOCCLEVE, DE REG., i8cx 



1405.] Thomas Hocdeve. 2$ 

his future years 1 were like to be sour, thoughty, * and woe-begone, 
and himself a cumberworld, 3 unsicker 4 of his scarce and slender 
livelihood in lickpenny 5 London, forced to beg, 6 steal, or 
starve, and gaping 7 after honest death. For twenty winters 
past he had plucked at his purse's strings and made them gape 8 
and yawn. Excess had laid his knife with him 9 at board among 
the cooks and taverners at Westminster Gate, 10 rear-suppers 11 
and late risings K at Chester's Inn 13 and frequent visits to Paul's 
Head u had made cold 15 roost in his coffer and left him a mirror 

1 HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 31. 2 Ibid. , 4. 3 Ibid., 75 ; SKEAT, 14, 370. 
4 HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 2, 48. s SKEAT, 373. 

6 So God me amende I am alle destitute 

Of my livelode, God be my refute 

I am unto so streyte a poynte ydrive, 

Of thre conclusiouns mote I chese one, 

Or begge, or stele, or starve, I am yshrive 

So nye that other wey see I none, 

My herte is as dede as ony stone. 

Nay there I faile, a stone no thyng ne feelethe 

But thoughte brennethe and fresingly keelethe ; 

Wold honest deth come and me oversterve, 

And of my grave me putte in seisyne 

To all my grief that were a medicyne. 

HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 65. 
7 Ibid., 5,48. 

8 For thoughe I never were of hye degree 

Ne hade moche goode ne grete richesse, 
Yet hath the vice of prodigalitee 

Smertede me and do me hevynesse. 
So have I plukked at my purses strenges 

And made hem oft for to gape and gane, 
That his smalle stuffe hathe take hym to his wenges, 

And hathe sworne to be my welthes bane, 

But yf releef my sorwe away plane. 

Ibid., 157 ; MINOR POEMS, xv.; SKEAT, 21. 

9 Let nat Syre Sorfait sitten at thy borde. P. PLO., ix., 277. I0 HOCCLEVE, 
MINOR POEMS, xn., 30; LYDGATE, 105; CHRON. LoND.,262; MORLEY, 
VI., 123 ; SKEAT, 25. Il Ware of Reresoupers and of grete excesse.-LYDGATE, 
68. I2 HOCCLEVE, POEMS, 31, 50; DE REG., vi. ^ HOCCLEVE, DE REG., i. 
For Chester's Inn or Strande Inn, demolished in 1549 to make way for 
Somerset House, see HOCCLEVE, MINOR POEMS, xvm. I4 At Poules 
Head me maden oft appear. HOCCLEVE, POEMS, 37; DE REG., vi. ; 
MINOR POEMS, xn.,.29. i s In my coffre pardee is colde roost. HOCCLEVE, 
POEMS, 51 ; DE REG., ix. Cf. "thy cofres warmenesse." Ibid., no. 



24 Stoppage of Annuities. [CHAP, xxxvi. 

of riot and misrule with nothing to live on but his rakel l wit. 
With broken health and spirit simple and sore-aghast he begged 
the Treasurer 2 for a token or two to get his ;io from the 
Exchequer if only for this year, believing that he was knit 3 
unto sickness and ripe 4 for his pit. For five years 5 he waited 
on, complaining that the King had proved a breaker 6 of his 
covenant. But by the help of the Prince of Wales he managed 
to pull through those dreary days, and the rolls 7 record his 

1 His rakil wit only to him suffyseth. HOCCLEVE, POEMS, 33 ; MINOR 
POEMS, 27. Cf. CHAUCER, MANCIPLE'S TALE, 17227 32, 38. 

2 Now let my Lord the Fourneval I preye, 

My noble Lord that now is Tresorer, 
HOCCLEVE, POEMS, 55 ; DE REG., ix.; MINOR POEMS, xn., 38. 

3 Unto seeknesse am knyt thy mortal fo. HOCCLEVE, POEMS, 29 ; MINOR 
POEMS, 26. 4 And now I am so rype unto my pit. HOCCLEVE, POEMS, 34; 
MINOR POEMS, 28 ; DE REG., v. Me hasteth blive unto my pittes brink. 
HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 35. 

5 In short wise this is of thy greef enchesoun, 

Of thyne annuitee the payement, 
Whiche for thy longe service is thy guerdon, 
Unnethe maist thou it gete it is so streyte. 

HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 64. 
My yearly guerdon, my annuitee, 

That was me grauntede for my longe labour 
Is alle behynd, I may not paide be, 
Whiche causethe me to live in languor. 

Ibid., 157; SKEAT, 21. 

6 Now yf that ye graunte by your patent 

To your servauntes a yerely guerdoun, 
Christ shilde that your wille or your entent 
Be sette to make a retraccioun 
Of payement, for that condicioun 
Exilethe the peple's benevolence, 
And kindlethe hate under prive silence. 
For your honour much better it were 
No graunt to make at alle, than that your graunt 
You preve a breker of covenaunt. 

HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 172. 

7 In PAT. 10 H. IV., 2, 24, and ISSUE ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH. (Feb. 
I3th, 1409), Thomas Occliff has 10 per annum for life for service a longo 
tempore in officio priv. sig. ; or 20 marks, ibid. II H. IV., MICH. (Nov. 
22nd, 1409); ii H. IV., PASCH. (July nth, 1410) ; 12 H. IV., PASCH. 
(July 8th, 1411); 13 H. IV., MICH. (Feb. 26th, 1412); 14 H. IV., MICH. 
(Nov. 26th, Dec. loth, 1412). The larger grant dates from MICH., 1408, 



1405.] Thomas Hocdevc. 25 

steady payment for twenty years yet, and though he was still 
worried 1 by scarcity of coin, yet he went on cheerily cadging 
for " ships " 2 as a salve 8 and ointment for his sickness, to buy 
again his dinner-flour and wheat for the Thursday meetings of the 
" Court of Good Company " 4 at the Temple. Afterwards God 5 
gave him a " bone to gnaw " in the shape of a severe illness 
followed by tits of insanity, 6 and in 1424, when his back was 
bent 7 and his eye dim, 8 he was beneficed 9 with a corrody 10 in 
the Priory of Southwick, 11 near Portsmouth, where he would 



see HOCCLEVE, MINOR POEMS, xm, LVI, LIX. In ISSUE ROLL, n H. 
IV., PASCH. (June 23rd, 1410), he receives 22s. 2d. for ink, parchment, red 
wax, &c. For series of payments to him from 1399 to 1426, see HOCCLEVE, 
MINOR POEMS, Li LXIX. For poems addressed by him to Henry V. in 
1417, see CHAUCER (BELL), vm., 170; ACADEMY, XXXIIL, 325, 361 ; 
HOCCLEVE, POEMS, 72. For his Letter to Cupid, translated from Christine 
-de Pisan in 1402, see URRY'S CHAUCER, 534; ARBER, iv., 54; HOCCLEVE, 
MINOR POEMS, 72, 91, 243. 

1 So me werryeth coynes scarsetee. 

HOCCLEVE, POEMS, 74. 
I am so adradde of moneyes skantnesse, 
That myn herte is alle naked of lightnesse. 

HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 45. 

2 i. e. nobles. Unto that ende sixe shippes grete 

To give us han ye grauntid and behight. 

HOCCLEVE, POEMS, 66 ; ibid., MINOR POEMS, 65. 

3 Ibid., POEMS, 63. 4 Foss, iv., 179. s HOCCLEVE, MINOR POEMS, 109. 

6 Witnes uppon the wyld infirmitie 
Whiche me owt of myselfe cast and threw. Ibid., 96. 

7 HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 37. 8 Ibid., MINOR POEMS, 51. 9 Ibid., xxxvin. 
10 For corrody, or life maintenance at the expense of a religious house, see 
DUCANGE s. v. CONREDIUM; ARNOLD, 256. For instances at Pershore, 
see CLAUS., 10 H. IV., n ; Reading (CLAUS., 14 H. IV., 14 d.); Oxney 
(GLAUS., 10 H. IV., 15); Welbeck (ibid., 29); Tintern (CLAUS., 13 H. 
IV., 2 d.); Grimsby (ibid., 4 d. ); Peterborough (ibid., 29 d. ); Newbo, near 
West Allington, Lincolnshire (NoTT. REC. , I., 154); Shrewsbury and Priory 
of St. Germans, in Cornwall (CLAUS., 1 1 H. IV., 31 d., 33 d.); St. Albans 
(GEST. ABB., HI., 113); York St. Mary's (TEST. EBOR., I., 343); Newcastle 
(WiLLS AND INV. , 80). For the case of a man who wanted to will away 
his corrody, see YEAR BOOK, 12 H. IV., p. 17. " HOCCLEVE, MINOR 
POEMS, xxvi, LXVIII. 



26 Stoppage of Annuities. [CHAP, xxxvi., 

receive his pittance l of mitches z and convent ale, together with 
a gown and an allowance for meatsilver 3 till he died at a great 
age about the year 1450. 

But the general absence of any increasing discontent may 
be taken as proving the moderation with which the new or- 
dinance was carried out, though it is again an evidence of the 
greediness of the royal family that the only reference to a 
remedy now forthcoming is contained in an order 4 allotting a 
portion of the money claimed by the King on account of the, 
ransom of some of the prisoners taken at Dartmouth, not in 
alleviating the distress of the poorer claimants on whom the 
cancelling of their grants would most crushingly fall, but in 
swelling the wealth of Queen Joan, whose enormous annuity 
was already specially secured as a first charge 5 on the proceeds 
of the general confiscation. 

A special exemption from the operation of the new rules, so 
far as they concerned the honour of Richmond, 6 was also made 
in favour of the Earl of Westmoreland, perhaps the wealthiest 
nobleman in the whole country, and it is noteworthy that 
whereas the amount 7 drawn on account of the King's Great 
Wardrobe had dropped under the vigilant superintendence of 
the first War Treasurers from ^"8,000 to ^3,469, there is 
already a decided recovery in the direction of extravagance, 

1 WILLS OF KINGS, 179. In QUEEN PHILIPPA'S STATUTES (Novem- 
ber I3th, 1352), for the Hospital of St. Katherine, a corrody for a 
sister meant two loaves daily (one white and one black), a flagon of ale 
(or id. instead), and two dishes of different kinds of meat. The pit- 
tance was doubled on 15 great Feast days. Besides this they had 2os. per 
annum for clothing, or 403. in the case of a man. SINCLAIR, i., 38. At 
Sion, the prebend was I Ib. of bread, a pottle of ale, and a mess of meat, 
and " if the prebend be simple it is to be restored with the pittance, if it 
be good and sufficient to go round then no force what the pittance be." 
AUNGIER, 393. 2 MONAST. ANGL. , ii., 359; PROMPT. PARV., 336. 
3 LIB. GUST., 794. * RYM., vin., 381 (January loth, 1405); ISSUE ROLL,. 
6 H. IV., MICH. (Feb. 3rd, 1405); DEVON, 300. Cf. ROT. PARL., in., 625. 
s ROT. PARL., in., 601 ; STAT., n., 157. 6 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 21 (Feb. 
i9th, 1405). 7 ANTIQUARY, vi., 103. 



i ; 405 . ] , Exemptions. 2 7 

for the recorded total under the same head for the year ending 
September 29th, 1405, runs up to ^4,707. 

It will be remembered that in making their grants in the 
previous November, the Parliament had stipulated that the 
whole of the money was to be administered by the War 
Treasurers, and that it would be forfeited if a sufficient force 
were not ready for the defence of the country, both on sea 
and land, by the end of January, 1405. The Parliament had 
been dissolved on November i4th, 1404, and within a week 1 , 
the members of the Council were summoned to repair to West- 
minster and arrange for the safety of Guienne. Means were to 
be taken also to supply the Earl of Somerset 2 with 2,000 men- 
at-arms and 3,000 archers for the protection of Calais. The 
Earl of Westmoreland 3 was to have wages paid for his troops 
in Carlisle and Roxburgh. The Duke of York, as Lieutenant 
of South Wales, 4 drew ^3, 433 6s. 8d. from the customs receipts 
at London, Boston, and Southampton ; and the King's son 
John, who had just received 2,000 marks (,1,333 6s. 8d.) on 
December i8th, 1404^ as Warden of the East March of Scot- 
land, got an additional ^1,000 from the clerical subsidy on 
January 28th, I405. 6 

A fleet of sixty vessels was to be collected from all the ports 
on the Eastern coasts. It was to be manned by 700 men-at- 
arms 7 and 1,400 archers, with pay and provisions for three 
months at a cost of ,8,243 175. 4d., 8 and to be ready to put 
to sea about the end of February, 1405, under the command of 
King's son Thomas, who was appointed Admiral of England* 
on February 2oth, 1405. 

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 243 (November 2ist, 1404). 2 RYM., vin., 382 
(Jan. i2th, 1405); ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 244. 3 CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 30 (Nov. 
26th, 1404). 4 ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., MICH. (Feb. i8th, 1405). s R O T. 
SCOT., ii., 172 b. 6 Ibid., 11., 173 a. 7 MONSTR., xxiv., p. 20, says 
4,000 to 5,000 fighting men. 8 RYM., vin., 389. 9 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 4 
in EUL., in., LXIV. 



28 Stoppage of Annuities. [CHAP, xxxvi. 

No results had yet appeared from the alliance formed be- 
tween the representatives of Owen and the King of France in 
Paris on July i4th, 1404. In this document, the two rulers 
had bound themselves to act fairly towards each other, and to 
do all that one good, true, and trusty friend should do to an- 
other good, true, and trusty friend, that they would keep each 
other informed of the doings of " Henry of Lancaster," that 
each would keep his subjects from helping him against the 
other, that neither would make any truce with him unless the 
other were included, that French ships and Frenchmen should 
be allowed to trade and settle freely in Wales, and Welshmen 
in return should receive the same privileges in France, and 
that disputes between Welshmen and Frenchmen should be 
amicably arranged. It would appear from the action of the 
French authorities as though they were prepared to throw over 
their humble " ally," at least in the matter of negociations with 
the enemy. They had shown their sincerity, however, by their 
armaments at Sluys and Harfleur, which had kept all England 
in alarm during the winter of 1404, and the future was fraught 
with possibilities of danger for the opening year. It was to 
meet this danger that the English Council directed their best 
energies in the spring of 1405. But their preparations would 
have been as unavailing as those of previous years, and the 
stock of money in hand would have been frittered away in un- 
profitable waiting, had not the King's old enemies made another 
effort to overthrow him in the open, and so given him once 
again the wished-for chance of striking blow after blow just at 
the vital moment when he was best prepared to face them. 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 
THE EARL MARSHAL. 

THE first warning was given by the outbreak of a mimic feud 
which might well remind the King of the revolution already 
wrought by time. Six years before, he had met Thomas Mow- 
bray, Duke of Norfolk, in the lists at Coventry as an antagonist 
on equal terms. Both had been banished from the country, 
but the very month which saw Henry chosen by the Parliament 
as King of England brought an inglorious death to his late rival 
on the far shores of the Adriatic. The Duke of Norfolk died 
in debt at Venice i on September 22nd, 1399. His immense 

1 MARSH (168) from a different interpretation of the same passage in 
DUGDALE (i., 129) places his death on September 27th, 1400, but this is 
certainly wrong, for on December 4th, 1399, he is already spoken of as 
dead. ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 100. See also CAL. ROT. HIB., 155 (January 
l8th, May 3rd, 1400). For order of Venetian Senate, dated February i8th, 
1399, lending him a galley for visiting the Holy Land, at the request of 
King Richard, see VENETIAN STATE PAPERS, i., 38 ; ORIENT LATIN, n., 
243. In FROIS. , xvi., 409, it is said that his banner is still preserved at 
Venice, but the reference is evidently to the stone, originally in St. Mark's 
church, then transferred to the Doge's Palace, and now at Corby. See 
ABCH^OL., xxix., 40, 387; xxxi., 365 ; YEN. STATE PP., i., LXXXIII.; 
MEMORIALS OF HOWARD FAMILY, and BOUTELL, HERALDRY, p. 233 (2nd 
edition), or p. 258 (3rd edition) ; GOUGH, in., 68; PLANCHE, 56, 247. 
But the achievement obviously does not fit Mowbray. The antelope or 
white hart (not cceur blanc ! as LETTENHOVE), lodged in a collar [cf. servo, 
(i.e. cervo) in medio cujuslibet colerii jacente, see ARCH^OL. , L. , 502 ; cum 
damis jacentibus in uno nodo, ibid., 508 ; " cignes et hindes," RYM., vni., 
295. LOVENEY'S account for 1391-2 has payments for embroidering one oif 
Henry's slops cervis intra garters, and for a gold hind with white enamel 
in a garter, with a collar round its neck, given to the Countess of Derby. 
Due. LANG. REC.,XXVIII., i, 2, App. A. For Richard the Second's white 
hart in Westminster Hall and in the triforium of Westminster Abbey, see 
ARCH/EOLOGIA, xxix., 40; XLV., 309. The white hart was the badge 
of the Hollands, see SANDFORD, 124. For the antelope of Henry IV., 
see WILLEMENT, 32], the De Bohun swan, the SS collar [not collar of 
the garter, as RAWDON BROWN, in ATLANTIC MONTHLY, LXIII., 741], 
the ostrich feathers [ BOUTELL, 72. For plumes d'ostrich see WILLS 
OF KINGS, 149; pennre de ostrich, ARCH^EOLOGIA, L., 503, 506, 508; 



30 The Earl Marshal [CHAP, xxxvu. 

estates in almost every county of England and Wales (the mere 
enumeration x of which fills 1 1 columns of closely printed folio), 
fell into the King's hands. From time to time he received 
unpleasant reminders from the Duke's creditors in Venice, who 
had advanced money to him on the strength of an express 
stipulation in his will that their claims 2 should receive the very 
earliest consideration. The Duke had been married to Elizabeth, 
sister to the Earl of Arundel. He left two sons, Thomas and 
John, 3 and two daughters, Margaret and Isabel. 4 The elder 
son, Thomas, was 14 years of age 5 at his father's death. He 
was at that time a page 6 in the household of Richard the 
Second's queen Isabel. Here he might perhaps learn the 

"estryge ffethers," HONE, 84. -For the foxes brush, see HAWKINS, 
ANGLO GALLIC COINS, 27. For Henry's banner with fox-brushes alternating 
with stocks, see BOUTELL, 222], and the banner of England all tend to 
identify it with Henry of Bolingbroke's visit to Venice in 1392-3. The 
fleur de lys semee indicate a date prior to 1406. That a label on the crest 
was not essential may be seen from Henry's seal before his accession (in 
ARCH^OL., xxxi., 365) ; but it is probable that if the upper part of the 
banner had been preserved, it would have shown the label as in BOLTON, 
ELEMENTS OF ARMORIES, 69 ; SANDFORD, 190, 244. The stone has 
recently been figured in CROSTON'S edition of BAINES' LANCASHIRE, I., 69, 
.as "from the king's tomb at Canterbury!" also in ATLANTIC MONTHLY 
(June, 1889), Vol. 63, p. 742, with facsimile copy of plate in FRESCHOT, Li 
PREGI DELLA NOBILTA VENETA ABBOZZATI IN UN Giusco D'ARME, 1682. 
BRUNET SUPP., i., 519. 

1 INQ. p. MORT., i H. IV., 71, a.b. 2 ORIG. LET., in., i, 50. VEN. 
STATE PP., I.. 47. 3 PAT., 9 H. IV., i., 28, 31 (Nov. I4th, 1407), has pay- 
ment to Joan, Countess of Hereford (^200 per annum) for his support, being 
still under age. Also ISSUE ROLL, 10 H. IV. (Dec. 4th, 1408, Feb. I3th and 
July i6th, 1409) ; ibid., n H. IV., MICH. (Dec. 2nd, 1409) ; PRIV. SEAL, 
647/6470 (February 25th, 1410), since Easter, 1407. In PAT., n H. IV., 
2, 2 (March 8th, 1410), he passed from her custody to that of the King who 
allowed him ^174 per annum. ISSUE ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH. (November 
2oth, 1410); ibid., 14 H. IV., MICH. (November igth, 1412). On July 
20th, 1411 (PAT., 12 H. IV., 2 ; PRIV. SEAL, 652/6965) he was transferred 
for three years to the custody of the Earl of Westmoreland, who straightway 
contracted him in marriage with his daughter Catharine (MARSH, 171 ; 
SWALLOW, 137). For the marriage license dated January I3th, 1412, see 
TEST. EBOR., in., 321. He proved his age before William Orwell, Mayor 
of Calais, in the spring of 1413. GLAUS., 14 H. IV., 3 (March 4th, 1413). 
4 MARSH, 169. s DUGDALE, i., 130. DOYLE, IL, 687, says that he was 
born about 1387. 6 ORD. PRIV. Co., I., 100 (December 4th, 1399). 



1405.] The Mowbrafs heir. 31 

accustomed lessons 1 of "honour and gentleness," but we may 
be sure that he would not be trained in sentiments of loyalty 
or respect towards the family of the usurper. 

Very soon after their father's death, a petition was presented 
to the Council on behalf of the two lads, and a modest provision 
was allowed them out of the proceeds of their family estates 2 in 
South Wales, viz,: 350 marks (^233 6s. 8d.) per annum to 
the elder, and ;ioo per annum to the younger, to be continued 
till the heir should come of age. In 1397, their father, then 
Earl of Nottingham, had been granted the office of Marshal of 
England for himself and his heirs, but his banishment had 
voided the grant, and the Earl of Westmoreland had now the 
office for life. Young Thomas Mowbray was not allowed to 
take his father's title as Duke of Norfolk,s or his office as_ 
Marshal of England, but he was to be called the Earl Marshal, 4 
a title which had been claimed as one of the hereditary 
privileges 5 of his family since the days of the marriage of 
William Marshal 6 with the daughter of Strongbow, in the reign 
of Richard I. He remained for a short time in the household 
of Queen Isabel, and in the latter part of the year 1400 he 



1 For pages and their duties see FURNIVALL, MANNERS AND MEALS IN 
THE OLDEN TIME, pp. vi.-xvn., DARMSTETTER in CONTEMP. REV., Jan., 
!893, p. 93- The usual payments to a bachelor were 20 per annum in 
peace, and 50 marks in war for himself and an esquire (Due. LANG. REC., 
XL, 14, 9). 2 The list of his possessions at his death in 1405 (taken in 1405 
and 1407) in INQUISITIONES POST MORTEM, IIL, 303, 313, seems sadly 
shrunken when compared with his father's (ibid., 267), nevertheless the 
number of manors is still enormous. 3 CHRON., GILES, 43. 4 He was also 
Earl of Nottingham, Lord of Mowbray (Yorks. ), Seagrave (near Lough- 
borough), and Gower (PAT., 7 H. IV., i., 19, 28, 41 ; GLAUS., 9 H. 
IV.. 12). 5 For the office of Marshal of Ireland, hereditary in the 
family of Morley, see DUGDALE, BARONAGE, IL, 26 ; PAT., 12 H. IV., 
35 (July 3rd, 1411). 6 MARSH, ANNALS OF CHEPSTOW CASTLE, 66. 



32 The Earl Marshal. [CHAP, xxxvu. 

married Constance Holland, 1 a daughter of King Henry's sister 
Elizabeth z and the luckless Earl of Huntingdon, 3 who had 
paid for his loyalty to King Richard on the block at Fleshy. 

The Earl Marshal was now old enough to receive his sum- 
mons and to take his place in Parliament and Council, and a 
curious question of precedence arose between him and the 
young Earl of Warwick, who had lately distinguished himself 
in repulsing landing parties of the French on the Southern 
coasts. It was one of those singular quarrels of etiquette which 
seem so trifling on the surface, but which often indicate so 
much secret working below. The Earl Marshal, as " the 
Mowbray's heir, a famous house and old," 4 based his claim on 
his royal connection, being descended directly on his father's 
side from Edward the First and Henry, Earl of Lancaster. 
The Earl of Warwick set aside blue blood, and claimed that 
his ancestors had taken actual precedence of the Mowbrays as 
Earls 5 "of time that no mind is the contrary." Nevertheless, 
" to draw in time of mind," he claimed that in the list of the 
five Lords who appealed 6 King Richard's favourites in 1387, 
his father's name came before that of Mowbray's father, and he 
found the same kind of evidence in seals and signatures to 

1 Documents relating to negociations for this marriage were deposited in 
the Treasury July I2th, 1400, and kept locked in a chest with three locks 
(KAL. AND INV., n., 62). On December 2nd, 1400, property was settled 
on her during her minority (PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, n). In YEAR BOOK, 7 H. 
IV., TRIN., 46 a.; 8 H. IV., MICH., 14 b., she is called " un Constance 
le Contesse Marshal." 2 ANN., 411. 3 YEAR BOOK, i H. IV., MICH., i., 
records that he was tried before the Earl of D. [sic] who was acting as 
Steward of England during a vacancy, that he pleaded guilty and was con- 
demned to death. For his autograph see NICHOLS, 10, C. 2. For his 
monument at Fleshy, see WEEVER, 637, who had seen a fragment of it. 
On January 26th, 1400, the Countess of Hereford sent two trussing coffers 
and other parcels of his valuables to the Council (KAL. AND INV., n., 85). 
For his Church patronage in Devonshire, see STAFF. REG., 136, 190. His. 
son John, who is still a minor in PAT., 7 H. IV., 14 d. (Feb. 5th, 1406) 
receives 100 marks per annum in PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 20 (Dec. 3rd, 1407). 
4 MIRROUR FOR MAGISTRATES, 287. s R O T. PARL., iv., 267. 6 Ibid., 
in., 229. 



1405.] Thomas, Lord Berkeley. 33 

public and private documents witnessed by both their fathers 
together. 

A similar dispute for precedence was waxing also between 
the Earls of Kent and Arundel and the Lords Beaumont and 
Grey. The matter was referred to a Great Council, which met 
in the Palace at Westminster 1 on the ist of March, 1405, when 
the King gave his decision in favour of the Earls of Warwick 
and Kent and Lord Grey. The decision would appear to have 
been impartial, but it carried with it, by implication, an indig- 
nity to which the Earl Marshal would not submit. For some 
months past he had been sounded as to his willingness to 
participate in a new venture, but hitherto he had cautiously 
refrained from committing himself. Now, however, his mind 
was made up, and after attending a council in London as late 
as April ipth, 1405^ he disappeared and threw in his lot with 
open rebellion against the King. 

The time seemed favourable for plots, and the plotters had 
been long secretly at work. In the fall of the previous year, 
the King had been greatly incensed to hear that the French 
were preparing an attack upon Guienne. Upon this, with his 
usual impulsive haste, he made up his mind to proceed thither 
himself in person. On the 2yth of October, I404, 3 orders were 
sent to impound vessels at Southampton, and a navy 4 was to be 
ready at Plymouth, under Thomas, Lord Berkeley, Admiral for 
the South and West. On the 24th of December, 1404, Lord 
Berkeley was ordered to proceed to Bordeaux " for some service 

1 Cf. ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 104, with ROT. PARL., iv., 267. EUL., 
in., 405, represents that the Earl Marshal claimed the office of Marshal of 
England, which was held by the Earl of Westmoreland. 2 HARDYNG, 362. 
3 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 24 d. 4 For " navie " see ORD. PRIV. Co., I., 208 ; 
GOWER, CONF. AM., 65. 

D 



34 The Earl Marshal. [CHAP, xxxvu. 

there to be attempted." He was "a deep, wise man," 1 bent on 
securing "an honourable and opulent revenue." He was always 
in need of money to pay for his horses, hounds, hawks, cocks, 
pheasants, books, 8 authors, turners, 8 and other such expensive 
luxuries. He had to keep up his state barges, deer parks, 4 
" inclosures, improvements, and conversions." Moreover, on 
June 6th, 1404^ he had lent ;i,ooo to the King " towards his 
expenses by sea," and he held an indenture 6 dated May ist, 
1404, whereby the King was to have a fourth part of " all gain 
got at sea from the enemies." All things considered, it may 
have been thought better that the King should not be personally 
sharer in such an expedition, and the fleet accordingly started 
without him. By this timely change the plans of all the dis- 
affected were awkwardly deranged, but they could not back out, 
and they were consequently hurried forward with all their pre- 
parations incomplete, and fell victims one by one in a series of 
blundering fiascos. 

1 SMYTH, 11., 35, 36. He died in 1416, aged 64 (ibid., 19, 34) ; for his 
will dated February 2nd, 1415, see GENEAL., v., 212. He was buried at 
Wotton-under-Edge, Gloucestershire. See figures in J. H. COOKE, SKETCH 
OF BERKELEY, p. 31 ; CH. QUARTERLY REVIEW, October, 1877, p. 127. 
He styles himself Thos. Berkeley, Lord of Berkeley (SMYTH, n., 36). 
Trevisa calls him Sir Thomas, Lord of Berkeley (ibid., I., 243; n.,22). 
2 STRUTT, ANTIQ., 77. 3 i.e., translators. ANGLIA, vni., 195 ; HIGDEN, 
II., 237, 245. For the " multitude of bokes and tretees drawne in Englische 
that nowe bene generale cominede, "see ANGLIA, x., 326. 4 SMYTH, n., 6, 12, 
16. s GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 23, October 28th, 1404. Q. R. ARMY, *, m. 18 ; 
GLAUS. , 6 H. IV. , 1 1 , 20, shows that the Archbishop of Canterbury (June 
9th, 1404) and Sir Thos. Erpingham (April 27th, 1404) had each lent 1000 
marks for the same purpose. 6 SMYTH, n., 10. By this he undertook to 
pay four bannerets at 45. each per day, seven knights at 2s. 3d., 285 
esquires at is., 600 archers at 6d. , for service on the sea. In FOR. ACCTS. , 
10 H. IV., he claims payment for this force, sailing from Southampton July 
6th, 1404, and returning to the same port August 23rd, 1404, ^"1723 155. 
Cf. NICOLAS, NAVY, u., 193. 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
THE MORTIMERS. 

IT will be remembered that when Sir Edmund Mortimer finally 
cast in his lot with the Welsh rebels by marrying Owen's 
daughter, he claimed to be acting not in his own interests, but 
in the name of his young nephew Edmund, 1 the son and 
successor of his brother Roger, Earl of March, who was killed 2 
in Ireland in 1398. This Roger Mortimer had married Eleanor 
Holland, a sister of the Earl of Kent, who was beheaded by the 
mob at Cirencester 3 in the miserable rising which ended in the 
death of King Richard early in 1400. We have still extant a 
family biography written by a retainer of the house of Holland, 
who, having been in the service of Eleanor's father, Thomas, 
Earl of Kent, 4 records the deeds of her husband's family since 
the days of Hugh Mortimer, the founder of the Augustinian 
Abbey at Wigmore, in the days of Henry II. From this account 
we gather that Roger, Earl of March, left four young children, 
the eldest a daughter named Ann, who was nine years of age at 
her father's death, two sons, Edmund and Roger, 5 aged six and 
five years respectively, and a little girl, Eleanor, still younger. 
When Henry became King he was shrewd enough to see the 
necessity of securing the persons of the two boys whose claim 
to the throne might some day be advanced as direct descen- 
dants of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, the next heir on the failure 
of the family of the Black Prince. The two little girls were left 

1 Vol. I., 344. 2 Vol. I., 3. 3 Vol. I., ioo. 4 He calls him "Domini 
mei." MONAST. ANGL., vi., 355. s Edmund, bom November 6th, 1392 
or 1391 (DOYLE, ii., 470, COMPLETE PEERAGE, 269), Roger, born December 
24th, 1393. FONBLANQUE, i., 1 78, calls Edmund the only son. 



36 The Mortimers. [CHAP. XXXVIH. 

in the care of their mother Eleanor, who soon 1 married Edward 
Charleton, 2 Lord of Powys, and received an allowance 3 from 
the King out of the Mortimer estates, 4 which her husband 5 
farmed till her death in the autumn 6 of 1405, after which the 
girls, 7 "having no support and being destitute of parents and 
friends," were handed over into the King's charge and allowed 
a grant of ^100 per annum. But from the first the boys were 
taken to be brought up in King Henry's household 8 with his 
own children. 

Very early in the new reign it is evident that Sir Edmund 
Mortimer was attempting to regain possession of his young 
nephews. Having previously as their guardian consented to 
their retention in the King's power, he soon made efforts to 
repudiate his liability for their maintenance out of their father's 
estates, which were being administered under the custody of 
the Earl of Northumberland and others. In the summer of 
i4oi, 9 the matter came before the Court of Common Pleas, 

1 i.e., before April 8th, 1400, on which day an order was drawn up in 
Dublin confiscating Charleton's Irish estates as an absentee. These estates 
he held by virtue of his marriage with Eleanor, late wife of Roger 
Mortimer, Earl of March. CALENDARIUM ROTULORUM HIBERNI^E, 158. 
2 BANKS, DORMANT BARONAGE, n., 85, says that he married Maud, 
daughter of Roger, Earl of March, but from PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 29, 35, 
ibid., 10 H. IV., I, 16, and GLAUS., 10 H. IV., 27, it is certain that her 
name was Eleanor (as in DUGDALE, n., 72, HASTED, i., 194), and that she 
died before November 2nd, 1405. See also CAL. ROT. HIB., 186 (June 
3rd, 1407). In PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 5, 6 ; REPT. DIGN. PEER, in., 802, he is 
called Edward Cherleton de Powys, chivaler. He was made a Knight of 
the Garter in 1408. BELTZ, CLVII, 154; NICOLAS, i., 49. 3 DUGDALE, 
i., 150 ; MONTGOMERY COLL., i., 287. 4 A list of their manors, &c., fills 
13 folio pages in INQ. P. MORT., iv., 85-98. Cf. ibid. , in., 231-242, 256. 
SREC. ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH. (November 24th, 1406) ; ibid., 9 H. IV., 
MICH. (November 28th, 1407). Her first husband is called Edmund (sic), 
late Earl of March, in REC. ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH. (July i6th, 1409). 
6 DUGDALE, i., 150 ; from INQ. p. MORT., 7 H. IV., 23 ; PAT., 7 H. IV., 
2, 35 ; GLAUS., 7 H. IV., I. ^ PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 34 (May I3th, 1406) ; 
GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 2 ; PAT., 9 H. IV., I, 14 (January 8th, 1408) ; Q. R. 
WARDROBE, *, App. B. 8 ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCOUNTS (L. T. R., 
Roll n) App. c, 1400, contain entries for hempen canvas for their bodies 
and rooms. 9 YEAR BOOK, 2 H. IV., Trin., 23 b. 



1405.] Edmund the Good. 37 

with Sir William Thirning l presiding " in the White Chamber 
next the Exchequer." The Court gave its decision unanimously 
by the mouth of John Markham, one of its members, and re- 
jected the appeal, on the ground that no one could claim to be 
the guardian of a minor who was a ward of the King. All the 
lands were accordingly adjudged to be in the King's hands till 
the lad should be of full age. 

In I402, 2 when the King made one of his entries into 
Wales, the two boys were left with the royal children, John and 
Philippa, at Berkhampstead, under the strict charge of Sir Hugh 
Waterton. The elder of the two, in whom the populace 3 were 
already prepared to see a future aspirant to the crown of Eng- 
land, was now twelve years old, 4 and was reputed to be a serious 
boy 5 of studious habits, staid in his bearing, deliberate in his 
behaviour, reserved in speech, and cautious in his ways, "re- 
deeming the time because the days were evil." For the winter 
of 1404, both boys were lodged in Windsor Castle under the 
care of Sir Hugh Waterton. 6 Here they had the companion- 

1 For his will dated May 28th, 1413 (not 1399, as ACADEMY, 23, 8, 90, 
page 150), see GIBBONS, 140. For account of him see CAMPBELL, 
CHIEF JUST., i., 114. His name is spelt "Thyrnyng"in OLIVER, 276, 
ADDIT. CHART., 7567. The place-name is now Thurning, in Hunts. 
2 RYM., vni., 268, July 5th, 1402. 3 MONAST., VI., 355. 4 He was 
born in the New Forest, November 6th, 1392. MONAST., vi., 355. s Not 
"weak, self-indulgent, and unambitious," as FONBLANQUE, I., 204, who 
wrongly supposes (p. 203) that he joined his uncle Edmund, and that they 
were " both taken prisoners " by Owen. 6 For his appointment as Constable 
of Windsor Castle for life, dated February 5th, 1405, see PAT., 6 H. IV., 
I, 19 ; see also ibid., 7 H. IV., i, 25, and 2, 39. He succeeded Sir Peter 
Courtenay, who died February 2nd, 1405 (not 1409, as DUGDALE, I., 640), 
INQ. P. MORT., in., 302 ; NICOLAS, i., 49 ; BELTZ, 331 ; YEAR BOOK, n 
H. IV., MICH., 10. For Courtenay's brass in Exeter Cathedral, see 
ANTIQUARY, xiv., 197, figured in EXETER DIOCESAN ARCHITECTURAL 
ASSOCIATION TRANSACTIONS, in., 33, 92, 108, Plate 14. On this he is 
called " regis cognatus," his mother being Margaret, daughter of Humphrey 
de Bohun, DUGDALE, I., 639. In 1388 he is called " cousin" to Richard 
II., BELTZ, 329, his nephew Hugh having married Maud Holland, a half- 
sister of the king ; BELTZ, 54; DUGDALE, i., 639, n., 74; CLEAVELAND, 
198 ; ST. DENYS, in., 118 ; DEVON, LIX. She died in April, 1392 ; BELTZ, 
253. He fought at the jousts of St. Inglevert, on March 2ist, 1390 (FROis., 



38 The Mortimers. [CHAP, xxxvin. 

ship of Constance, 1 sister to the Duke of York and widow of the 
late Lord le Despenser. After her husband's death at the 
hands of the mob at Bristol, she had his headless body removed 
for burial with his fathers * beneath the lamp in the middle of 
the choir of the Abbey church at Tewkesbury. She had then 
returned with her children, 8 Richard and Elizabeth, to Cardiff, 
where another girl (Isabel) was born (July 26th, 1400) six 
months after the father's death. In March, 1404, she petitioned * 
that she might recover her dower from the lands forfeited by 
her husband, and her petition was granted, She was allowed 
to have the charge of her boy, who was now eight years 
of age 5 and attached as a page to the household 6 of Queen 
Joan, though the custody of his lands and castles was granted 
to his uncle, the Duke of York, 7 as a set-off against his claim 
for ;8,ooo due as arrears of payment when acting as the King's 
Lieutenant in Aquitaine. 8 But the two little girls were taken 
from her " for certain reasons," and were safely and securely 
kept by John Grove, 9 one of the King's valets. The elder of 
them, Elizabeth, died soon afterwards, and was buried in St. 

xiv., 106 ; PICHON, 70), and in the same summer he joined the Duke of 
Bourbon's expedition against Tunis. CABARET, 222, 238, 248, where he is 
called Jeannicot d'Ortenge. He is wrongly called Comes de Devonie by 
the Abbot of Cluni, in DUCKETT, i., 183. In TRANSCR. FOR. REG., 135, 
his appointment as Lieutenant of Calais is dated November 2nd, 1399. 

1 She is called Constance le Despenser, " my daughter," in the will of 
Isabel, Duchess of York, proved January 6th, 1392. TEST. VET., I., 135. 
In Q. R. WARDROBE, * 6 8 , is an account dated January 27th, 1405, showing 
two sesters three pitchers of Malvoisie, delivered to her and the 
Duke of York and Sir Thomas Beaufort at Windsor. See Appendix B. 
2 MoNAST., ii., 62; LEL., ITIN., vi., 66; SHARPE, n., 384. 3 LEL., 
ITIN., vi., 65. 4 Vol. L, 101. s WALS., n., 268. On December 7th, 
1411, he is still intra setatem et in custodia regis. CLARK, CART/E, n., 
75. In January, 1412, he married Eleanor (not Elizabeth, as DUGDALE, 
I., 397, MONAST., ii., 62), twelfth daughter of the Earl of Westmoreland, 
TEST. EBOR., in., 321 ; but he died childless at Merton, October 7th, 1414. 
CLARK, L, 336. 6 EUL., in., 402. 1 PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 20 (May i7th, 
1403). 8 Where his salary was to be 25,000 marks per annum. ISSUE 
ROLL, February, 1403 ; DEVON, 297. 9 DEVON, 300. 



1405.] La Dame le Despenser. 39 

Mary's church i at Cardiff. Her sister, Isabel, when eleven 
years old became the wife of Richard Beauchamp, 8 Lord of 
Abergavenny, and after his death in 1422, she married his 
cousin and namesake, Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick. 3 
But the "certain reasons" which caused the removal of the 
girls are now clearly known. Their mother, Constance, was at 
the time living in concubinage with Edmund Holland, the 
young Earl of Kent, whose brother had been "headed by 
the commons " 4 at Cirencester. He was scarcely 5 out of his 
minority and was still a ward in the King's hands, not being of 
sufficient age to succeed to his brother's estates till January, 
1405. 6 He then received special permission 7 to marry whom 
he would without paying a fine. Whether he would have really 
married the Lady le Despenser had events turned out other 
than they did, we do not know. It is certain that " never any 
espousals were had," 8 and that a daughter, Eleanor, who was 
born of the unlawful union, failed subsequently in her attempts 
to be certified " mulire," 9 i. e. " born within espousals," and 

1 The church was destroyed by a flood in 1607. 2 DUGDALE, I. , 240, 
397. They were married July 2ist, 1411. For his shield in the roof of 
St. John's church, Cardiff, see ARCH^EOL. CAMBR., 5th series, vi., 355. 

3 In ARCH^EOL. JOURN., XLV., 252; WILLS OF KINGS, 190; CLARK, CART^;, 
II., 112, she is confused with her mother Constance, and made to die in 1394. 

4 Rows (Hearne), 234 ; Rows ROLL, 49 ; fuit tue fesant le dit treason 
sans judgement, YEAR BOOK, 7 H. IV., MICH., 32 ; proditorie insurgendo 
mortem sibi causavit, USK, 44; POL. SONGS, I., 451. On January loth, 
1400, Archbishop Arundel wrote that the Earls of Kent and Salisbury and 
Sir Ralph Lumley had been beheaded by "St. Rustics, who does all her 
work outside" (Sancta Rusticitas quae omnia palam facit), HIST. MSS., 
9TH REPT., in (1883). Cf. In Sanctre Rusticitatis stabulum universalis 
ecclesioe commendandum (of the Good Samaritan), DOLEIN, 246. Also 
simplicitas et rusticitas religionis catholicae, ibid., 247. See also MART. 
COLL., vii., 698. s He received his first summons to Parliament in Dec., 
1405. COTTON, 449; REPT. DIGN. PEER, in., 793. 6 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 
15 ; DOYLE, n., 278. i PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 17 (Jan. 5th, 1405). 8 ROT. 
PARL., iv., 375; STAT., 9 H. VI., c. n. In a family chronicle these 
blemishes are glossed over, and she is represented as married to Thomas, 
Earl of Arundel, which is altogether a confusion. MONAST., n., 62. 
9 For such a terme our lawe useth for them which be laweful children. 
SMITH, DE REP. ANGL., 104. 



40 The Mortimers. [CHAP, xxxvin. 

when, in 1407, r the Earl publicly married the Lady Lucy, 2 
youngest daughter 3 of Bernabo Visconti, the patron of letters 4 
and the scourge of Lombardy, 5 the discarded mistress was con- 
tent to be present at the ceremony in the new Priory church 6 
of St. Mary Overy, in Southwark, and raised no claim for 
honourable recognition either for herself or her little girl. 

The Lady le Despenser was, with her boy Richard, at 
Windsor in the winter of 1404, the King was spending his 
Christmas at Eltham, 7 and the events of 1399 seemed ready to 
be re-enacted. About Christmas time, 8 the walls of the palace 
at Eltham were to be scaled and King Henry despatched, or, if 
this should prove impracticable, a band of desperadoes would 
wait for him some day and kill him on his way to London. 

1 July i;th (CHRON. LOND., 90) or July i4th (GREG. CHRON., 104), 
not January 24th, as FABIAN, 383, HOLINSHEAD, IL, 532; nor 1406, as 
NICOLAS, NAVY, 11., 459. 2 CHRON. R. II.-H. VI., 34; CAXTON, 219. 
She had been betrothed to him at Milan, March 25th, 1406. RYM., 
x., 139. 3 ROT. PARL., iv., 29, 375 ; RYM., ix., 121 ; x., 136 ; EUL., 
in., 410; LEL. COL., i., 485 (f. 698) ; L'ART DE VER., in., 648 ; ANDER- 
SON, 662. In CHRON. GODSTOWE, 239, CROYL., 499, she is called sister 
(i.e.. sister-in-law) to the Duke of Milan, her sister Catherine having married 
Gian Galeazzo, the first Duke. D'ACHERY, vn., 244; RYM., vn., 213. 
In MART. ANEC., n., 1471, Bernabo is consequently called the father of 
Gian. In WALS., 11., 274, DUGDALE, IL, 77, she is called the daughter of 
the Duke of Milan. In DOYLE, IL, 278, she is vrrongly called the sister of 
Bernabo. He had 29 children [ENG. HIST. REV., (1888) p. 35], but her 
name does not occur among the list of his daughters in RATISBON, 2133, 5, 
probably because she was too young to be married at the time of his death 
(December i8th, 1385). SOUTHEY (IL, 45) is only guessing when he calls 
her a " young widow " in 1408. HOLINSHEAD, n. , 532, calls her the eldest 
daughter of Bernabo. It is said that she had previously hoped to marry 
King Henry himself. For letter (dated November 24th, 1400) of her sister 
Elizabeth, at Wasserburg in Bavaria, recommending her niece Magdalene 
for marriage either with the King or one of his sons, see ARCH^OL. JOURN., 
XIL, 377. In a letter written in 1407 (BEKYNTON, n., 372), King Henry 
calls her : " ingenua nobilis et pneclara domina Lucia de Vicecomitibus con- 
sanguinea nostra." Her cousin Yolande having been the wife of Henry's 
uncle, the Duke of Clarence. ' 4 II ama fort les homines estudians toute sa 
vie et leur fist pluiseurs biens, mais combien que il leur fist escripre pluiseurs 
beaulx livres il avoit son estude plus en or qu' en science. BONET, in 
PAULIN PARIS, vi., 248. 5 Vol. I., 275. 6 GREY FRIARS CHRON., n; 
MONAST., vi., 171. 7 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 18, December 24th, 1404. 
8 ANN., 398. 



1405.] Flight from Windsor. 41 

The centre of the conspiracy was the archplotter, the Duke 
of York, at that time the King's Lieutenant in South Wales, 
where he would doubtless do his best to prepare the ground. 
If the first part of the programme should prove a success, his 
sister at Windsor would assist him by setting at liberty the 
young Earl of March and producing him for the emergency, 
while all Wales and the North would be ready to strike re- 
doubled blows at the paralysed government in London. But 
as usual, threatened men die hard, and the King spent his 
Christmas in leisure and merriment at Eltham. 

A marriage had been arranged between Antonine Dagvar, 1 
one of the ten foreign chamber-damsels who had been allowed 2 
to remain in the Queen's retinue, and an esquire named Perot 
Grewer. 3 Suitable grants were of course arranged for their 
future household expenses, and the marriage festivities went 
forward all unconscious of the presence of any prowlers on the 
outskirts of the palace walls. At Windsor, however, the plot 
went on apace. With the connivance of Lady le Despenser, a 
locksmith had made duplicate keys, 4 and about the middle of 
February, I405, 5 the two Mortimer boys were smuggled out 6 
by one Richard Milton, 7 at midnight. The Lady le Despenser 
fled with them, taking her own son and a large sum of money 
with her. Arrangements had been carefully made, her tenants 8 
on the Welsh border were already in rebellion, the boys 
themselves must have been previously warned, 9 and they were 

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 2, January I3th, 1405. 2 Vol. I., 411. 3 Called 
Gruer, in ROT. PARL., in., 572. For a Breton named Peter de Gruerys, 
see Vol. I., 381. 4 " Certeyn men let make keyis of many dores." CAPGR., 
288. 5 Both ANN., 398, and OTTERBOURNE, 250, place the escape on 
Friday after St. Valentine's Day. This would be February 2Oth, which 
is probably just a week too late. In PAT., 6 II. IV., I, 8, II, dated Feb- 
ruary nth, 1405, the Earl of March is spoken of as "still in our custody." 
6 CHRON. LOND., 89. 1 For his pardon dated February 8th, 1406, see 
PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 13. 8 For Ewyas Lacy, see GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 39. 
9 Per omnia bene dispositus. MONAST. ANGL., vi., 355, 



42 The Mortimers. [CHAP, xxxvin. 

hurried off with all despatch towards the West. They passed 
through Abingdon x intending to make for Cardiff, and the lady 
had already sent an esquire named Morgan to France and 
Flanders with news of the progress of the plot. 

On hearing of the escape, the King posted from Kenning- 
ton 2 to Windsor, and on the Sunday morning issued an order 
for the arrest of the fugitives. But scouts were already on the 
track and came up with them in a wood near Cheltenham. 3 
Some of the escort were killed and others escaped, but the two 
Mortimers and their attendant John Ogan* were captured and 
promptly brought back to London. They were never destined 
to make their mark in the world. On February 3rd, I4o6, 5 
they were handed over to the charge of Sir John Pelham, at 
Pevensey, and an allowance of 500 marks per annum was made 
for their maintenance. Three years afterwards (February ist, 
1409)^ they were taken over by the Prince of Wales, who 
received with them the custody of their manors 7 of Cranborne, 
Pimperne, and Mershwoodvale, 8 together with those that had 
been held by their mother Eleanor 9 at the time of her death. 
Both of them were delicate lads, and the younger of them 
appears to have died soon after this change. The elder lived 
to take some part in public life. In 1413 he came of age 10 and 
took charge of his own possessions. In 1415 he was with the 
army before Harfleur, but had to return to England invalided, 11 

1 VESP. F, in., 4. 2 GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 40, shows that he was there on 
February i4th, 1405. 3 CAPGRAVE, 289. 4 PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 10 (January 
29th, 1407) records his pardon. 5 i.e. Wednesday after the Feast of the 
Purification. PAT., 8 H. IV., I, 19. See also COLLINS, v., 496, from 
PAT., II H. IV., I, 15. DEVON, 309, 310 (December 4th, 1408), refers to 
them as still in the charge of Sir John Pelham. 6 PRIV. SEAL, 649/6606, 
646/6357. RYM., viii., 608, 639, shows that both were living on June 9th, 
1410, proving that there is a mistake in ORD. PRIV. Co., II., 106. See also 
YEAR BOOK, 10 H. IV., MICH. (1408), p. 2 a. 1 RYM., VIIL, 591, July 
3rd, 1409. 8 In Devonshire; INQ. p. MORT., iv., 319, 411. 9 PRIV. 
SEAL, 647/6439, February nth, 1410. I0 SOLLY-FLOOD, 113, quoting 
GLAUS., i H. V., 28 (June 9th, 1413). " WALS., HYPODIGMA, 462. 






1405.] " A fatte man" 43 

being unable to endure the fatigues of the campaign. He 
served for a time in 1417 as Admiral of the Fleet, 1 and in 1418 
as Governor of Normandy. In 1423 he was appointed Lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, 2 where he died of the plague in January, 
1425, 3 leaving behind him a high reputation for mildness and 
piety. His free-handed liberality towards the Church earned 
for him from his monkish biographer 4 the questionable title 
of Edmund the Good. 

On February lyth, 1405, a council met at Westminster. 
The Lady le Despenser was brought in and disclosed the whole 
plot. The poor lockyer 5 was caught. His hand was first cut 
off and afterwards his head. The Duke of York was denounced 
by his sister as the chief instigator of the plot. At first he tried 
his old familiar methods and denied all knowledge of the affair. 
She called vehemently for a champion 6 to do battle for her, 
offering that if he should be worsted in the lists on her be- 
half, she would give herself up to be burnt alive. An esquire, 
William Maidstone, took up her cause, and flung down his 
hood to the Duke in presence of the King. The Duke 
accepted the challenge, but he was a fat man, 7 and probably 
would have got the worst of the encounter. Moreover, the 
modern method of police was beginning to supersede the old 
hazard of the wager-by-battle, so the Duke was prosily arrested 
by his cousin, Prince Thomas, and taken to the Tower till his 
case should be finally decided. On the 2ist February, 1405^ 

1 DOYLE, n., 470. - He claimed to be Earl of Ulster by virtue of his 
descent from Lionel, Duke of Clarence, who married Elizabeth cle Burgh, 
daughter of the Earl of Ulster, temp. Ed. Ill ; GILBERT, 215. 3 GILBERT, 
320, 571, who notes the frightful confusion about him in FULLER, n., 326, 
recently repeated, however, in COMPLETE PEERAGE, 269. 4 MONAST. 
ANGL. , vi. , 355. s RICART, 78. 6 For champions see WEBB, n. , p. xxxv. , 
YEAR BOOKS, 32, 33, Ed. I., xvn.; JUSSERAND, 117; NEILSON, 46. 

7 LEL., ITIN., i., 4. He was ultimately "smouldered to death" at Agin- 
court by "much hete and thronggid." HARD., 375: MORLEY, vi., 157. 

8 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 21. 



44 The Mortimers. [CHAP, xxxvin. 

orders were sent to the keepers of the ports of London, 
Southampton, Lynn, Sandwich, Dover, Dartmouth, Plymouth, 
Melcombe and Exeter, to let no one leave the country except 
well-known traders until further orders, and all the familiar signs 
of panic were once more astir. 

The Essex marshes were again excited. The commissioners 
had closed their enquiry a few months before, and the leading 
conspirators had been condemned. Queen Joan, however, had 
interfered on behalf of the Abbots of Colchester and Byleigh. 
Her good offices were not wholly disinterested, for she received 
a grant of all the former's forfeited goods. Both Abbots l soon 
received their pardon (November ist and i3th, 1404). The 
Abbot of St. Osythe, Thomas Barking, 2 sued and was pardoned 
November 6th, 1404, and many of the other conspirators who 
had managed to keep out of the way and save their necks while 
the enquiry was actually going forward, gradually followed his 
example. 3 Yet in face of the fact that the castle and town of 
Colchester* were now directly in the King's hands, and in spite 
of the infliction of fines and forfeitures, the monks were again 
astir. The Abbot of Colchester, 5 whose name still appears as 

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 22, 2$, 27. 2 HONE, 80, shows that he was a 
member of the Brotherhood of SS. Fabian and Sebastian in Aldergate, 
London, in 1408-9. His name does not occur in NEWCOURT, n., 456, or 
MONAST. ANGL., VI., 308. 3 e.g., John Writheok (called Wrythook, Vol. L, 
425, 428) of Great Bentley, November I3th, 1404 (PAT., 6 H. IV., I, 22); 
John Kynaston, October I2th (ibid., 25) ; John Beche, November 8th, and 
his son Richard, November 9th (ibid., 28) ; John Staunton, December 6th 
(ibid., 22); Philip Fitz-Eustace, January 23rd, 1405 (ibid., 14); John 
Fowler, canon of St. Osythe, February 7th, 1405 (ibid., ll); John Herst, 
February nth (ibid., 12). ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., February 3rd, 
1406, has payment to one of the King's sergeants-at-arms for arresting and 
bringing to London two Friars of the Order of Preachers from Hampshire. 
4 It was granted together with the hundred of Tendring to the King's son, 
Humphrey (not Henry, as MORANT, I., 9), on October 22nd, 1404. PAT., 
6 H. IV., i, 25 ; GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 25 ; ROT. PARL., in., 670. s P ATM 
6 H. IV., i, 2 d (March 2ist, 1405) ; NEWCOURT, n., 172 ; MONAST., iv., 
604. There is much confusion in MORANT, I., 145. 



1405.] Essex Abbots. 45 

Geoffrey Storey, his fellow-monks, William Denton 1 and John 
Herst, 8 the chaplain, William Sumpter, 8 together with Boleyn,* 
Aylewy, 5 Veel, 6 Fitz Eustace, and other familiar names, 7 all got 
themselves into trouble again, and had to take out fresh pardons 
a few months later for treasons and felonies committed " since 
Christmas last." But the fighting 8 days of Abbot Geoffrey were 
drawing to an end. At the time of his arrest in Lent, 1405,* 
he was so ill that he had to be carried in a chair to the Moot 
Hall, at Colchester, where he was imprisoned for five weeks 
before being removed to Nottingham Castle. He died in the 
following summer, and Roger Best, 10 one of the monks whose 
name does not appear in any of the lists of conspirators, was 
chosen Abbot in his stead. A year or two later the Abbot of 
Byleigh n was considered safe enough to be appointed a collector 
of the clerical subsidy for Essex, in the King's name. But the 

1 PAT., 7 H. IV., I, 39 (October 5th, 1405), and ibid., 2, 24 (June, 1406), 
record that William Denton and Simon Warde escaped from the Marshalsea. 
From COLCHESTER RECORDS it appears that Denton was imprisoned in 
the town prison at Colchester in 1406, loaded with great chains. CUTTS, 
131. 2 COLCHESTER RECORDS, 33. 3 He belonged to a Colchester family, 
see MORANT, I., 251, 368, IL, 536. 4 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 6 (February I7th, 
1405) ; or Boloigne, COLCHESTER RECORDS, 9 ; COURT ROLLS, 33. 
5 Called Aylewey in PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 3 (March 1 5th, 1405). COLCHESTER 
REC. REPERTORY, 37, has a reference to John Aylwyn of Milend. 6 PAT., 

7 H. IV., 2, 42 (March I4th, 1406). In Vol. I., 420, he is wrongly called 
Prior of St. Botolph's. In the list of Priors in MORANT, I., 148, MONAST., 
vi., 105, the Prior is William Westbrome, 1394 1412. In TRAIS., 269, 
Fitz-Eustace is called armiger. i PAT., 6 H. IV., I, 5, contains a warrant 
for arrest of John Tyler, Monk of Coggeshall, dated March 7th, 1405. 

8 The COURT ROLLS of Colchester show that in August, 1392, he was 
righting the townsfolk, riding about the Balkerne Fields with 12 horsemen 
in habergeons, armed with bows and arrows. COLCHESTER RECORDS, 9. 
YEAR BOOK, 2 H. IV., Trin. , 24 a, has pleadings in his suit with the Prior 
of Snape. The case is remitted to the Bishop to decide whether he had a 
legal right to remove the Prior or no. 9 CUTTS, 130, from COLCHESTER 
RECORDS, 33. I0 For conge d'elire, dated August I2th, 1405, see PAT., 6 
H. IV., 2, 9. His election was confirmed September 7th, 1405, ibid., 3, 
and notified to the Mayor of London, October 1st, 1405 ; PAT. 7 H. IV., 
I, 41. HARL. CHART., 44 c, 56 (August I4th, 1406) refers to Roger, Abbot 
of Colchester. He built a stone tower for the defence of the Abbey, but I 
cannot think that it was the gate with the fan-tracery, now standing. COL- 
CHESTER RECORDS, n. " REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH, April 25th, 1408. 



46 The Mortimers. [CHAP, xxxvni. 

spirit of insubordination was bubbling yet. At the end of 1409, 
Abbot Best l was himself arrested on a charge of treason, and 
with him Philip Fitz-Eustace, 2 Simon Warde, and others, though 
he was soon pardoned (December i6th, I409). 3 

The old Countess Maud of Oxford, lived out the rest of her 
days in peace. She died at her home at Great Bentley, near 
Colchester, on January 26th, 1413,* and was buried in the nun- 
nery of the Sisters of St. Clare, at Bruisyard, in Suffolk. 

The council met on March ist, 1405^ and decided that a 
castle should be built in the town of Orwell, 6 for the better 
protection of the coast in view of future alarms, and tolls were 
to be levied on the spot for the next five years to pay for the 
building. The Duke of York was brought up and confessed 
not only that he had a knowledge of the whole plot, but that 
he had himself 7 supplied the King with the means of thwarting 
it. He was sent as a prisoner to Pevensey Castle 8 under the 
charge of Sir John Pelham, 9 and all his estates in England and 

1 YEAR BOOK, n H. IV., HIL., 41 a, where the name in the writ has 
been corrected from John to Roger. 2 See order for their arrest dated 
December ist, 1409, in PAT., n H. IV., i, 13. 3 PAT., n H. IV., i, n; 
not 25th, as DOYLE, n., 728. 4 See her will dated January 2oth, 1413, in 
DUGDALE, i., 196, TEST. VET., i., 182, proved at Lambeth, GENEAL., 
vi., 225. In GLAUS., 14 H. IV., 2, 4, Mar. i6th, 1413, she is jam defuncta. 
She was a daughter of Sir Ralph de Ufford (died 1346), Viceroy of Ireland 
in 1344. GILBERT, VICEROYS, 253 ; DOYLE, IL, 728. 5 ORD. PRIV. Co., 
n., 104. 6 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 30 (March i5th, 1405), GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 
19 (March 26th, 1408), refers to portum vilke de Orewell. See also ORD. 
PRIV. Co., i., 122, July 4th, 1400. For changes in the coast see MORANT, 
II., 484, 501, The place had been washed away before Saxton published his 
map in 1575. Harwich is mentioned as a separate town and port as early as 
1343. RYM., v., 370. In 1412 it is reckoned in Suffolk. RYM., vin., 730. 
7 EUL., in., 402. 8 RYM. VIIL, 386-388. 9 In 1404 he paid 100 marks per 
annum for the honour of Pevensey. Due. LANC. REC.,XXVIII., 4,4, App. A. 
On Feb. 24th, 1409, he was granted the castle of Pevensey and the Honour 
of the Eagle for life; ibid., 8, App. A; also ibid., XL, 16, I34 1 " See 
COLLINS, v., 492; HORSFIELD, i., 315. For his arms in the Chapter 
House at Canterbury, see WILLEMENT, 155. For several receipts of his 
with small seal attached, see Due. LANC. REC., xxvi., 43 ; 11., i. 



[1405. Pevensey. 47 

the Channel Islands were confiscated to the Crown. 1 The Isle 
of Wight with the castle of Carisbrooke had been granted 2 to 
him by Richard II. It now passed to Queen Joan 3 for her 
lifetime, as a set-off against 300 marks of her annual dower. 
Prince John swept up the Duke's possessions and rights in the 
Franchise of Tynedale and the North, 4 Robert Waterton took 
his place as " Master 5 of our running dogs called herthoundes," 
and Thomas Beckyngham received his forest of Wychwood, 6 in 
Oxfordshire. 

At Pevensey, he had ample opportunity of indulging that 
vein of jingling, amorous alliteration, which passed for poetry 
with love-lorn dukes when they sighed for their ladies as 
their "carbuncle 7 chosen chief or crystal curious in kind." 
His prison must have been a melancholy spot. Part of the 
donjon 8 of the castle was in ruins, the haven was choked with 
mud and sand 9 "by the stroke of the sea," and the whole of 
the flats as far as Beachiff 10 were constantly under water. His 

1 ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., MICH. (March 2nd, 1405), contains payments 
for messengers sent to escheators to seize his property. This appears to 
be the reference given as October 3rd, 1407, in TYLER, i., 235. The 
formal orders are dated March 6th, 8th, 1 2th, i6th, and 22nd. GLAUS., 6 
H. IV., 15, 16; ROT. FIN., 6 H. IV., 11; RYM., VIIL, 387; EC. DBS 
CHARTES (1876), xxxvu., 217. In ASSOCIATED ARCHITECT. SOCIETIES, 
xiv., no, are minute references to the earlier details of his life. 2 PAT., 6 
H. IV., I, 4. 3 Ibid., 2, April 5th, 1405. * Ibid., 3, and 2, 31, March 
nth, 1405. ROT. VIAG., 14, RYM., VIIL, 395, where date should be 1408, 
not 1405. 5 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 2, March I2th, 1405. 6 Ibid., 3, March 
I4th, 1405. 7 Supposing him to be the " unknown prince," whose juvenile 
yearnings are printed in STRUTT, in., 152, and WARTON, in., 106, though 
the poet may have been King James of Scotland. Cf. DIGBY MYST., 91. 
For the carbuncle see MIRROR OF OUR LADY, 175, HIGDEN, vn., 75. 
LYDGATE calls St. Edmund "the precious charboncle of martyrs all." 
WARTON, 11., 55, 90; HARL. MS., 2278, f. 9; MORLEY, vi., no. 

Cf. " The stone, noblest of alle, 

The which that men carbuncle calle." 

GOWER, CONF. AMANT., 55. 

8 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 261 (May nth, 1405). For view see GROSE, in., s.v. 

9 DUGDALE, IMBANKING, 95-98. SUSSEX ARCH^IOL. COLL., xvni., 43. 

10 i.e. Beachy Head. For " Bewchef," see ARNOLD, 143. 



48 The Mortimers. [CHAP, xxxvin. 

warder however, Thomas Pleistede, 1 treated him with " nature," 
and softened the rigours of his imprisonment. After seventeen 
weeks spent at Pevensey, he petitioned 2 to be released on 
account of his " dis-ease and heaviness." The petition was 
forwarded by his wife Philippa, 8 daughter of Lord Mohun of 
Dunster, in Somersetshire, but without success, and he remained 
some months yet a prisoner, 4 many believing that he was dead. 5 
On October yth, 1405^ when the King was at Worcester on his 
return from Wales, an order was addressed to Sir John Pelham 
to bring the Duke from Pevensey into the royal presence, pro- 
bably at Kenilworth, where Lady le Despenser was still detained, 
and soon after this he was again in full possession of his liberty. 
On November 26th, I405, 7 he was present at Lambeth at the 
marriage of the Earl of Arundel, and by December 8th, 1405," 
his confiscated property was being rapidly re-transferred to him.- 

1 He left him ^20 in his will dated at Fotheringay, August I7th, 1415 
(not 22nd, as in WILLS OF KINGS, 217, TEST. VET., i., 186). En me- 
moire pour la naturesse qu'il me monstra quant je fuy a Pevensay en garde ; 
RYM., ix., 307 ; GIBBONS, 146 ; GENEAL., vi. 228. 2 RYM., VIIL, 387. 
3 ROT. PARL., in., 577, 597. She survived her husband and afterwards 
married Sir Walter Fitzwalter. She died in 1431 ; WILLS OF KINGS, 224 ; 
TEST. VET., I., 218. Her will was proved at Lambeth, GENEAL., vi., 24, 
where she is called Domina de Insula Vecta. For the Luttrell suit, May 
I4th, 1406, see YEAR BOOK, 8 H. IV., MICH., pp. 7 12, where the 
Duchess of York is called Felice ; also INQ. AD QUOD DAMNUM, 365 ; 
ARCH^EOL. JOURN., XXXVIL, 164. For her monument in Westminster 
Abbey, with the confusion as to date of inscription, see STOTHARD ; GOUGH, 
in., 99 ; SANDFORD, 382 ; DART, i,, 145 ; NEALE, n., 165 ; BANKS, i., 
211,316; and DOYLE, in., 744. 4 CHRON. LOND., 90. ISSUE ROLL, 
7 H. IV., MICH., records payment to him of 269 55. lod. on Feb. 26th, 
1406, but no details are given. He was certainly free before April 28th, 
1406, see ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 290. STUBBS, in.. 48, PAULI, v., 35, and 
RAMSAY, i. , 84, are mistaken in supposing him to have been " in full em- 
ployment again in June, 1405," for the letters on which they rely in ORD. 
PRIV. Co. , I. , 270 274, were certainly written in June, 1404, see Vol. I. , 
456. HOLINS., II., 532, and STOW, CHRON., 334, are equally wrong in 
considering him to have been a prisoner till the Parliament of 1406. 
KNIGHT, n., 16, thinks that he "lingered three or four years in prison." 
5 WALS., n., 274. 6 GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 41. ? COLL. TOP. ET GEN., i., 82. 
CLAUS., 7 H. IV., 34, 36. 



1405.] The Duke of York. 49 

On December 22nd, 1405, x he was again made a member of 
the King's Council, with a salary of ^"200 per annum. On the 
death of Sir Thomas Rempston, he became for the third time 
Constable of the Tower (November ist, I4o6), 8 and on June 
9th, 141 2, 3 he received a grant of the castle and domain of 
Oakham. 

The two Mortimer boys were to be kept henceforward con- 
stantly under the King's eye, in the charge of more reliable 
keepers, and if the King should pass into Wales, they were to 
be put in some border castle near at hand till his return. One 
result of the emeute was the addition of 100 marks 4 per annum, 
granted out of their own estates to help to maintain them, but 
as everything was provided for them through keepers appointed 
by the King, it is likely that they derived no personal benefit 
from this stroke of generosity. 

The Lady le Despenser had to give up her park at Caver- 
sham, 5 near Reading, and to " undergo the annoyance " 6 of a 
strict imprisonment at Kenilworth, 7 whither she was straightway 

1 ISSUE ROLL, 8 II. IV., PASCH., June I2th, 1407; ibid., 9 H. IV., 
PASCH., April 25th, 1408; 10 H. IV., MICH., February I3th, 1409; n 
H. IV., MICH., November 22nd, 1409. 2 RYM., vni., 457 ; DOYLE, in., 
744. 3p AT-> I3 H. IV., 2, 14. 4 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 29, dated Berk- 
hampstead, March I4th, 1405. DUGDALE, I., 151. 5 It was granted to 
Thomas Dodeman, valet to the Queen, on Feb. 24th, 1405. PAT., 6 H. IV., 
1,4. 6 Subiit nocumenta. WALS., HYPODIG., 412. ? Due. LANC. REC., 
XL, 16, 41"' November i8th, 1405, shows ^10 allowed to John Ashford, 
Constable of Kenilworth, for expenses of Dame le Despenser adonq esteant 
el garde of said constable. The place is called " Killyngworth " in DEVON, 
300. For similar spelling see Vol. I., pp. 428, 479; WALS., I., 19, 158, 
339; ANN., 17; REC. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., November 29th, 1410; 
ibid., 14 H. IV., MICH., February 6th, 1413; EXCH. TREAS. OF R.EO. 
Misc., s J, App. D. For " Kelenworthe " see LIB. ALB., I., 545; "Kenille- " 
wurthe," MATT. PAR., IL, 603 ; " Kenilwithe," ibid., ill., 498 ; " Kenel- 
withe," ibid., v., 697, WALS., IL, 317 ; " Kenelesworthe," ibid., I., 171, 
ANN., 139; " Kenehvurth," HYPODIG., 162, 173,264; " Kenewurthe," 
WALS., i., 184; " Cheni-llewurda," M ON AST., VI., 220; " Kinningwurd," 
ibidem, 224; " Kenyng worth," PIPE ROLL, 7 H. IV., Warwick and 
Leicester. 

E 



50 The Mortimers. [CHAP, xxxvni. 

taken by the King's useful Commissioner, Elming Leget, 1 whom 
we have seen employed 2 on similar business in connection with 
the punishment of William Serle 3 and the Essex conspirators. 
In recompense he got some of the Duke of York's lands in 
Hertfordshire, 4 together with 15 of his cows and 12 of his stots. 
The Lady's lands 5 in Oxfordshire, Gloucestershire, Bucks, 
Devon, and Notts, together with her castles of Llantrissent 
and Kenvig in Glamorganshire, passed into the custody of 
Queen Joan, but they were restored to her in the following 
year. 6 She died in November, 141 6, 7 and was buried in the 
Abbey Church at Reading. 8 

Four women, named Mary Russell, Agnes Rokster, 9 Agnes 

1 He was Sheriff of Essex in 4 H. IV. (1402-3) and 9 H. IV. (1407-8), 
see PIPE ROLL, 7 H. IV.; MORANT, i., vii. In PAT., n H. IV., i, 23, 
PRIV. SEAL, 647/9409, January 26th, 1410, he is exempt for life from 
serving in assizes, inquisitions, &c., or from being Mayor, Escheator, 
Justice of the Peace, Collector, Taxer, Assessor of tenths or fifteenths, 
Trier or Arrayer of men-at-arms, Bailiff, or Minister. In PAT., 12 H. IV., 
6 d, he is hostiarius camerse nostrse. See also OBD. PRIV. Co., I. , 207. 
CLAUS., 12 H. IV., 14 d, May 22nd, 1411, shows that his wife's name was 
Alice (i.e. Alice Mandeville, of Stapleford Tany. MORANT, i., 179). In 
. ROT. VASC., 12 H. IV., September 29th, 1410, he is going to Aquitaine. In 
1370 Edward III. granted custody of the manor and park of Kennington to 
Helminge Legette for life. SURREY ARCH/EOL. COLL., in., 27. 2 Vol. 
I., 428, 451. 3 Serle had been named one of the executors of King 
Richard's will, dated April i6th, 1399. WILLS OF KINGS, 200. According 
to the confession of John Hall, he had been the actual murderer of the Duke 
of Gloucester at Calais, for he put the feather-bed on the top of him and sat 
on his mouth to smother him, while four men held him down. ROT. PARL., 
in., 453; ARCH^OLOGIA, xx., App. vi., 278. GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 32, has 
payment to Sheriff of Yorkshire for bringing Serle from York to Pontefract 
and "elsewhere in the county." He was at Melton Mowbray on August 
1st, 1404, at Lynn on August I4th, and we can subsequently trace him at 
Colchester. EUL., in., Ixiv., quoting FOR. ACCTS., 1-6 H. IV. See also 
LIB. ALB., I. , 638. One Richard Tighler was at the same time condemned at 
Pontefract, and his head and limbs were distributed throughout the country. 
CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 32, November 3rd, 1404. 4 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 2, 
March 2Oth, 1405. 5 DUGDALE, i., 397, quoting PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 21. 
6 PAT., 7 H. IV, i, 25, January igth, 1406. In Q. R. WARDROBE, S 8 8 
App. B, she receives $6 6s. nd. on March 29th, 1406. 7 DUGDALE, i., 
397, from ESCHEAT, 4 H. V., 52, p. 25; MONAST., 11., 62, gives 1407. 
8 LEL., ITIN., vi., 66. 9 j n I393 s h e and her sister Juliana were donzels 
(domicellae) to the King's sons, Thomas and Humphrey. Due. LANG. 
REC., xxvni., i, 3, App. A. 



1405.] Suspicions and Accusations. 51 

Norreys, and Christina Launder, 1 were imprisoned in the 
castle at Windsor probably in connection with this same out- 
break, but an order was issued for their release on March 
i5th, 1405.2 

But others besides in very high places were involved in the 
abortive plot. Thomas Mowbray, the Earl Marshal, was accused. 
He admitted that he had had some previous knowledge of the 
intentions of the conspirators, though he had not yet compro- 
mised himself by giving in his assent. He pleaded guilty, 
however, to the accusation that he had not disclosed the secret 
committed to him and begged for pardon, which was granted to 
him with that reckless, yet, as it often proved, politic generosity 
which had before been the means employed by the King for 
putting his noble traitors more conclusively in the wrong, and 
delivering them up more effectually into his hands. 

Rumours were also again afloat casting doubt upon the 
loyalty of the Archbishop of Canterbury. When the whole air 
was thick with treason, so powerful a statesman could not fail 
to have enemies who would gain the ear of the King, and it 
could not escape them that he had allowed his name to appear 
as. a sympathiser 8 with the Percies in the " defiance " which they 
had uttered on the field of Shrewsbury. He now rose in the 
council, knelt* to the King, and begged that opportunity might 
be given to any of his enemies there and then to bring any 
charge they could against him. He reminded the King that he 
had often secretly communicated to him matters that concerned 
his honour and safety, and that these warnings had been only 
grudgingly received. He asserted now that he had never har- 
boured or uttered a wrong (sinistrum) thought against the King, 

1 In 1396 Isabel Launder has 6d. for hiring a board (patella) and a tub 
for washing Henry's clothes at Calais. Due. LANC. REC., XXVIIL, 3, 6, 
App. A. 2 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 18. 3 HARD., 353. 4 ANN., 399. 



52 The Mortimers. [CHAP, xxxvm. 

but only what he knew was for the King's good. If any doubt 
had entered Henry's mind, he professed himself to be altogether 
delighted with the Archbishop's explanation. On his oath he 
would rate it higher than the half of his kingdom. So the 
clouds of suspicion were rolled away, and the King's heart was 
turned in love and trust to his old friend and minister once 
again. This idyllic scene might prepare us for a sequel, in 
which the wounded feelings of the King would be sweetly 
soothed by abundant advances, to enable him as before to slip 
through the pertinacious fingers of his War Treasurers and 
balance himself on continual loans, careless of the ruin wrought 
upon confiding lenders by some sudden suspension of the 
public credit. 

But the recent heavy experience of the nation could not be 
wiped out by leniency towards titled traitors, or moving scenes 
with Archbishops on their knees vowing eternal devotion in 
honey words. 1 The throne was too unstable, the King's posi- 
tion too precarious, and the Barons, led by Thomas 2 Lord 
Bardolph, refused this time to risk any further advances. They 
were allowed a little time for reflection, and summoned to meet 
again after a short interval. Their meetings then broke up, and 
the King left London for awhile. On March loth, 1405,3 he 
was at Barnet and St. Albans, from the i2th 4 to the i6th he 
was at his castle at Berkhampstead, and by the 28th of March 5 

1 COLCHESTER REG., 28. " Her honey wordes turned me to galle." 
HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 26. " Many a hony word." ibid., 182. " Wordes 
plesaunt in hony al bewrappede." ibid,, 69. 2 ANN., 402. 3 GLAUS., 6 
H. IV., 8; Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, p. 3, 15; ibid., XXVIIL, 4, 4, 
App. A. 4 PAT., 6 H. IV., i., 3, 21 ; ibid., 2, 29. Due. LANC. REC., 
XL, 15, part 3, m. i. 5 PAT., 6 H. IV., i., 20, 29, ibid., IL, 25, 27, 28, 
29, and GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 9, 13, contain papers dated at St. Albans, 
March 28th, April 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th and 7th, 1405. ' Due. LANC. 
REC., XXVIIL, 4, 4, App. A, has a letter dated at St. Albans, April 3rd, 
1405, and ibid., XL, 15, 148, has an entry dated St. Alban's Abbey, April 
2nd, 1405. 



1405.] Council at St. Albans. 53 

he was at St. Alban's Abbey again, where in the previous winter * 
a Great Council 2 had been summoned to meet. The Great 
Council met, 3 but no impression could be made upon its mem- 
bers. The news of the success in South Wales did not convert 
them. It was announced that the King would proceed again 
in person to Wales, and on April 3rd, 1405,* proclamations 
were issued arranging for the defence of the country during his 
absence. But the Barons persisted in rejecting his demands, 
and they parted again agreeing only to disagree. 5 

The King left St. Albans on April yth and proceeded to 
Windsor, 6 where we trace him from April i5th to April 24th, 
1405. In the meantime the council had met in London on 
Easter Day 7 (April iQth, 1405). Lord Bardolph was present, 
together with Archbishop Arundel and the Earl Marshal, all of 
them on the very verge of rebellion. Under their lead the 
money difficulty was further from settlement than ever, and the 
council could only report some barren " advice " in writing. 8 

1 ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., MICH., December I3th, 1404, has payments to 
messengers bearing letters to " lords, knights, and esquires," to come to a 
council at St. Albans. 2 For magnum concilium see GNEIST, CONST., 414- 
430 ; ibid., PARL., 135-147. 3 On the day before Palm Sunday, according 
to WALS., ii., 268. This would be April nth (CoNC., in., 182), which is 
probably a week too late. 4 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 15 d. 5 j n concordi dis- 
cordia. WALS., ii., 268. 6 For documents dated at Windsor, April I5th, 
l8th, 20th, 2ist, 22nd, 23rd and 24th, 1405, see PAT., 6 H. IV., L, 2, 22, 
24; ibid., IL, 25, 26; CLEOP., E., n., 61 ; Due. LANG. REC., XL, 15. 
The rolls also contain entries dated at Baldock, April 7th (GLAUS., 6 H. 
IV., 14) ; Babraham, near Cambridge, April 8th (ibid., 13) [called Bad- 
burgham, cf. MONAST., VL, 66, 68; PECKHAM REG., IIL, 1079; or 
Baberham, WILLIS and CLARK, IL, 678. It was acquired for the Duchy of 
Lancaster in 1363, CART^E REGUM, IL, 227, LYSONS, IL, 81.] ; Shouldam, 
near Downham Market, April nth (CLAUS., 6 II. IV., 14) ; Coston, near 
Wymondham, April I2th and l8th (ibid., 13) [called Corston, see BLOME- 
FIELD, L, 701. PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 27. has a document dated Corston, 
April I2th, 1406, but the year should probably be 1405, for ibid. 29 shows 
that on April I2th, 1406, the King was at Eltham] ; West Dereham, April 
20th (CLAUS., 7 H. IV., 14 d, has entered it in wrong year); Thetford, April 
22nd (CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 14) ; and Babraham, April 22nd (ibid., 23). But 
the fact of documents being dated from certain places away from Westminster 
cannot be relied upon as evidence that the King was himself there in person. 
7 HARD., 362. 8 ORD. PRIV. Co., IL, 100. 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

NEGOTIATIONS. 

BUT though no special advances could be obtained by the King 
to meet his personal liabilities as in previous years, the War 
Treasurers continued to take care that the money arising from 
grants made in the last Parliament at Coventry should be really 
applied for public purposes in the defence of the country. At 
a council held at Westminster on March 22nd, 1405,* just be- 
fore the Great Council met at St. Albans, arrangements had 
been made for dealing with all anticipated attacks from the old 
familiar quarters. 

The Channel Islands had been in suspended allegiance 
since the arrest of the Duke of York. Sir John Lisle, 2 Sheriff 
of Wiltshire, was now sent to " recover and govern " the island 
of Guernsey, with its castle of Cornet, and Sir Thomas Pick- 
worth 8 crossed from Calais to take the command in Jersey. 
At Bayonne, great scarcity prevailed owing to constant attacks 
of rovers from the coast of Castile. 4 On November 8th, 1404,* 
a vessel freighted with provisions was despatched from Bristol 
to relieve the garrison there, but looking to the insecurity of 
the seas, it is doubtful whether she ever arrived. At any rate, 
we know that another ship, intended to be sent from the Thames 
on a similar errand, was detained in London through some 
blundering, and had not started on December i2th, I404. 6 

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 120. 2 ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., February 
9th, 1406, has payment to him for his services. 3 RYM., VIIL, 387, March 
22nd, 1405; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 106 ; CALIG. D., iv., 74, 75. 4 Les 
Castellans (OkD. PRIV. Co., I., 250), i.e., from the district about San- 
tander known as the Marisina QURADE, 302, 303, 328, 348, 358). For 
previous treaty between Bayonne and the Castilians, dated October 9th, 
1353, see RYM., v., 766. s GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 31. 6 Ibid., 30. 



1405.] Bayonne. 55 

In the meantime, Lord Berkeley's fleet was still delayed at 
Plymouth, and in the middle of May, 1405,* orders were sent 
for six more barges to be collected from the western ports, 
while the Bristol merchants, John Stevens and Thomas Saun- 
ders, were to supply provisions and carriage for the expedition. 
The council now sent out encouragement to the Mayor, 
Skeveyns,* and Commons of Bayonne, urging them not to 
come to terms with the Castilians, but to bide their time and 
defend their city till the arrival of their Provost, 3 Galhar de 
Durfort, Lord of Duras, now Seneschal of Aquitaine, 4 who 
was to take over the command of the castle at Bayonne in the 
name of the King of England. Wherever the property of the 
rebels could be seized, it was judiciously distributed amongst 
the loyalists on the spot. Letters were addressed to the " great 
personages of state " at Bordeaux. One hundred pounds 5 was 
promised to the Provost, a gold cup 6 valued at ^35 6s. 8d. 
was sent to the Archbishop, money was to be forwarded 
through the agency of Sir Thomas Swinburn, 7 who was about 

1 ROT. VIAG., 18, 19. 2 In ROT. VIAG., 4, January 8th, 1410, Bayonne 
is governed by a Prefect, Skeveyns (Scabini), Jurats, and a Commune of 100 
peers, or probi homines. Cf. ROT. VASC., II H. IV., 17; also JURADE, 
31, 32, for ' ; esclabins " or " esclevins." For duties of eschevins at Liege, 
see MONSTR., i., 376; for Malines see ITINERAIRES, 317; for Ghent see 
ROY. LET. , I. , 250. 3 The district known as the Provosty of Bayonne was 
granted to him March 3rd, 1379. RYM., vn., 261, VIIL, 136. 4 ORD. 
PRIV. Co., I., 253. He was appointed December 23rd, 1399 ; RYM., VIIL, 
ii7. 37i. S 8 ^, 597 ; ROY. LET., i., 438 ; MORERI, iv., 305. DEP. KEEP. 
45TH REPT., p. 316, has Guichard Durfort, but in August, 1398, when he 
accompanied the new Count of Foix to Morlaas, in Beam, he signs himself 
Galhar de Durfort senher de Duras. FLOURAC, 207. s ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. 
IV., MICH., February gib, 1406. GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 39, shows Gaillard 
Provost of Bordeaux on January I2th, 1404. 6 ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., 
PASCH., July 20th, 1405. ? QRD. PRIV. Co., i., 260. COTTON MS., CAL. 
D., iv,, has fragment of a letter from the city of Bordeaux to Henry IV., 
May, 1405. Swinburn had fought in the lists at St. Inglevert, March 2ist, 
1390 (PiCHON, 70), where he is called " Salbinbrenne." In FROIS., xiv., 
1 06, 115, he is called "Scorbonne." He had been employed as a negociator 
with the Flemish in 1404. ROY. LET., i., 231, 250, 294, 297, 314, 350, 
356> 385- * n J 39 2 > while Captain of Guines, he had made a journey to the 



56 Negotiations. [CHAP, xxxix. 

to take up his duties as Mayor of Bordeaux, and hopes were 
held out that Prince Thomas might find his way south, with 
his fleet, to strengthen waverers and secure the connection 
with England. Swinburn's appointment dated from March 8th, 
1405, : his force 2 consisting of one knight, 48 men-at-arms, 
and 100 archers, mustered at Sandwich 3 on April 2ist, 1405, 
and by the middle of May, 4 he was on the point of starting. 

As required by the terms of the Pontefract schedule, the 
Earl of Northumberland had given up the castles of Berwick 

Holy Land, an itinerary of which is still preserved. ORIENT LATIN, II., 
378, from MS., in CAIUS COLL., CAMB. (THOMAS BRIGG). He left 
Guines, August 6th, 1392; sailed from Venice, September 2nd; was at 
Alexandria from October 2Oth to 3Oth ; at Cairo from November 3rd to 8th ; 
Sinai, November igth ; Gaza, December 3rd ; Hebron, December 7th ; 
Bethlehem, December 8th ; Jerusalem, December Qth to 1 7th ; Damascus, 
December 25th; and Beirut, January 3rd-i6th, 1393, whence he sailed for 
Rhodes. 

1 CARTE, GASCON ROLLS, I., 189, 2 For schedule of their names see 
Q. R. ARMY, \%. 3 Q. R. ARMY, \\. FOR. ACCTS., 13 H. IV., has his 
account from April 2ist, 1405, to June I9th, 1406, showing ,1,686 35. 9d. 
for one knight at 35. per day, 48 men-at-arms at is. 6d. per day, and 100 
archers at gd. per day. The account was paid May 3rd, 1407, per manus 
Thes. Guerr. assign, in parliament at Coventry. ROT. VASC. , 12 (October 
I4th, 1405), refers to Swynbourne as Mayor of Bordeaux ; also ibid., 9 
(May 26th, 1406) ; ibid., 8, I (July I2th, 1407); and RYM., VIIL, 588, 593 
(May 23rd, August I4th, 1409) ; also ibid., 650, 657 (August 2nd, Novem- 
ber 29th, 1410). ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., PASCH. (July 28th, 1406) has 
payment to him for wages of troops ^79 193. njd. as Mayor of Bordeaux. 
During all this time he was also Captain of Hammes, near Calais, to which 
office he was appointed March I4th, 1405. ORD. PRIV. Co., I., 260. 
See ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH. (October 24th, 1406) ; FR. ROLL, 9 H. 
IV., 6 (June 25th, 1408) ; PAT., 10 H. IV., i., 21, n., 5, 19 (November 
1 8th, 1408, June 24th, August 29th, 1409); ISSUE ROLL, 13 H. IV., 
MICH. (January 22nd, 1412); GLAUS., 13 H. IV., 21 (February 22nd, 
1412) ; where he has bought thirty-three casks and one pipe of wine, and 
three pipes of honey in Aquitaine, for victualling Hammes. Ibid., 23 
(May 20th, 1412), shows sixteen persons going to garrison Hammes in 
Picardy. In FR. ROLL, 10 H. IV., 8 (April 2Oth, 1409) Swinburn is going 
to Hammes. In GLAUS., 9 H. IV. 3 (September 2nd, 1408), he has^wine 
for victualling castle of Hammes in partibus Vascon. (sic), an evident error, 
for in the same roll (in. 19) May I2th, 1408, and in PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 17, 
he is called Captain of the Castle of Hammes in partibus Picardice. On 
September I4th, 1412, the custody of the castle of Hammes was granted to 
Sir Ralph Rochefort. FR. ROLL, 13 H. IV., 8 ; PRIV. SEAL, 656/7324. 
* PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 26 d. 



1404.] Berwick. 57 

and Jedburgh to the King's officers, the understanding being 
that he should receive an equivalent in land when the Parlia- 
ment met 1 at the end of the year. But the Houses had 
assembled earlier than was expected and under circumstances 
which made it unadvisable to submit such a proposal for their 
sanction. So far from granting away extensive tracts of land, 
the Illiterate Parliament had revoked or cancelled all such 
previous wastefulness, and would not be likely to lend an ear 
to similar suggestions at such a time. Immediately after the 
Parliament had been dissolved, an order was issued 2 dated 
November i6th, 1404, requiring the keepers of Berwick and 
Jedburgh to hand back the custody of those castles to the Earl 
of Northumberland, on the ground that the conditions under 
which they had been taken over in the previous autumn had 
not been fulfilled on the King's side. But although the castles 
were restored, Prince John continued to be Keeper of the town 
of Berwick, 8 as well as Constable of England and Warden of 
the East March. Large grants had been made to him to help 
to satisfy the demands of his mutinous troops, and he was 
empowered to call out 4 all the able-bodied men in his district 
between the ages of 16 and 60. On the other hand he might 
negociate, as occasion should require, a temporary truce for a 
period of one, or at most two, months. 

But for some time past a better feeling had been gradually 
springing up between the English and the Scots. Ransoms 
were being steadily paid and prisoners released, and if the 
required amount could not be paid down in cash, an equivalent 

1 It was then expected to meet on December I3th (St. Lucy). RYM., 
VIIL, 365. 2 ROT. SCOT., IL, 172. 3 Jbid., n., 173 a, December 3Oth, 
1404; also ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., November I3th, 1405. A 
leaden seal of Henry IV. has lately been found with the arms of Berwick, 
being an impression of the great seal of England for lands beyond the 
Tweed. ANTIQUARY, vi., 77. 4 ROT. SCOT., IL, 171, October i6th, 
1404. 



58 Negotiations. [CHAP, xxxix. 

in kind, such as cattle, 1 harness, shoes, 2 cloth, or other property 
would be accepted, and afterwards turned into money for the 
relief of the English King's necessities. We have a list of 
Scots with such names as Egger, Maclanaghan, Macrill, Bonvill, 
Macclum, and others, who had been allowed home on parole 
and afterwards returned with their ransom-money to Chester 
(September nth, 1404). 3 Some fishermen from the coast of 
Norfolk had been captured and detained by the Scots, but 
vessels loaded with 600 quarters of grain were despatched from 
Lynn * to ransom them. Trade and commerce were returning 
to their usual channels. Ships passed between the two coun- 
tries, carrying Irish corn 5 and produce to Scotland, and bringing 
salmon, 6 cod, haddock, and salt from Scotland into England, 
the transactions extending as far as the distant Orkneys. 7 Such 
intercourse could not but operate strongly in the direction of 
peace. Accordingly, when commissioners met at Haudenstank 
on the 8th and nth of October, 1404, the truce was without 
difficulty confirmed and extended till the following Easter, 
though quiet was far from being restored on the border, and 
English rovers 9 still looked upon Scottish vessels as fair game 
for plunder. 

At Norham Castle, 10 on the Tweed, under the Constable, 

1 ROT. SCOT., ii., 173 a, February 24th, 1405. - FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV., 
7, has 1000 pairs of shoes sent from Melcombe by men of Weymouth, to- 
ransom their friends in Brittany. 3 DEP. KEEP. 36TH REPT., App., 2, 14, 
429. 4 R OT . SCOT., ii., 172 a, October 22nd, 1404. $ Ibid., November 
8th, 1404. 6 Ibid., 172 b, November 28th, 1404; ABERDEEN REC., i., 
376 ; LIB. ALB., i., 376. PAT., 9 H. IV 7 ., 2, 16, and 12 H. IV., 35, show 
that there was still a close time (tempus vetitum) for salmon (salmones et 
salmunculi), when no nets or engines were allowed in English rivers, in 
accordance with the statute of 1285, 13 Edward I., cap. 47, STAT. i., 94. 
For the "saumond"in Scotland, see ACTS OF PARL. OF SCOTLAND, i., 
212. 7 ROT. SCOT., ii., 174 a, March 3ist, 1405. 8 KAL. AND INV., n., 
71, 73. The Scottish copy was deposited August 28th, 1406. 9 PAT., 6 H. 
IV., 2, 31. I0 GROSE, in., s.v. On December 2oth, 1396, Sir Thomas 
Gray of Heton was appointed Constable of Norham Castle, and Sheriff of 




1404.] The Earl of Douglas. 59 

Robert Ogle, 1 watchers had to be kept constantly at the gates 
from Michaelmas to Easter, with extra wages paid to them on 
account of the " dearness of victuals " and the " long and cold 
nights." Extensive repairs were in progress upon the bridges, 
roofs, and towers, and the Bishop of Durham's revenues were 
charged with heavy outgoings for ribs, 2 wattles, spars, fleaks, 3 
and " dublethaknails." 4 At Newcastle, the walls and ditches 
had to be guarded night and day. Many of the burgesses left 
the town, being unable to bear the fatigue and strain, while the 
place was so impoverished that it was necessary to forego 5 all 
attempts to collect the taxes granted in the last Parliament at 
Coventry. 

The Earl of Douglas had been captured by Sir James 
Harington 6 on Haughmond Hill, 7 a few miles to the east of 
Shrewsbury, where his horse had stumbled as he was escaping 
from the battlefield. After being kept in Staffordshire for four 

the detached portion of the possessions of the Bishop of Durham, known 
as Norhamshire and Islandshire. RAINE, NORTH DURHAM, 46. The 
castle was "never perfectly finished," and was much exposed to sudden 
attack. In his difficulties Gray had to borrow money from the Prior of 
Coldingham, and some years after his death his widow could only discharge 
the remainder of his debt by a promissory note (ex promisso). COLDING- 
HAM CORRDCE., 1406, p. Ixxxi. For inquiry held at Norham March I3th, 
1401, on the death of Gray, see INQ. P. MORT., in., 275, DEP. KEEP. 
45TH KEPT., 1884, p. 204, when his son and heir, Thomas Gray, is nine- 
teen years of age. He is called Lord of Wark in 1407, RAINE, NORTH 
DURHAM, 326, and was Sheriff of Northumberland on May i8th, 1409. 
REC. ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH. During his father's time the lands belong- 
ing to the Prior of Durham were over-run both by the English and the Scots, 
and a property which yielded ^226 in time of peace, could show no more 
than ^37 of receipt ; while the tithes of the fisheries of the Tweed, from 
Berwick to Coldstream, produced " 2s. and no more " instead of an average 
of 7 or ;8, on account of "the sterility of the water." RAINE, NORTH 
DURHAM, 278. 

1 DEP. KEEP. 33RD REPT., 76. 2 RAINE, N. DURHAM, 286; RYM., 
viii., 572. 3 NOTT. REC., IL, 459. FABRIC ROLLS, 342. Cf. iii. flekys 
emp., gd., RIPON MEM., in., 126, also PROMPT. PARV., CATHOL., and 
JAMIESON, s.v. 4 For taknails at 4d. per 100, see ROGERS, in., 556. 
5 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 27, November 24th, 1404. 6 Due. LANC. REC., XL, 
15, I6 1 , 65 1 . 7 HULBERT, 150; OWEN and BLAKEWAY, i., 193. 



60 Negotiations. [CHAP, xxxix. 

weeks by Roger Bradshaw, 1 who hired men specially to guard 
him, he was removed, 2 together with Sir Murdach Stewart, 3 for 
safer custody to the Tower of London. The two were treated 
with special deference, and after a short while they were allowed 
to accompany 4 the Court wherever the King resided. Douglas 
being a man in the prime of life 5 and of ready wit, 6 soon made 
himself a general favourite. His portrait was painted by order 
of the English King, and hung in " the Privy Gallery at 

1 DEVON, 301. In Q. R. WARDROBE, \ 8 , Nicholas Bradshaw spends 
money for three pipes of Gascon wine for the King, when staying at the 
Austin Friars in Stafford, July 24th, 1403, immediately after the battle ; 
App. B. On the 23rd July the King had slept at Lilleshall Abbey. At 
Mansfield he stayed with Richard Selleston, who presented him troughtre 
(trout?). 2 RYM., vin., 346, February 9th, 1404. 3 Called Murdoch of 
Fife in ROT. SCOT., n., 176, or Mordyk Fyf, RYM., vin., 544, ROT. 
SCOT., IL, 157, July 3 ist, 1408, or le Mestre de Fyf, ORD. PRIV. Co., II., 
338, the title allowed to eldest sons during their father's lifetime (cf. Master 
of Douglas, in DOUGLAS BOOK, i., 361), his father being Earl of Fife and 
Menteith. RAINE, NORTH DURHAM, App. 34; EXCHEQ. ROLLS SCOT., 
in., 284, 613, iv., ccix., 24 ; REG. MAG. SIG. SCOT., 217 ; CHARTERS OF 
ST. GILES, EDINBRO', 32, 38; LIBER DE MELROS, n., 468, 473, 477; 
FRASER, u., 20; WYNTOWN, in., 99. In RED BOOK OF MENTEITH, i., 
Ixxviii., 136, it is argued that he became Earl of Menteith by special 
creation, not by marriage, as EXCHEQ. ROLLS SCOT., n., Ixxxi. Murdach 
was now over 40 years of age (MENTEITH, I., 239), and had been married 
since 1392 (ibid., I., 161, 241), in which year he is Dominus de Apthane 
[i.e. the Abthen of Dull, at the eastern end of Loch Tay. EXCHEQ. ROLLS 
SCOT., in., 427, 458, 510, 587, 609, 644; WYNT., IL, 467 ; DOUGLAS 
BOOK, in., 411 ; JAMIESON, iv., 538 (not "Lord of Apthane," as MEN- 
TEITH, I., 240, 244, n., 266)] and Justiciar north of the Forth. For Abthen 
of Ratho, see DOUGLAS BOOK, in., 17, and the Abthen of Monifeith, ibid., 
in., 351. In 1407 Murdach is Lord of Kinclaven on the Tay. EXCHEQ. 
ROLLS SCOT., iv., 51 ; WYNT., in., 85 ; MENTEITH, i., 226 (1417). 

4 RYM., vin., 388, March 8th, 1405 ; LEL. COL., vi., 300 ; MONAST., i., 
625. See the letter of the Duke of Albany, dated Falkland, June 2nd, in 
VESP. F. , vii. ,114, NATL. MSS. OF SCOTLAND, n. , 57, which seems to fit in 
with 1405 better than 1404, as MENTEITH, I., 186 ; also letter dated Perth, 
November 4th, in VESP. F., VIL, 81, translated in MENTEITH, I., 207. 

5 He was born about 1372. DOUGLAS BOOK, I., 360. 6 For his wit e.g., 
"They sit full still that have a riven breike," see GoDSCROFT, 120; SCOTI- 
CHRON., n., 438. GODSCROFT (115) thinks that he was called the Tine- 
man, " in that he tint almost all his men and all the battles that he fought." 
But the name was certainly given to Archibald Douglas, the Regent, who 
was killed at Halidon Hill in 1333. SCOTICHRON., n., 310; DOUGLAS, 
184 ; DOUGLAS BOOK, i., xxxiv., 360. 



1404-] Murdoch of Fife. 61 

Whitehall." 1 In April and May, 1404, he was at Windsor, 2 
where he drew four sesters and half a pitcher of the King's 
Malmsey. 3 In the following year he was allowed robes 4 and 
garments from the King's wardrobe, and ;io was paid for his 
expenses 5 as he passed with Murdach between Hertford and 
Leicester, and when the relatives of the Frenchmen 6 captured 
at Humbledon 7 bestirred themselves to effect the liberation of 
their kinsmen, their generosity extended so far as to lead them 
to collect money for the ransom of the Earl of Douglas also. 8 

When the two Scottish Commissioners visited King Henry 
at Pontefract 9 in July, 1404, they were empowered to negociate 
for the ransom of Murdach 10 and Douglas, and arrangements 

1 GODSCROFT (120) says that it was still to be seen in his time (i. e., 
circ. 1630). A portrait of James, second Earl of Douglas (died 1388), in 
possession of the Marquis of Queensberry, in the Exhibition of National 
Portraits in 1866, was dismissed by the critics as " absurdly modern late 
fifteenth century." See CATALOGUE. 2 Q. R. WARDROBE, % 8 , App. B. 
3 For Malvezie, a Greek wine from Napoli de Malvasia, or Nauplia in the 
Morea, see LIB. ALB., i., 711 ; n., 337. 4 Q. R. WARDROBE, * App. B. 
5 Ibid., 6 8 8 , App. B. 6 See Vol. I., 293, where Haleye is probably de 
Heilly, an Artois family, FROIS., XXL, 337 ; DELAVILLE, L, 284, 291 ; 
MICHEL, i., 105; MONSTR., L, 260, 359; FENIN, n ; BARANTE, n., 45, 
57. loth REPORT, HIST. Mss., vi., 77, has le Sire de Heillys and Mons. 
Jaket de Haplee, the list of killed and wounded mounting up to 85 notables 
above the rank of esquire. Jacques Seigneur d'Helly occurs among the 
men-at-arms with the Duke of Burgundy in August-October, 1405, 
PLANCHER, in., 579; also at Lille in 1408, ibid., 580, CCLXI. Cf. ST. 
DENYS, iv., 410; MONSTR., IL, 118 ; OTTERBOURNE, 272. For Pierre 
des Essars, see BAYE, I. , 127, proving that he was free in the spring of 
1407. He was made Provost of Paris May 5th, 1408, Juv., 447 ; BAYE, 
i., 229 ; ST. DENYS, iv., 272 ; MONSTR., IL, 42, vi., 204 ; BOURGEOIS, 
631 ; deposed after the treaty of Bicetre, November 2nd, 1410, ST. 
DENYS, iv., 384, 430 ; MONSTR., n., 99, 143, vi., 266 ; Juv., 455 ; but 
reinstated September I2th, 1411, MONSTR., n., 180, 191; ST. DENYS, iv., 
478 ; BAYE, IL, 22 ; DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 346 ; MAS-LATRIE, 2186. Johan 
Dormy may be Jean D'Ormay, and Courshill is perhaps Courcelles, see 
ST. DENYS, iv., 410; MONS'TR., n., 118. 7 In bello de Humbledon, 
RYM., viii., 292. Spelt " Homildoun " in EXCH. ROLLS SCOT., iv., 45, 
81 ; " Hummeldonehyl," ELMHAM, HIST. MON. AUG., 70 ; " Homeldon- 
hill," RYM., viii., 289, ROT. SCOT, IL, 163; " Honnuldown," MAJOR, 125. 
See also RAMSAY, i., 47, quoting HUTCHINSON'S NORTHUMBERLAND, i., 
242. 8 BAYE, L, 117, 127; ST. DENYS, in., 44; MICHEL, L, 105; 
DOUGLAS BOOK, i., 369. 9 RYM., VIIL, 359, 372. I0 Not Marmaduke 
Seneschal as AYLOFFE, 304. 



62 Negotiations. [CHAP, xxxix. 

were pending in reference to several other leading captives. 
The cost of the maintenance 1 of these prisoners was consi- 
derable, and the longer their ransom was delayed the larger 
must be the ultimate claim upon their relations. Some of 
them, including young George, 2 Earl of Angus, son-in-law 8 to 
the Scottish King, had died of the plague in England, so that 
no ransoms could come now from their friends. The Earls of 
Moray 4 and Orkney, with Sir David Fleming, Alexander Seton, 
Alexander Home 5 of Dunglas, and others, had long ago secured 
their release, and Fleming 6 had been one of the Scottish envoys 
who were sent to negociate at Pontefract. On November loth, 
I404, 7 Sir William Graham and three of his fellow-prisoners 
were allowed to pass into Scotland to arrange for payment of 
their ransom. They returned to London in the following 
March and had an interview with Murdach and Douglas. 

On December 29th, 1404^ it was known that the great Sir 
David Lindsay, Lord of Glenesk, Earl of Crawford, and Deputy 

1 ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., MICH. (December 2nd, 1404), records payment 
of ;8oo to Thomas Rempston, Constable of the Tower, for Scottish and 
other prisoners in his charge. 2 GoDSCROFT, 118, from " BLACK BOOK OF 
SCONE," i.e., SCOTICHRON., n., 435. He was a natural son of William, 
first Earl of Douglas, DOUGLAS BOOK, i., 290, n., 17, 592, in., 40 ; EXCH. 
ROLLS SCOT., iv., CLXXIII.; and was about 25 years old at the time of his 
death, DOUGLAS BOOK, n., 22. 3 He married Mary, second daughter of 
King Robert III., DOUGLAS BOOK, i., XLIV., n., 18 ; EXCH. ROLLS SCOT., 
iv., CLXXIII. For the marriage indenture dated May 24th, 1397, see 
DOUGLAS BOOK, in., 38, 41. She is buried in the church at Strathblane, 
below Campsie Fells in Stirlingshire, DOUGLAS BOOK, II., 23. 4 According 
to DOUGLAS BOOK, I., 369, the Earl of Moray (i. e. Thomas Dunbar) died 
in England, but this is not borne out by the reference to SCOTICHRON., n., 
435. He witnessed deeds at Perth on March I2th, 1407, REG. MAG. SIG., 
224, 225, where he is nepos to the Duke of Albany, i. e., he was the son of 
Marjory, daughter of Robert II., EXCH. ROLLS SCOT., iv., CXLII. See 
also ibid., 69, &c., and MENTEITH, i., 225. 5 GODSCROFT (118) is wrong 
in saying that he died in England ; RAINE, NORTH DURHAM, App., 34. 
6 The other was William Murehede, AYLOFFE, 304 ; RYM., viii., 371. In 
VESP., F. vii., 70 (68), Robert III. refers Henry IV. to David Fleming 
for some particular information dated Lithai (i. e., Leith), August 25th, 
1404 (?). Q. R. WARDROBE, *-/, shows that Fleming and others were at 
Tutbury in September, 1404, App. B. ? ROT. SCOT., n., 172 a. 8 RYM., 
viii., 381 ; ROT. SCOT., n., 172 b. 



1404-] Schir Davy Lindsay. 63 

Chamberlain 1 of Scotland North of the Forth, was coming 
south to settle preliminaries for a peace. His fame was 
already well established in England. In 1390, when twenty- 
five years of age, 2 he had met the Lord of Welle in the lists on 
the open space next to the " draft lef " 3 in the middle of London 
Bridge, 4 and unhorsed 5 him in presence of King Richard II. 
and his Queen. He proved his giant strength against the High- 
land robbers in Strathardle in 1392, when they dared to raid 
near his lands in Angus, almost losing his life at the " doleful 6 
dayswork of Glassclune." In 1396, at the meeting 7 of the 
Kings of France and England between Ardres and Calais, he 
and his brother Alexander were present, and undertook to be- 
come Knights of the proposed Order of the Passion for the 
recovery of the Holy Land. Early in 1398, he was one of the 
great nobles commissioned to treat with John of Gaunt at 
Haudenstank, and by his timely interference prevented an out- 
break of anger between Hotspur and Douglas in the middle of 
the negociations. At a council held at Perth 8 in the same year, 
he was created Earl of Crawford from his estates in Clydesdale, 
having previously married a half-sister 9 of King Robert III. 
In the opening of King Henry's reign he was playing the pirate 
in the interest of the Duke of Orleans 10 off the coast of Spain, 
and in 1402, he fell in with the explorer Bethencourt at 

1 EXCH. ROLLS SCOT., in., 613, 647 ; MENTEITH, i., 146. 2 LINDSAY, 
i., 87. 3 ROT. PARL., v., 44; JUSSERAND, 415. + JUSSERAND, 35, 48. 
For view of London Bridge temp. Henry VI., see MS. BIBL. REG., 16, F, 
ii., BRIT. Mus.; G. ELLIS, i., 310; HARRISON, part iii.; not HARLEIAN 
MS. , as KNIGHT, LONDON, n. , 207. 5 W YNT. , Bk. ix. , Ch. xi. ; MALVERN 
in HIGDEN, ix., 235 ; NEILSON, 233. 6 WYNT., ix., xini., 88; NEILSON, 
248. 7 ORIENT LATIN, i., 363. 8 EXCHEQUER ROLLS SCOT., in., 460. 
9 Called Elizabeth in LINDSAY, i., 98, EXCHEQ. ROLLS SCOT., iv., clxv., 
or Catherine, in DOUGLAS, 156. 10 He had entered into a bond in 1401 
whereby he did homage to the Duke for life, and undertook to serve him 
with three knights, six esquires and twelve archers, in return for a payment 
of 1000 francs. ST. DENYS, xx., Ch. vi.; MICHEL, 101, 102. For the 
document signed in Paris Jan. 1st, 1402, see TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135, 4. 



64 Negotiations. [CHAP, xxxix. 

Corunna, 1 and offered his assistance in the expedition to the 
Canaries. He attended a council at Perth 2 on March i5th, 
1405, and afterwards proceeded to England with an escort of 
100 men, and there was little doubt that his visit would tend 
to hasten a friendly settlement in view of the approaching 
expiration of the truce due at Easter, 1405. His safeconduct 
was to last till Whitsuntide, and by a subsequent arrangement 
it was extended 3 till September ist, 1405. The Abbot of 
Dunfermline 4 (John Torry) and another soon followed him 
into England, so that there was no chance of failure for lack 
of counsellors. 

Early in the year 1405^ Lancaster herald had been sent to 
Scotland on secret business. On the 5th of March, 6 a com- 
mission headed by Henry Bowet, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 
was appointed to treat with the Scots at Hadden, or Hauden- 
stank, 7 on March 24th, 1405, and if possible come to some 
agreement as to questions of boundary, which were the cause 
of constant disputes in the neighbourhood of the castles of 
Roxburgh, Jedburgh, and Berwick, where quarrels arose as to 
the claim of the English to exact dues and prevent the erection 

1 BETHENCOURT, Ch. in. ADD. MS., 11298, ff. 22, 24, dated Nov. 
29th, I40/ (?), records that Bethencourt and Gadifer had sold all they pos- 
sessed in France, that they had stayed in the Canaries, and that it was not 
known what had become of them since. Both of them were at Ardres, in 
the retinue of Charles VI., at the marriage of Richard II. in 1396, DES- 
CHAMPS, vi., 54. For MS., EGERTON, 2709, see EC. DES CHAKTES, LI., 
209; ATHEN^UM, 4/10/90, p. 449. 2 EXCH. ROLLS SCOT., in., 613. 
3 RYM., viii., 397 (June and, 1405) ; ROT. SCOT., n., 174. 4 Ibid, 174 b. 
(March 2Oth, 1405). 5 ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. iv., MICH., has payment (5) 
dated March 2nd, 1405. 6 ROT. SCOT., n., 173. See their instructions 
dated March 4th, 1405, in RYM. viii., 384. ? Called " Haldanys Stank " 
in WYNT., ix., xvni. ; " Hawedenstank," ROT. SCOT., n., 140 ; " Hou- 
denstang," KAL. AND INV., 11., 73. In the SURVEY OF 1542 it is called 
" Hawdenstangke." It is situated on the Riddenburn, a little to the south- 
west of Carham, HODGSON, in., 2, 173. In SAXTON'S MAP it is marked 
" Hawdon." For stank (i. e. pool, etang), see WHITTAKER, LEEDS, 168 ; 
or stagne, LEL., ITIN., I., 72 ; estanc, DESCHAMPS, i., 239, 269; P. MEYER, 
399- 



1405.] Haudenstank. 65 

of menacing works. When the day arrived, the English Com- 
missioners were in their place armed with the necessary docu- 
ments, 1 but " by reason of an unforeseen accident," 8 no one 
appeared on the Scottish side. Not caring to spend further 
time in delay, the English envoys returned at once to Morpeth, 3 
and forwarded a report on the position to the King. At the 
council, 4 which met at St. Albans in the beginning of April, 
1405, definite instructions were submitted to the King for 
approval, before being forwarded north to Prince John and the 
Earl of Westmoreland for their guidance on the expiration of 
the truce, and by May ist, 1405^ the documents that had been 
taken northwards to be used in the negociations were returned 
to their old place in the Treasury at Westminster. The Duke 
of Albany, however, as Lieutenant for the King of Scotland, 
was in a compliant mood. He despatched Rothesay 6 herald 
to England, who was favourably received in audience by King 
Henry. Explanations were given as to the non-appearance of 
the Scottish commissioners at Haudenstank, negociations were 
renewed and carried to a successful issue, and in a letter written 
on July 26th, 14057 there is a reference to the truce " tane and 
sworn a late." 

Nevertheless, an English fleet of ten vessels, each with a 
crew of 40 men, and carrying in all 140 men-at-arms and 280 
archers, was equipped for service on the north-east coast in case 
of difficulty. They were provisioned for three months, and 
^2,000 had been allotted from the tenths and fifteenths to pay 
the wages of the men. On the very day 8 of the proposed 

1 KAL. AND INV., n., 71. 2 VESP. F., VIL, 114, in NATL. MSS. SCOT., 
ii., 57, which seems to suit 1405 better than 1404, as MENTEITH, i., 186. 
3 VESP. F., viz., 108 (96), March 26th, 1405. 4 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 255, 
from internal evidence probably refers to this council. 5 KAL. AND INV., 
II., 69, 71. 6 See letter from Albany dated Falkland, June 2nd, 1405, in 

VESP. F., VII., 114 (lOl). 7 PlNKERTON, I., 451. 8 ?AT. , 6 H. IV., 2, 

31 d, March 24th, 1405. 

F 



66 Negotiations. [CHAP, xxxix. 

Haudenstank meeting we have a record of shipping captured 
from the Scots by vessels from London and Bristol, and the 
ensuing summer brought no diminution of piracy in the Irish 
seas. A Scottish rover, named Thomas Maccolagh, who had 
been among the captives at Humbledon, 1 had been plundering 
during the early months of 1405 on the coast of Ulster. 2 In 
May, 1405, he was seized off Dalkey, on the southern horn of 
Dublin Bay, and two of his ships were captured at Greencastle, 
in the entrance to Carlingford Lough. In retaliation, some 
merchants 3 put out from Drogheda, landed on the Scottish 
coasts, and took " pledges and preys," while others sailed from 
Dublin in June, 1405, to Wigton Bay and ravaged the shore 
about Whithorn, 4 up to the very walls of the cathedral which 
held the venerable shrine of St. Ninian. They then sailed up 
the Clyde to Arran, plundered Lamlash, 5 attacked the royal 
castle of Brodick, 6 seized the captain and held him to ransom, 
killing his son and "harrying 7 all that they might overtake." 
On their return they made for Anglesey, landed at Holyhead, 
sacrilegiously carried off the shrine of St. Cybi, 8 and transferred 
it to the Priory Church of the Holy Trinity, 9 in Dublin. 

1 HIST. MSS., IOTH KEPT., vi., 77. 2 PAT., 7 H. IV., i., 37, Novem- 
ber 28th, 1405, records that lands of Edmund Savage, Steward of Co. 
Ulster, had been ravaged by rebel Irish and Scots. 3 WARE, ANN. , 65 ; 
HOLINSHEAD, 74. 4 WALCOTT, 223. On December 27th, 1405, Elisha 
Adengen, clerk of the cathedral at Witherne (Candida Casa), visited England, 
possibly in connection with this raid. ROT. SCOT., ii., 176; HARRISON, 
I., 66. 5 Called Almelasche, or lie Malasche. EXCH. ROLLS SCOT., I., 
125. 6 Brathwic, ibid., v., 209, 251, 333, 410, 452, 578, or Braithwik, 
ibid., 214, 364. For view, see GROSE, i., 295. ? PINKERTON, i., 451. 
8 Or St. Kebius, a Cornish saint. See CAMBRO-BRITON, m., 85; CAP. 
GRAVE, NOVA LEGENDA, ecu.; BUTLER, April 25th; MONAST., vi., 
1475 ; FULLER, i., 211. 9 WARBURTON, i., 264. 



CHAPTER XL. 
THE HANSE. 

IT will be remembered that in September, 1403,* two envoys 
from Elbing and Danzig had visited England, bringing letters 
from Conrad of Jungingen. They complained that great in- 
juries had been inflicted by the English on the subjects of the 
High Master in the Baltic, and presented a claim for compen- 
sation to the amount of 19,120 nobles, 2 or ^6,373. Early in 
the same year, a Danzig vessel had been captured by four 
English ships from Calais. Complaint was lodged, and, on 
enquiry, it was found that there was something to be said on 
the other side. On May 2oth, 1403^ King Henry wrote to the 
High Master, explaining that it was really no fault of his. The 
Danziger had been hailed in a friendly way by the Calais men, 
but her master had jeered at them, hauled down all his vanes 4 
except St. Denis, manned his castles, fired three bumbards, and 
then got captured. This explanation 5 was accepted, and when 
the envoys crossed to England, the council were able to patch 
up the matter with them. A truce 6 was arranged to last until 
Easter, 1404, and they returned to their homes with an agree- 
ment 7 whereby the English King undertook to enquire further 
into the matters in dispute, and if necessary, see that restitution 
was made before the truce expired. But the question had been 
put off, and though the English traders residing in Prussia, like 
those in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, had been empowered 

1 Vol. I., 382. 2 HAKLUYT, i., 154; ROY. LET., i., 162. 3 HR., 
v., 90. 4 Ventilogia. See Du CANGE, s.v.; PROMPT. PARV., s.v. Fane; 
CATHOL., s.v. Fayne ; COTG RAVE, s.v. Girouette ; CHAUCER, CLERK'S 
TALE, 8872. s HR., v., 92. 6 Ibid., 103. ? A copy of it was deposited in 
the Treasury, October 8th, 1403. KAL. AND INV., IL, 68. 



68 The Hanse, [CHAP. XL. 

to elect * aldermen for the purpose of putting a stop to all these 
irregularities, which were threatening to extinguish the profitable 
trade then carried on between England and the Baltic towns, 
yet the continued piracies on both sides had increased rather 
than diminished the exasperation. Danish vessels and shipping 
from Bremen 2 were captured off the coast of Norway by the 
men of Lynn, Newcastle, and Whitby, and a Pomeranian 3 ship 
was seized and taken to Burnham on the coast of Norfolk. On 
May 3ist, 1404,* an order was issued at Danzig prohibiting the 
Baltic vessels from making their annual voyage to England. 
English cloth was not to be sold in Prussian or Hanse ports, 
no ebony, pitch, or tar was to be exported from them after June 
i5th, 1404, and every Englishman must leave Danzig 5 unless 
he was made a burgess before Michaelmas, 1404. 

But the herring season was drawing on, and King Henry 
feared that if some semblance of friendly negociation were not 
kept up, his subjects would be shut out from the great annual 
harvest of the sea. The herrings then passed up the Sound 
from August to October, 6 and we have an interesting account 
written by a travelled Frenchman 7 who had once sailed 
through during the Schonentide on his way to Prussia. He 
reports that there were 40,000 schuts, 8 each with a crew of 

1 See charters in HAKLUYT, I., 185 ; RYM., vm., 360, 511 ; HIST. 
MSS., IITH KEPT., App. in., 203; HIRSCH, DANZIG, 101, dated June 
6th, 1404, which is at least two years earlier than the date usually assigned. 
See H. HALL, CUSTOMS, i., 45 ; MACPHERSON, i., 617 ; HERBERT, i., 
232. A similar permission is extended to the English in Holland, Zealand, 
Brabant and Flanders, in 1407 (February 5th). RYM., vm., 464. 2 PAT., 
6 H. IV., 2, 2; ROY. LET., i., 412. 3 GLAUS., 6 H. IV.. 33, dated 
August 29th, 1404, not 1405, as would appear from the entry. 4 HR., v., 
133. s lUd., 138. 6 i.e. between St. James' Day (July 25th) and Martin- 
mas. HIRSCH, DANZIG, 147. 7 i.e. Philippe de Mezieres. See Extract 
from LE SONGE DU VIEIL PELERIN in ACAD. DES INSCR., xvi., 226, xvn., 
491 ; MONSTR., i., 325 ; ACTA SANCT. , January 29th, 996; CHAMPOLLION- 
FIGEAC, Louis ET CHARLES, 177. For recent accounts of him see A. 
FROMENT in ECOLE DES CHARTES, XLVIL, 692 ; DELAVILLE LE ROULX, 
i., 201. 8 GRAUTOFF, n., 357 ; HIRSCH, DANZIG, 264. 



1404.] Herrings. 69 

from six to ten persons, and 500 larger vessels at work collect- 
ing, salting, 1 and packing. The fish were so thick in the strait 
that you could cut 2 them with a sword. For forty-five miles 
along the shore of the peninsula of Schonen 3 (or Malmo 4 ) 
there were wooden huts put up for the fishermen. Each of the 
Hanse towns had its Vitte 5 or alloted space fenced off along the 
shore, and Liibeck alone sent 600 men, who were accompanied 
by an army of ropers, shoemakers, watchers 6 (to prevent over- 
loading), coopers (to make the herringtuns), 7 carpenters, salters, 
and packers, all of whom had to be kept in wine, beer, 8 corn, 
hops, 9 salt, worts, leatherware and irongoods, which the Ger- 
mans themselves supplied to the markets of Skanor, Malmo 
and Falsterbo. Our Frenchman calculates that there would be 
300,000 men busy for two months, " such a big battle of folk 
to catch this little fish," 10 and he sees in all this the evidence of 
a special Providence supplying France, England, and Germany 
with dried fish for Lent. 11 

Accordingly on June 5th, I404, 12 John Brown, of Lynn, 

1 HR., v., 179. 2 On les pourroit tailler & 1'espee. A CAD. DBS INSCR., 
xvi., 226. 3 Ad Sconse partes. ROY. LET., i., 243, 275 ; KUNZE, 167; 
KEUTGEN, 50. Cf. La mer de Scoene ou on pesche le herencq. LANNOY, 
12. In JURADE, 297, it is probable that " los de Escona" refers to Schonen 
rather than to Scotland. For visit of W. Junghans to Schonen in 1860, see 
NACHRICHTEN V.D. HISTORISCHEN COMMISSION (Munich), III., n., 37- 
92, in HR., i., p. vi. * RYM., vin., 287, 297. s GRAUTOFF, n., 351 ; 
HR., vi., 93 ; ZIMMERN, 149. 6 Wrakers. HR., vi., 63. 7 Ibid., vi., 
60. 8 For Hamburg beer, see ZIMMERN, 98. 9 For hopfenhandel see HR., 
v., 112, 558. I0 Si a grant bataille de gent pour prendre ce petit poisson. 
ACAD. DES INSCR., xvi., 226. " DENTON, 171 ; DESCHAMPS, vi., 181. 
For ordinance concerning the sale of herrings, see STAT., I., 353. In 1357 
they were priced at 405. the last (of 10,000, STAT., i., 205), or 45. per 
looo. In 1321 the price at the Fishwharf in London was ten for id., 
LIB. GUST., 386. In the LYNN SUBSIDY ROLL, temp. Ed. I., the last of 
herrings is priced at ^3. NORFOLK ARCH^EOL., i., 337. At Nottingham 
a mayse of red herrings (i.e. about 500, CATH. ANGL., 225) was valued at 
6s. 8d., NOTT. REC., i., 358. In 1397, 1060 herrings cost 253., Due. LANC. 
REC., xxviii., 3, 6, App. A. In 1407-8 the last of herrings cost 6 135. 4d., 
and 365. was charged for carriage from Yarmouth to London. Q. R. 
WARDROBE, J|, App. B. I2 ROY. LET., i., 242. 



70 The Hanse. [CHAP. XL. 

was despatched with an apologetic letter to that " noble x and 
mighty personage of sacred religion," Conrad 2 of Jungingen, 
High Master of the German Order, 3 better known in England 
as the Master of Pruce 4 or Sprois, asking forbearance and 
deprecating any breach of the past friendly relations, on the 
ground that so many English vessels were arming to defend the 
coasts against the French and Bretons, that it was no wonder if 
some case of unintentional injury were done now and then. 
The English King repeated his proposal of the previous year, 
viz., that the traders on both sides should be allowed to con- 
tinue their traffic without let till Easter, 1405, and that in the 
meantime, ambassadors should be sent from England to enquire 
into the claims and causes for complaint. The High Master 
replied from Marienburg on July i6th, 1404^ His letter is 
perfectly courteous and friendly in tone. He refers in vague 
terms to the dangers which all boats would experience in pro- 
ceeding to the Sound that year, owing to the hostilities then 
pending between the Order and Queen Margaret of Denmark 
for the possession of the island of Gottland, 6 but he is quite 
firm in his refusal to admit of any postponement of the consi- 
deration of the claims against the English, and declines to 
accept any plea for further delay. This rejoinder seems to have 
brought the English council to a sense of the gravity of the 
situation, and on October 24th, I404, 7 Robert Donington, a 

1 HAKLUYT, i., 159. 2 In CHMEL, 78, 105 (November i5th, 1402) he 
is called Conrad von Egloffstein, hochmeister des deutschen ordens. See 
also HCEFLEB, RUPRECHT, 257. 3 The full official name was the Order of 
the Blessed Mary of Jerusalem (RYM., vni. , 395), des spitals vmser vrouwen, 
or sente marien, or des deutschen huses von Jerusalem. HIRSCH, DANZIG, 
71, 104. The Knights wore beards and were dressed in white mantles 
(LANNOY, 13), with a black cross on the left arm (ALZOG, n., 705). See 
the monument of Conrad of Thiiringen at Marburg (died 1241) in VOSSBERG, 
n., 56. 4 HIST. MSS., XITH KEPT., App. in., p. 163; Magister de le 
Pruys, WALS., n., 198; BUIK OF CHRON., in., 446 ; SCOTICHROX. , n. , 
416 ; BOUCICAUT, 233. s ROY. LET., i., 274 ; HAKLUYT, i., 160; HR., 
v., 137. 6 LANGEBEK, i., 397, v., 533. ? ROY. LET., i., 401. 



1405.] Esturmy and Kington. 71 

Hull merchant, was sent to Stralsund to attempt to allay the 
irritation in that town. 

When the Parliament broke up at Coventry, November i4th, 
1404, the Speaker, Sir William Esturmy, 1 and two other envoys, 
viz.: William Brampton, a citizen of London, and Master John 
Kington, 2 a canon of Lincoln, were appointed to proceed to 
Prussia to open negociations. Their personal importance had 
been somewhat overrated, for rumours 3 had reached Marien- 
burg that a bishop and two knights were on their way. How- 
ever, the High Master felt complimented by the appointment 
of a mission and regarded the envoys as " right notable 

1 He signs himself "Esturmy" in ROY. LET., i., 100, 101. See also 
HAKLUYT, i., 154; PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 10 ; PIPE ROLL, 7 H. IV., (Devon 
and Wilts), RYM., vni., 395; KAL. AND INV., n., 68. In ORD. PRIV. Co., 
II., 99, CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 5, he is called "Stourmy." In REC. ROLL, 
10 H. IV., MICH., December 4th, 1408, the name is spelt "Sturmy" 
and "Esturmy" in the same entry. In YEAR BOOK, 14 H. IV., 15, it is 
"Estourmy." He was patron of Tedburn St. Mary, near Crediton, and 
Heanton Punchardon, near Barnstaple, though his claim was disputed by 
the King in 1412. STAFF. REG., 94, 125. In 1394 he went with Richard 
II., to Ireland. DAVIES, 136, who calls him " a well-learned man in the 
law." In 1399 he was one of the knights of the shire for Wilts (RETURN 
PARL. , i., 259; see also Vol. I., 469), where he owned land at Chadham. 
In April, 1401, he was one of the envoys to the Duke of Gueldres (RYM., 
Vlll., 190), and in 1402 he accompanied the Princess Blanche to Cologne. 
PAT., ii H. IV., i, 33 ; Vol. I., 253. On May 2Oth, 1406, he was one 
of the justices for gaol delivery at Marlborough. PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 29. 
In REC. ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH., December 4th, 1406, he has custody of 
two-thirds of the manor of Tawstock, near Barnstaple (PlPE ROLL, DEVON, 
7 H. IV.), lately belonging to Sir Fulk Fitzwaryn. REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 
PASCH. (April 25th and July 5th, 1408); called " Tavystoke " in REC. 
ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH. (May ist and June 2nd, 1409), or "Toustok," 
PAT., ii H. IV., i, 22. Eor an interesting bundle of his papers now at 
Canterbury, see 5TH REPT. HIST. MSS., 443. These were copied by 
Pauli in 1876 who has some guesses as to how they came there in HAN- 
SISCHE GESCHICHTSBL/ETTER, 1877, p. 126. His copies are published in 
HR., Vol. V., 351. See also LITERS CANTUARIENSES, in., pp. xxviii.. 
79-107. He refers also to VESP. F., I., and NERO, B. II., which he tran- 
scribed years ago for the Library of the Academy at Berlin. 2 He was 
made Prebendary of Clifton, in the diocese of Lincoln, Jan. 2nd, 1401. LE 
NEVE, n., 132. He had had to do with these questions previously. ORD. 
PRIV. Co., i., 223. There is a reference to him in a letter in HARL., 431, 
45 (23). He is called Kympton in ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH. (Novem- 
ber I2th, 1406). 3 HR., v., 165, March 7th, 1405. 



72 The Hanse. [CHAP. XL. 

men.'' 1 On December 23rd, I404, 2 an order was issued that 
none were to take the goods of the Prussians, or of the men of 
the Hanse, or of Liibeck, or of the Teutonic tongue. Two 
ships from Hamburg, 3 carrying beer, tar, wainscots, 4 and 
osmund, had been seized and carried to Scarborough, and two 
others, called the " Holy Christ of Prussia," and the " Mary- 
knight of Danzig," sailing between England and Zealand, had 
been captured by rovers from Cromer, Yarmouth, and Blakeney. 
An enquiry was held, and in the latter case the Sheriffs of 
Norfolk 5 and Suffolk were required to make restitution for the 
goods in the proportion of i6s. for every los. of value. 

The members of the Hanse League, known to our fore- 
fathers as "Dutchmen," 6 " Hansers Pruciers," 7 or "Teutonics 
of Almain," 8 had long held a strong position in all the large 
trading towns on the East coast of England. They had their 
counters 9 at Boston, 10 Yarmouth, Hull, and Lynn, but by far 
their strongest foothold was in London. Here they had their 
Gildhall 11 and Hanshouse, 12 to protect 13 their corn and other 

1 "Gar namhaftig manne. "-Conrad to the Master of Livonia, August I2th, 
1405. HR., v., 193; BUNGE, iv., 1663. 2 CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 27. 

3 PAT., 7 H. IV., I, 17, 40, October I4th, 1405, and January 29th, 1406. 

4 i.e. deal planks known as "estricheboards," see LIB. ALB., I., 238; 
DUCANGE, s.v., "waynscots"; HERBERT, i., 87; HIST. MSS., IITH 
REFT., App. in., 42, 230. sp A T., 6 H. IV., i, 9, 18, December 9th, 
1404, and February I2th, 1405. 6 Cf. ROT. PARL., in., 578, with CHRON. 
GILES, 52. For " Duche Hanse," see ROT. PARL., vi., 123. 7 ROT. 
PARL., v., 144. 8 LIB. ALB., i., 535, 542. Teutonici Alemanii, LAPPEN- 
BERG, ii; Mercatores Alemannirc, ibid., 154; Marchantz d'Almaigne, 
ORD. PRIV. Co., iv., 87. 9 For Comptoir zu London, see LAPPENKKRG, 
ii., 102. For Kontor, see ZIMMERN, 95. I0 LAPPENBERG, 24. Those 
at Bristol, Norwich, and Ipswich were probably of a later date. Ibid., 33. 
N. and Q., 7th S., viii., 424. " ROT. PARL., vi., 123, 198; LAPPEN- 
BERG, 12 ; HERBERT, i., 13; HR., i., xxvi.; DORGEEL; HALL, CUSTOMS, 
I., 24. I2 Hanshus. T. SMITH, 151. Grandes hostielx et meaisons en les- 
queles ils sont sole enhabitanz. ROT. PARL., in., 626. For origin of 
hansa (i.e. house), see HANS. -GESCH. -BLOTTER, 1872, p. 15. For the hanse 
of Amiens, see LIB. CUST., I., 71. For list of 45 towns with a hanse in 
England, Wales, and Ireland, see GROSS, i., 193. *3 LAPPENBERG, i., 72. 



1405.] The Steelyard. 73 

goods from thieves and weather, at the corner of Cosins Lane * 
and Windgoos Alley on the Wallbrook in Thames Street, and 
their dyehouse, wine-cellar, and a garden 2 planted with vines 
and fruit trees stretching down to the riverside. They were 
bound to watch 3 the Bishopsgate and to keep it in repair, but 
in return for this they were exempt from murage and pavage, 
and their poundage 4 did not exceed 3d., even when the whole 
country was paying at the rate of is. in the . They gave to 
the Mayor and Sheriffs of London a present of ^50 each every 
year, but they chose their own aldermen, who had jurisdiction 
in their courts. They rented houses in the Steelyard 5 at the 
back of their Gildhall, as well as rooms, 6 floors, and cellars in 
the adjoining streets. All the Hanse towns were represented, 
their interests being grouped 7 under the lead of Cologne 8 
(including Gueldres and Dinant), 9 Liibeck (with the country 
eastward from the Rhine), and Danzig (as the chief town for 
Prussia, Livonia, and Gottland). Every member paid in his 
shot 10 to the common box, and had to abide by the common 
rules. Loose " women, barbers and goldsmiths apprentices 
were forbidden entrance to their yard, and no one was allowed 
to leave straw, or mess, or other foulness about, under penalty 
of a fine, to be paid in wax for their light to burn before the 

1 LAPPENBERG, i., 56; n., 32, 35, 148; ZIMMERN, 180. 2 LAPPEN- 
BERG, i., 73. 3 LIB. ALB., i., 485, 540 ; LIB. GUST., 112 ; STRYPE, I., 
n., 203; LAPPENBERG, i., 18, 88; IL, 26 ; LOFTIE, 34, 92 ; KUNZE, xxiv. 
4 HAKLUYT, i. , 171 ; LAPPENBERG, n. . 29. s In 1410 there is an order 
that the little door leading from the Gildhall to the Stahlhof must be kept 
closed. LAPPENBERG, i., 25, n , 120. They did not actually purchase 
the Steelyard (!NQ. p. MORT., in., 71) till 1475, MACPHERSON, i., 691 ; 
though LAPPENBERG, 24, 71, shows that it was actually occupied by them 
as early as 1320. For guesses as to the meaning of Steelyard, see HANS.- 
GESCH. -BLOTTER, 1887, pp. 129-135. 6 LAPPENBERG, i., 60; n., 117. 
7 LAPPENBERG, I., 29; n., 104; HR., i., xxxi. 8 For the "Coloniens" 
or " Citizeins of Coloyn," with their separate Gildhall in Dowgate, see ROT. 
PARL., i., 315 ; LIB. ALB., i., 179, 229, 241 ; LIB. CUST., i., XLI., 66; 
PRICE, 33. The Latin inscriptions over the door are preserved in STRYPE, 
ii., 205, from NATHAN CHYTR^EUS. KUNZE, xv. I0 Schoss, schot. 
LAPPENBERG, i., 25 ; n., 121. " LAPPENBERG, 24, 32 ; GROSS, i., 192- 
198; ZIMMERN, 190-192. 



74 The Hanse. [CHAP. XL. 

High Altar on Barbara's Day 1 in the Seamen's Church 2 of All 
Hallows the More. The meal and mornspeech 3 were held in 
the Gildhall, but no fighting or ball-playing was allowed, and no 
English friends could be brought in. The wealth of the London 
Hansers, and their value as moneylenders in the King's neces- 
sities, could always secure reasonable attention to the claims of 
their brethren abroad, and some idea of the extent of the trade 
between England and the Baltic towns, may be gathered from 
the fact that in 1392,* 300 English vessels cleared from Danzig 
alone with cargoes of corn, honey, salt, potash, 5 sweet wine, 
and skins 6 of Russian beaver, 7 rabbit, 8 martin, weasel, and 
ermine. Besides this there was a vast and growing trade in 
timber (especially yew, 9 from which the famous English bow- 
staff was made), tar, pitch, amber, tin, osmund 10 (or Swedish 
iron), Hungarian copper, and Danzig beer.n England in turn 
supplied the Hansers with woollen stuffs, 12 worsted, coverlets, 
and frieze, from London, Beverley, Hull, Colchester, Dublin, 
and Munster, which thus found their way to Novgorod 13 for 
distribution throughout Russia. In i386, u four Englishmen 
obtained permission to form a counter in Danzig, and were 

1 Barberendach. LAPPENBERG, i., 124; n., 27; ZIMMEBN, 199. 2 LAP- 
PENBERG, 124. 3 Ibid., 58, 73, 106. 4 HIRSCH, DANZIG, 100 ; KEUTGEN, 
71. 5 Aesche, HR., in., 498; woadaschen, POL. SONGS, n., 172; holze- 
asche, HANS.-GESCH.-BL., 1883, p. 114. 6 HR., v., 349. For list of 
furs see KUNZE, 317. ? For brock and bauson, see PROMPT. PARV., 27, 
53; CATHOL., 24, 44. 8 DENTON (165) seems scarcely justified in his 
argument based upon the "absence of much commerce with the northern 
countries of Europe, and the consequent scarcity of furs of greater value," &c. 
9 KUNZE, XLV. I0 Ozemunt. und allerleye yseren. HR., v., 155. HOHL- 
BAUM, HANSISCHE URKUNDENBUCH, GLOSSARY, in., 2 ; ROGERS, i., 470. 
11 DENTON, 204. I2 HR., in., 498; iv., 556; v., 331 ; HIRSCH, DAN- 
ZIG, 97, 116, 120, 245, 257. For " wool and tin, our English commodities," 
see POL. SONGS, n., 161 ; VOLATERRANUS, 69. For a good account of 
imports and exports temp. Ed. III., see LIB. ALB., i., xciii. See also 
Robert of Gloucester (circ. 1300), HEARNE'S EDITION, init. For imports 
and exports of Hull (1401), which, after London, had the chief Baltic trade, 
see App. j. For fells or woolskins see HARD., 366 ; STAT., i., 289, 291. 
In 1407, Lord Furnival leaves to each of his executors, unam gregem mul- 
tonum continentem 480 multones, TEST. EBOB., iii.,42. I3 HR., v., 39. 
J HIRSCH, DANZIG, 98. 



1405.] Danzig. 75 

quickly joined by numbers of their countrymen as guests, ac- 
companied by their wives and children. 1 They soon acquired 
the right of appointing their own Alderman, giving him power 
to settle their trade disputes, with the necessary prison and 
stocks for the punishment of defaulters. They purchased a 
building, still known as the English House, 2 where goods could 
be sold, business transacted, and lodgings obtained, but they 
were only to sell their stuff in the piece, with the selvedge 3 at 
both ends, and not cut it for retailing. 

On October i6th, 1404,* the High Master had decided to 
expel the English from Danzig, and that henceforward no 
Englishman should be admitted to Prussian burghership, or be 
allowed to marry into a Prussian family, in Danzig, Elbing, 
Thorn, Culm, Konigsberg, Braunsberg, or any other town in 
the district subject to the Teutonic Knights ; while if any 
English trader had the misfortune to bring a cargo to any of 
their ports, he was not allowed to remove it, but was compelled 
to part with it there and then for any price that he could get. 
This challenge was answered by an order excluding certain 
Prussian goods from English ports, but the Danzigers outwitted 
it by shipping wood 5 in ballast, potash in beer barrels, pitch 
and tar in false packing, and other goods stowed away under- 
neath their cargoes of grain. 

But when troubles were gathering in the spring of 1405, it 
was obvious that England could not afford to multiply her 
enemies. On March i6th, 1405, 6 proclamations were sent to 

1 HR., v.,69. HANS.-GESCH.-BL., 1883, p. 122. - HIRSCH, DANZIG, 
104. HANS.-GESCH.-BL., 1883, p. 122. 3 Sy sullen haben an byden en- 
den ire selbende. HR., iv., 13, 21, 98, in. HANS.-GESCH.-BL., 1883, 
p. 122 ; HAKLUYT, i., 162. 4 HIRSCH, DANZIG, 102, from STADTBUCH 
OF DANZIG, iv. For similar order dated July 2lst, 1402, see HR., v., 69. 
On December yth, 1401, King Henry had asked Conrad to exclude all Scots 
from Prussia, whence they drew much of their wares and livelihood, HR. , 
v., 64. For his refusal, dated June 1st, 1402, see ibid., 65. 5 HR., v., 
69. HANS.-GESCH.-BL., 1883, p. 122. 6 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 17 d. 



76 The Hanse. [CHAP. XL. 

every county, calling upon all who had complaints to make 
against the Germans to come before the council at Westminster 
with a view to their settlement. Esturmy and his two colleagues 
received their instructions on May i3th, 1405,* and left England 
at the end 2 of the month to make the best reparation that they 
could, and to endeavour to patch up an agreement with the 
Order and the Hanse towns. On June 8th, 1405," the Duke 
of Burgundy wrote from Ghent to the High Master and the 
Hanse towns, asking their help against the English, who had 
just made their attempt upon Sluys, and urging them not to 
admit the coming envoys if they presented themselves. His 
letter was considered by the Hansers at a Diet held at Falsterbo 
during the herring-tide, June 24th, 1405, and on July 3rd, 4 
copies of it were forwarded to the Prussian towns, but they 
received a reply written on August loth, 1405^ informing them 
that the English envoys had already arrived, and had been 
received by the High Master at Marienburg two days before. 
The High Master delayed his answer 6 till he saw the envoys in 
person, and then replied that the business of his Order was to 
fight the heathen, not the English, a quarrel with whom would 
strike at the trade not only of Danzig, but also of Hamburg 
and Cologne. 

The Great Commodore, 7 the Over Spitler, 8 and the Treasurer, 
were appointed to represent the Order in the negociations, the 
Burgomasters 9 of Thorn, Elbing, and Danzig were to look after 
the interests of their respective towns, the Master in Livonia 



vni., 395, 396. HR., v., 192,207. KUNZE, 205. HIST. 
MSS., STH REPORT, 443. 2 ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH. (November 
12th, 1406), and n H. IV., MICH. (November 29th, 1409), have expenses 
of Kington from May 3ist, 1405, to February I7th, 1406. 3 HR., v., 185. 
4 Ibid., 186. 5 Ibid., 189, 6 For his letter dated August 3Oth. 1405, see 
HR., v., 195. 7 RYM., vni., 492. For Kompthur, see HIRSCH, passim. 
8 Ober-Spittler = supremus hospitalarius HR., v., 282. 9 HR., v., 193. 
HIRSCH, DANZIG, 102. 



1405.] Dordrecht. 77 

was informed of the state of matters, and a definite reply was 
promised after Liibeck and the western towns had met and 
deliberated at Michaelmas. " Divers treaties and conferences" 
were held at different places, 1 and claims and counterclaims were 
put forward on both sides. Such as presented no formidable 
difficulty were settled off hand. Others in which the details 
did not admit of ready settlement, and concerning which the 
English envoys were " very slightly informed," 2 were held over 
to be considered on November i8th, 1405, 3 at Dordrecht, 
where the Danzigers had recently * established a counter. The 
cities of Riga and Dorpat, and other places in Livonia which 
were subject to the Order and had suffered most from English 
piracy, claimed 50,000 nobles 5 as indemnity, and their claims 
were set down for consideration at the same time and place, 
and after signing an agreement in presence of the High Master 
in the castle of Marienburg, on October 8th, 1405,6 the English 
envoys set out to return. Brampton took ship for England, 
carrying several documents with him, but the ship was lost 7 
with all hands, and he and the papers went to the bottom. 
Esturmy and Kington, in accordance with their instructions, 
touched at Greifswald, Stralsund, Liibeck, Hamburg, and Bre- 
men, and negociated in similar terms with the Burgomasters. 
On behalf of the English King, they undertook that all the 
privileges of the Hansers in England, their exemptions from 
municipal dues and market tolls, and all their old chartered 
rights 9 should be inviolably observed, and recompense was to be 
made for injuries if the case were fully made out at the coming 



1 NERO, B. ii., 17 (49), shows that the English envoys were at Danzig 
on August 28th, 1405. 2 HAKLUYT, i., 154. 3 HR., v., 195. 4 i.e. in 
1387, HIRSCH, DANZIG, 32; LAPPENBERG, 19. 5 PosiLjE, 281. 6 HAK- 
LUYT, I., 164; POSILJE, 281 ; HR,, v., 194. 7 HR., v., 374. 8 See 
their claims stated by themselves in HAKLUYT, I., 171 ; also LIB. ALB., 
I., 549- 



78 The Hanse. [CHAP. XL. 

meetings. Representatives from the various cities subsequently 
met the two English envoys at Dordrecht, where an indenture 
was drawn up and duly signed on December i5th, 1405,* 
according to which a truce was arranged for one year and seven 
months, and in the meantime the question of damages was to 
be discussed again at Dordrecht on May ist, 1406. 

Esturmy and Kington were back in London by February 
i8th, I4o6, 2 and when Parliament met in the following month, 
the result of their mission was announced, the truce 8 was pro- 
claimed, and orders were issued on March 3rd, 1406,* that all 
who injured the trade of the Hanse Towns of Prussia, must 
make the stipulated restitution. 

1 HAKLUYT, i., 166 ; HR., v., 208. 2 HR., v., 234; KUNZE, 217 ; 
ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH. (November i2th, 1406). 3 ISSUE ROLL, 
7 H. IV., MICH., has payments to messengers with proclamations, dated 
March 26th, 1406. 4 ROT. PARL., IIL, 568. CLAUS., 7 H. IV., 22 (March 
8th, 1406), refers to complaints through "our ambassadors lately appointed 
for parts of Prussia." 



CHAPTER XLI. 

FLANDERS. 

ILL feeling, however, was still kept up in Flanders. Piracy was 
continued, trade was disturbed, and scarcely a day passed but 
herring-boats were seized by the English in the North Sea. In 
January, 1405, a large Flemish vessel belonging to John Leys, 1 
who boasted that she was a match 2 for all comers, was cap- 
tured by the English between Dover and Calais while making 
the passage with a heavy cargo from Siuys to Spain. Many of 
the crew were killed, and a large sum was paid in ransom for 
the lives of the rest. On the other hand, an English crayer 8 
was captured by the Flemings and sold at Nieuport for more 
than 100 nobles. 

But these and other similar attacks did not prevent the 
continuance of negociations. On December 5th, 1404, Nicholas 
Rishton arrived at Calais after his interview * with King Henry 
at Coventry. Two days afterwards he wrote s to the other side 
agreeing to attend a meeting at Santingfeld, 6 near Leulinghen, on 
the 1 5th or i8th of December, 1404. His colleague, Thomas, 
Lord Camoys, had fallen ill on the journey from London to 
Dover, but he expected him shortly, and if the Duchess of 
Burgundy would nominate a bishop on her side, then Bishop 
Richard Yonge, of Bangor, would join the negociators from 

1 Possibly the same as " Hankyne Lyons," in POL. SONGS, n., 183. 
72 MEYER, 220. 3 Ibid. ,219. Cf. En nave en galee en craiers. DESCHAMPS, 
VIL, 68. 4 Vol. I., p. 472. STRANSCR. FOR. REG., 143, 3. 6 It may 
possibly be the same as St. Inglevert, which is called St. Ingheleverth in 
FROIS., xiv., 1 06 ; Sanctum Ydevardum in ST. DENYS, i., 674; St. 
Inglebert, FROIS., xiv., 408, PICHON, 74; St. Yldebert, EC. DBS CHARTES, 
XL viii., 413. 



8o Flanders. [CHAP. XLI- 

England. The Duchess on her side issued a paper of instruc- 
tions at Arras, on December ipth, 1404,* authorizing her 
representatives to meet the English at Santingfeld, on Decem- 
ber 24th, 1404, but declining again 2 to recognise the right of 
the Flemish towns to take part in the negociations. These 
towns, however, known as the Four Members, i.e., Ypres, 
Ghent, Bruges, and its neighbouring district of the Frank,s held 
their ground and appointed 4 new Commissioners in the opening 
of 1405. On February pth, 1405,* the Duchess issued an 
order similar to those of the previous May 6 and November, 7 
forbidding her subjects to molest the English, and requiring 
them to restore captured goods. 

On the 1 2th of March, I405, 8 English commissioners were 
authorized to treat with the Duchess, and jto communicate also 
with the French, if they saw fit to go on with the negociations 
"of their own motion." 9 On March i5th, 1405, 10 they for- 
warded a report from Calais to the Council in London showing 
they had already had some meetings with the Flemish envoys, 
that negociations were fairly afoot, and that some preliminary 
articles for an understanding had been already agreed upon. 

1 TRANSCRIPTS OF FOREIGN RECORDS, 143, 5, 81. 2 See Vol. I., 465. 
3 Le Franc, FROIS., x., 216; or le terroir de Francq, VARENBERG, 572; 
FROIS., XXIL, 285 ; RYM., VIIL, 656, 667 ; ITINERAIRES, 327, 380; des 
landes van den Vryen, HR., vi., 19, 571 ; Le Franc de Bruges, FROIS., 
x., 58, 85, 91, &c. ; the Franconate, MEYER, 195 a. Cf. la Franchise, 
LIBER CUSTUMARUM, i., 80. 4 VARENBERGH, 492 ; OUDEGHERST, n., 
39 1 ? 536. 5 VARENBERGH, 493. 6 Vol. I., p. 441. In May, 1404, she 
wrote to Rishton about a meeting for a treaty. GALBA, B. i., 69, wrongly 
dated 1405 in Catalogue. For instructions to her from the council in Paris, 
dated May 24th, 1404, see ADD. MSS., 11298, ff. 33-36 ; DOUET D'ARCQ., 
i., 251. ^ TRANSCR. FOR. REC. (LILLE), 143, 5, 82, has a despatch dated 
February 8th, 1405, from Monfrand d'Essines, Bailiff of Flanders, to the 
Duchess of Burgundy, announcing that he has proclaimed that no one 
should molest the English in accordance with her order, dated Arras, Nov. 
4th, 1404. 8 RYM., vni,, 391. 9 Q RD . p RIV . Co., i., 256. I0 GALBA, 
B. I., 33, enclosing reports from Sir Richard Aston and others, dated 
March 6th (ibid., 32), and March I2th (ibid., 31). A letter in ibid., 99, 
headed "the French to English ambassadors," dated Arras, March I5th, 
should perhaps be " Flemish." An answer was duly sent, ibid., 99 d. 



1405.] Death of the Duchess of Burgundy. 81 

But on the 2ist of March, 1405^ the Duchess of Burgundy 
died at Arras 2 quite suddenly in a fit of apoplexy, 8 in the 56th 
year of her age. Her body was carried to Lille, where it was 
buried by the side of her father 4 and mother in the Chapel of 
Our Lady of the Trellis, 5 in the Collegiate Church of St. Pierre. 6 
Her collection of 126 books, of which an original catalogue is 
still preserved, was taken over by the Bishop of Bayeux, who 
had them transferred 7 seven years afterwards to the Chambre 
des Comptes at Dijon. 

The news of her death was notified to the English envoys 

1 ITINERAIRES, 346; ST. DENYS, in., 234; COUSINOT, no; OUDE- 
GHKRST, n. ,615; BARANTE,II., 176; LETTENHOVE,m..,57. InMoNSTR., 
I., 95, the day is given as Friday before Mid-Lent, called March 27th in 
ORD. PRIV. Co., I., 256. MEYER, 221, has March i6th, which was the 
date given on the tomb erected by her grandson in 1455. MILLIN, v., liv, 
58 ; VINCART, 51, 176, which may be a mistake for xxi. For her portrait, 
see MONTFAUCON, in., 186. 2 MEYER, 221. PARADIN, p. 472 (1566), 
says Ghent. See also TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 14. 3 ST. DENYS, in., 334. 
' ' Maladie hastive. " MONSTR. , I. , 95. 4 For their tomb, see MONTFAUCON, 
ill., 183. s Notre Dame de la Treille, Virgo a cancellis, Virgo cancellata, 
the patron saint of Lille. TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 14; OUDEGHERST, n., 
580; LETTENHOVE, in., 57; MILLIN, v., 54; VINCART, 28, 49, who de- 
rives the name (p. 30) from her being la grande chancelli&re de Dieu, or from 
prospiciens per cancellos, in SONG OF SOLOMON, n., 9. Cf. Clerico Trellise 
pro custodiendo pheretrum per ix dies processionis. DEHAISNES, 11., 785. 
6 The church was destroyed during the Terror, but a representation of the 
tomb is preserved in MONTFAUCON, in., 184; MILLIN, v., 56. ? ADD. 
MS., 29318, with order dated December I5th, 1412. The inventory, in- 
cluding Hours, Psalters, Romances and Prayers, was begun at Arras, May 
6th, 1405, and sealed September 8th, 1413. BARROIS, 144 ; PEIGNOT, 7 ; 
DEHAISNES, n., 855-920 ; LABORDE, i., 57-76 ; GOTTLIEB, 119 ; BECKER, 
296; MATTER, 19, 39; ANZEIGER F. BIBLIOGRAPHIE (1841), p. 105; 
FRANKLIN, BIBL. DU ROY, 298. For summary of inventory of her jewels 
and other meebles, see LABORDE, I., 108-111. The original fills 69 sheets, 
and includes gold crosses, hats, frontiaux, coiffes de perles et de pierryes, 
collars, buckles, boutonnieres, girdles, attaches (pins, &c. ), garters, rings, 
pockets, paternosters in gold, coral, and jet, reliquaries, tablets, ivory and 
alabaster images, paxes, chalices, barets, candlesticks, napery, kitchen and 
chamber vessels (in silver and tin), dog collars, &c., &c. For books of her 
husband, Duke Philip le Hardi, see LABORDE, I., 41-51 ; DELISLE, i., 68 ; 
SANTANDER LASERNA, 9 ; FRANKLIN, BIBL. DU ROY, 292 ; DEHAISNES, 
II., 825-854 ; BECKER, 296. For books of her daughter-in-law, Margaret, 
wife of Duke John sans Peur, 1423, see BARROIS, 114; GOTTLIEB, 119; 
LABORDE, i., 76-85. 



82 Flanders. [CHAP. XLI. 

by her son,* John, Duke of Burgundy, who now succeeded to 
the government of Flanders at the age of 33. He is pictured 
for us as a stunted, 2 stern, 3 suspicious man. When 25 years of 
age he had been captured 4 by the Turks at Nicopolis, and the 
French and Flemish towns had paid prodigious sums for his 
ransom. 5 He spent some months in captivity at Mikalidsh, 6 
near Broussa, and seems to have taken the fancy of his captor, 
who admitted him to be a spectator of some of his savagery and 
horseplay. He was hawking with Bajazet when 2,000 falconers 
were within an ace of being beheaded because a bird did not fly 
to the Sultan's liking, and he stood and looked on while that 
modern Solomon 7 opened the stomach of one of his varlets, 
who was charged with stealing a poor woman's goat's milk, to 
see if the milk was really in the culprit's inside. On his return 
to Venice, a journey usually made in thirty or forty days, 8 the 
young Ulysses and his friends travelled very leisurely and passed 
a pleasant time amongst the Grecian isles, 9 " refreshing them- 
selves " amidst the witching scenes of Corfu and Zante, and 

1 He was born at Dijon, May 28th, 1371. FROIS., xxu., 284; ART DE 
VER, ii., 515; ITINERAIRES, v. ; DELAVILLE LE ROULX, i., 234. On 
April I2th, 1385, he had married Margaret, daughter of Albert, Count of 
Holland. OUDEGHERST, n., 610; SPONDE, i., 691. For a character of 
him, see LUSSAN, iv., 108. For his signature " Jehan," see BARROIS, 49. 
For his tomb at Dijon, see PLANCHER, in., 526. 2 Statura pusillus. ST. 
DENYS, in., 143 ; LETTENHOVE, in., 43. For his portrait, see BARANTE, 
ii., 417; PLANCHER, in., 211 ; MONTFAUCON, in., 186 ; LEROUX DE 
LINCY, 344 (from MS., F. LA VALLIERE, No. 177) ; BASTARD, xv. (from 
MS., Fr. 8392). 3 Subtil doubteux et souppechonneux. LA MARCHE, I., 
83. 4 "Comme sect monseigneur de Nevers." BONET, APPAR., 23. 

Qui fis aler Monseigneur de Nevers, 

En ton pais desloyal et divers. 

PISAN, ii., 198. Cf. DESCHAMPS, VIL, 77. 

According to RABBI JOSEF, I., 253, he was brought naked before Bajazet, 
and wept and flung himself at his feet. But the old Jew is a terrible 
romancer, always inventing Old Testament effects. 5 LETTENHOVE, in., 
49. See the documents in FROIS., XXIL, 285 ; BARANTE, ii. , 26, 66, 424. 
6 DELAVILLE LE ROULX, i., 301. ? FROIS., xvi., 44. For the same story 
told of Timur, see RAYNALDI, xvn., 284. 8 FROIS., xvi., 449. FROIS., 
xvi., 54. 



1405.] Jean sans Peur. 83 

lingering lovingly with the " sweet and humble " Calypsos who 
held converse with fairies in Cephalonia. In consequence 
of some acts of courage in the half-hour's melee at Othee, 
against the ill-harnessed and defenceless craftsmen and millers 
of Liege (September 23rd, I408), 1 he was dubbed John the 
Fearless, though his bearing in his first great fight at Nicopolis 
had not warranted so lofty a name. 2 

The new Duke was willing that the negociations with the 
English should proceed, and that the next meeting should be 
held at Gravelines on the loth or i3th of April, 1405, but fresh 
commissions had to be taken out in order to prevent informality 
in the proceedings. On the yth of April, 8 the English envoys 
wrote to the council in London for fresh instructions, and pre- 
liminaries were discussed at Gravelines 4 on Wednesday, April 
1 5th, 1405^ where a four months' truce was arranged to date 
from March 25th, 1405, and proposals were made for a final 
meeting somewhere on May i5th following. Many "long 
paper indentures " were prepared, with sheets upon sheets of 
"small letter" 6 docketted with good intentions, but they all 
came to nothing, like those of previous years. As to the 
French, the envoys reported that though they had sent many 
letters 7 to them suggesting an early meeting, they had as yet 
received no reply. Indeed, news had lately reached them from 
a reliable source, that the philosophic Lord of Heugueville, 8 

1 LETTENHOVE, in., 46; ST. DENYS, iv., 170; MONSTR., i., 365, 
389; WAUR., 127. In ART DE VER (n., 515), the title is attributed 
to his dauntless air when in the presence of Bajazet, after Nicopolis. See 
also LETTENHOVE, FROIS., xxn., 284. 2 Cellui fut paoureux doubteux 
et traistre. MONSTR., I., 309. This was spoken a few days before the 
battle of Othee, when no one dreamt of calling him fearless. 3 ORD. PRIV. 

CO., I., 256. 4 VARENBERGH, 493, from LlLLE ARCHIVES, B, 1364. 

ORD. PRIV. Co., i.,258; IL, 101. 5 TRANSCR. FOR. REG., 143, 5, 8. 
6 Feuillez de menue lettre. VARENBERGH, 544. 7 There is still a letter 
preserved, written by the English to the French ambassadors from Calais, 
on the 3ist of March, 1405. GALBA, B. I., 99, e. 8 See his long memoran- 
dum in reference to his visit to England in October, 1400, in LETTENHOVE, 
FROIS., xvi., 366-377. 



84 Flanders. [CHAP. XLI. 

whose herald had been the bearer of their letters, had just been 
visiting Holland, where he had contracted for himself some 
family connection, and was using his influence in collecting ships 
to begin a summer of plundering in the " sharp, narrow sea." * 

As long as the French maintained their threatening attitude, 
no serious effort was made in England to stop the business 
of the pirates. The redoubtable Henry Pay, of Poole, was 
empowered to fit out cruisers to "do what damage he could 
to our notorious enemies and to deal destruction on them.' r 
The Admirals were enjoined to assist him (October 3rd, 1404, )* 
in procuring ships and men, and before the ist of November, 
1404, the harbours of Dartmouth and Plymouth were crowded 
with craft ready for employment. Orders were issued to arrest 
the pirates (December 28th, 1404), and an enquiry 8 was held 
under Admiral Thomas Beaufort on January 2nd, 1405, but it 
did not check the evil. Once let loose, the rovers would not 
be over-nice in singling out the cargoes of " notorious enemies," 
but would practise their calling upon all and sundry that came 
their way. On the 6th of February, 1405,* Philip Tailor and 
John Wells, of Bristol, received permission to fit out cruisers at 
their own cost. Rovers from Newcastle, Blakeney, Holkham, 5 
Salthouse, Wiverton, Cley, Cromer, Sherringham, and Yar- 
mouth, seized shipping from Amsterdam 6 and Kamp, off the 
coast of Holland. On January yth, I405, 7 orders were sent 
out for the detention of vessels from Schiedam. Herring-boats 
from Brielle, 8 at the mouth of the Maas, were swept into the 
Humber by the Scarborough men and sold at Grimsby, and 
shipping from Amsterdam and Zierickzee 9 was captured and 
driven in to Lynn. On one occasion, 36 Dutch merchants and 

1 POL. SONGS, n., 191. 2 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 31. * Ibid., i, 18. 
* Ibid., i, 12. Cf. Vol. I., 226. s p AT . 5 8 H. IV., i, 29, d. 6 GLAUS., 
6 H. IV., 21 ; ibid., 8 H. IV., 18. J Ibid., 29. 8 PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 25 
(Nov. I7th, 1405); RYM., VIIL, 274. Called Serise in CL., 7 H. IV., 18. 



1405.] Piracy. 85 

sailors from the ships " Marienknyght " : and " Godesghenade," 
of Amsterdam, were thrown into the sea, and the cargoes 
brought into Scarborough 2 and Blakeney to be disposed of. 
John, Lord of Brederode, crossed from Holland to London on 
May 25th, i4o6, 8 to enter protests, and, as a consequence, the 
English commissioners, who were about to negociate with the 
Hansers, were instructed to include claims for redress from 
Holland, 4 Zealand, and Kamp, at the coming meeting at 
Dordrecht. This meeting never really came about, for reasons 
which will be afterwards explained, but the Burgomaster of 
Kamp was present at the meeting at the Hague on August 
3ist, 1407, at which all these claims were for the first time 
seriously considered. Danish vessels with cargoes of wax, 
idromel 5 or bragot (a mixture of ale and honey), eels, pigs' 
bristles, &c., valued at 840 nobles, were captured by the men 
of Whitby, 6 and we have records of a Portuguese vessel taken 
and the cargo sold at Plymouth, January i4th, 1405, and a 
Spanish ship 7 laden with oil, captured by the men of Dart- 
mouth (December i4th, 1404). The Spaniards retaliated, and 



'PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 29. 2 The men of Scarborough carried on a 
dangerous trade with the distant shores of Iceland for cod (called "stock- 
fish " when dried). This trade remained a monopoly in their hands till about 
1424, when an adventurous crew found their way up from Bristol " by nedle 
and by stone," and straightway the profits dwindled away, POL. SONGS, 
ii., 191 ; HAKLUYT, i., 201. For an account of the compass, which was 
usually a needle fastened to a rush or a piece of cork, and floated on water, 
see MAJOR, 58, quoting MONTHLY MAGAZINE or BRITISH REGISTER, 1802, 
Vol. xin., Pt. i., 449 ; also KBETSHMER, p. 75, from GUYOT DE PROVINS; 
WRIGHT, VOCABULARIES, i., xvi., 114; NICOLAS, NAVY, i., 248; 11., 180; 
JAL. , s. v. " Boussole," who shows that the floating rush was generally used 
in Europe in the twelfth century. The Chinese had their compass in the 
first century, A.D. 3 RYM., vni., 441 ; HR., v., 530. 4 CL., 7 H. IV., 
2 ; PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 16, July I3th, 1406. 5 For recipes for making 
it, see ARNOLD 188; CATHOLICON, s. v. 6 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 26, d, 
April 2oth, 1405. 7 Hid., i, 20. MEYER (219) notes the capture of 
Spanish and Eastern (i.e., Prussian) vessels (natio orientalium) by the 
English in 1404. 



86 Flanders, [CHAP. XLI. 

three ships from Tenby, 1 the " Katherine," the " Red Cog," 
and the " Trinity," fell into their hands, with cargoes valued at 
^970. The Scots 2 were plundered like the rest, though the 
truce had not yet expired, and Calais 3 was a convenient station 
for entrapping the defenceless shipping that focussed at the 
narrow strait. 

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 15, d, July 8th, 1405. 2 Ibid., 31, d, March 24th, 
1405. 3 RYM., VIIL, 420; ROT. SCOT., n., 176. 



CHAPTER XLIL 
MARCK. 

IN face of all this, however, negociations with the French went 
forward without interruption. On the 6th of March, 1405^ one 
of the negociators, Bishop Richard Yonge, had been entrusted 
with certain documents from the Treasury, including a letter 
" concerning a contract of marriage under the seal of the King 
of France," though it does not appear what these new matri- 
monial proposals were. The French archives show that an 
agreement for continuing the negociations was signed and 
confirmed by the English King on March loth, 1405,2 while 
communications of a semi-private nature were still passing for 
the ransom 3 of the Frenchmen who had been captured at Hum- 
bledon. Nevertheless, it was thought necessary to despatch a 
strong English force to Calais to be ready for action as emer- 
gencies should arise. The muster was to be at Southampton 
on the ist of April, 1405,* under the command of a Cornish- 
man, 5 Sir John Arundel, of Lanherne, who had just been 
appointed to take command of the castle of Marck. 






1 KAL. AND INV., n., 67. 2 TILLET, GUERRES ET TBAICTEZ, 122. 
3RYM., viii., 393, March 29th, 1405. ORD. PRIV. COUNCIL, i., 250. 
5 DUGDALE, n., 422. In STAFF. REG., 6, 36, 194, he appears as patron 
of churches in Cornwall. In 1407-8 he was Sheriff of Cornwall. REC. 
ROLL, 9 H. IV.,PASCH., May i2th, 1408. In REC. ROLL, 10 H. IV. PASCH., 
May 24th, 1409, he is nuper vie. Cornub. His wife is called Annora (STAFF. 
REG., 270), or Annor, daughter of Sir William Lambourne. COLL. TOP., 

1. 306. His will dated April i8th, 1433 is given in COLL. TOP., in., 
392. According to BOASE AND COURTNEY (in., 1037) he was born in 1367. 
He tilted at St. Inglevert in 1390, when he is called young and frek (joeune et 
frisque. FROIS., xiv., 131) ST. DENYS, i., 676. From PAT., 6 H. IV., 

2, 19, it would appear that a Sir John Arundell was dead, and the Prince 
of Wales was to have all his lands, June I4th, 1405. 



88 Marck. [CHAP. XLII. 

In the previous August, 1 5,000 marks had been granted in 
the Great Council at Lichfield, for the relief of the garrison at 
Calais, but they were still in a pitiable condition, 2 and the 
English envoys writing from the town on the yth of April, 
1405, urged the necessity for immediate payment of their 
wages, " to avoid greater scandals and visible perils more grave 
than usual." They despatched a messenger, John Brisingham, 
to report matters fully in London, and ask for sanction to their 
proceedings. Before he arrived, fresh commissions had been 
issued to suit the altered prospect caused by the death of the 27*** 
Duchess of Burgundy. The council undertook to consider the 
question, and to lay it before another Great Council, which 
would meet at Westminster on the first Monday in May. One of 
the commissioners, John Urban, was to wait in London and 
attend that Council and carry over further instructions when 
matters had been discussed. In the meantime, his colleagues 
in Calais were advised to do their best "sagely 3 and discreetly, 
and induce the other side to prorogue and extend the time for 
eight or ten days," in the hope of receiving a further reply to 
guide them in their future proceedings. Accordingly, commu- 
nications continued to pass. On the 30th of April, 1405,* the 
French commissioners wrote from Paris to the English in 
Calais. On May 4th, 1405^ the English envoys reported the 
result of their negociations to the King, on May 6th 6 they 
replied to the French commissioners, and on May roth 7 they 
sent a further account of their position to the council in Lon- 
don. They had now, however, an opportunity of testing by 
their own experience, the value of those airy sentiments which 

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., I, 5, with side-note, showing that it is entered in 
wrong year. 2 CALIG. D., iv., 70, has letter from Calais merchants to Privy 
Council, March, 1405. Also CALIG. D., iv., 72, "City of Calais to 
Henry IV.," April 29th, 1405. 3 QRD. PRIV. Co., i., 257, April 29th, 1405. 
4 GALBA, B. i., 99 b. s Ibid., 97. 6 Ibid., 99 a. 7 Ibid., 96. 



1405.] The Attack. 89 

might be diplomatically bandied about while the ground was 
being mined and occupied to catch the garrison unawares. 

About five miles l to the south-east of Calais stood the little 
castle of Marck. 2 It was built on an artificial mound rising out 
of the marsh, and formed, with the castle of Oye, one of the 
English outposts on the side of Gravelines. The possession 
of Marck had long been obstinately disputed by the English, 
for the loss of it would jeopardize their hold upon Calais itself. 
The place had been the scene of violent conflicts between them 
and the French in the reign of Edward III., but after varying 
fortunes they had finally retained their hold upon it as vital 8 to 
their occupation of the whole surrounding region. The castle 
and town had been for some time under the command of a 
-Lancashire knight, Sir John Croft, 4 of Dalton, in Kendal, but 
he had been compelled to resign his charge on account of 
failing health, 5 after long service abroad. On February 7th, 
I4O5, 6 Sir John Arundel was appointed to succeed him, and he 

1 Quatuor millibus, ST. DENYS, in., 258 ; une grosse lieue, MONSTR., I., 
101 ; une bonne lieue, WAURIN, iv., Chap, xin., p. 94 ; ad grande miliare, 
MEYER, 222 ; deux lieues, FROIS., xxv., 72; HALLE (23), who is full of 

^mistakes, says, " thre leages "; tria millia passuum, POL. VERG., 434 ; four 
leagues, LUSSAN, iv., 183. 2 So called in a letter dated May 23rd, 1405, 
in VAREXBERGH, 494; also "Mark," ibid., 553; or " Merke," RYM., 
vin., 469. 3 WALS., i., 344; FROIS., xiv., 315 ; EC. DES CHARTES, 1., 
357. 4 RYM., vin., 279 ; GLAUS., 8 H. IV., 36; CAL. ROT. PAT., 188. 
PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 18 (June i6th, 1408), refers to a dispute between him 
and J. Lancaster, as to houses belonging to Marck on the march of Picardy. 
Lancaster was Captain of Marck in 1391 (FROIS., xxil., 37), and one of the 
champions at St. Inglevert in 1390. Ibid., xiv., 120, 413. Croft is not to 
be confounded with Sir John Croft, of Croft Castle, Herefordshire, who 
married Janet, daughter of Owen Glendower. LLOYD, I., 215. s He 

--settled his estates in 1396, but did not die till December 3ist, 1419. CHET. 
Soc., xcv., 141. 6 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, ii. He held the command at 
Marck till November 23rd, 1408, when he resigned it to William Swinburn. 
See GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 39 (December 1st, 1405) ; FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV., 5, 
6 (July, 1407); RYM., VIIL, 542 (July 3rd, 1408); FR. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 
5, 18, 21 ; PRIV. SEAL, 645/6260. PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 24 (May 2Oth, 
1409), still refers to Arundel as Captain of Marck ; but in FR. ROLL, 10 H. 
IV., 8 (September i8th, 1409) Swinburn is Captain ; also PAT., 12 H. IV., 
4 (August i4th, 1411); FR. ROLL, 12 H. IV., 28 (January 26th, 1411); 



90 Marck. [CHAP. XLIK 

was now making preparations to cross with fresh troops from 
Southampton to take over his new command. 

At the very moment when the English negociators were 
issuing and receiving courteous expressions of their desire for 
peace with France and Flanders, a large force of French and 
Flemings was on the point of striking a terrific blow for the 
capture of the castle of Marck. The winter months had 
not been lost. Engines 1 and "sows" had been collected in 
abundance, and an army estimated at 400 or 500 mounted 
men-at-arms, with their followers, had been gathered from the 
neighbouring districts of Picardy, Artois, and Boulogne. Two 
thousand Flemish 2 peasants and citizens, and 500 Genoese* 
cross-bowmen joined them at Gravelines, and the whole force 
^assembled early in May, 1405, at St. Omer, under the command 
of the Count of St. Pol, as Captain of Picardy. They then 
advanced northwards to Tournehem, and at midnight on the 
~~i2th of May, 1405,* appeared suddenly before the castle of 
Marck. At once they attempted an assault. The little garrison, 
numbering according to one account 5 80 archers and 24 "other 
soldiers," were taken by surprise. They abandoned the town 
and withdrew within the walls of the castle, where they made a 
gallant defence, a large number of sheep, 6 horses, and cattle 
falling into the hands of the French. The assailants then set 
to work to utilize the ground which they had gained, and to 

ibid., 13 H. IV., 10, 14, 22 (May 1 8th, July I2th, October i;th, 1411). 
CAL. ROT. HIB., 179 (May 8th, 1405), refers to a Dublin vessel wrecked on 
the Cornish coast, and plundered by the tenants of Sir John Arundel, a lord 
in Cornwall. For Arundel, see HOARE, WILTS., iv., 176. On March 23rd,. 
1390, Sir John Arundel fought at St. Inglevert. PICHON, 71. 

1 MONSTR., xxiv.; ANN., 400. - LETTENHOVE, in., 61. 3 For the 
fame of the Genoese, see Du TRET DE GENNE ET DE LEURS VIRETONS, 
DESCHAMPS, iv., 272. 4 ANN., 400. s HALLE (23), who puts the engage- 
ment on July 1 6th, 1403, and says the captain was an esquire named Philip- 
Halle. 6 " Horse, kyen, and catell," HALLE, 22. 



1405.] John Beaufort. 91 

establish a regular siege. On the English side no time was to be 
lost. We do not know whether the force which was collecting 
on the south coast under Sir John Arundel had yet arrived, but 
looking to the difficulty in getting wages for the King's army in 
Wales, and with Prince Thomas' force still locked up for want 
of money at Sandwich, it is probable that the garrison of Calais 
was still unrelieved. This much we know, that the council in 
London was overwhelmed with a feeling of the "great neces- 
sity " * which beset them at home, and was unable to find funds 
for the barest emergencies without begging advances on taxation 
not yet due. 

The Captain of Calais, 2 John, Earl of Somerset, had been 

-invalided 3 in England during the past winter, and had under- 
taken the duties of Constable 4 of England while the King's son 
John was absent in the North. His command at Calais, had 
been taken over in the meantime, by a succession of knights as 

-his lieutenants, viz.: Hugh Luttrell, 5 Steward of Queen Joan's 

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 261, circ. May I5th, 1405. 2 In RYM., vin., 229, 
November 1st, 1401, he is Captain of the town of Calais. On April 1st, 
-1402, he was granted the custody of the castle of Calais for 12 years, FR. 
ROLL, 9 H. IV., 3. He is Captain of the town and castle, with the Lan- 
caster tower, on the haven, on January 22nd, February gth, and May 6th, 
1406, in PAT., 7 H. IV., i., 7, 17 ; n., 35. FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., 9, 10 
_(May 8th and 2Oth, 1406), records that he is about to proceed to Calais, 
^though he was at Westminster on December 22nd, 1406. ROT. PARL., in., 
585. On March loth, 1407, he is still called Captain of Calais, RYM., 
VIIL, 476, also November i6th, 1407, Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH, (though 
then at Gloucester), July 3rd, October i8th, 1408 (RYM., VIIL, 541, PAT., 
10 H. IV., i, 26), and March 9th, 1409 (Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH). In 
PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 8, July i6th, 1409, Hugh de Blees, Marshal of the 
town of Calais, is his deputy. 3 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 260. 4 PAT., 6 H. 
IV., i., 30, October 2Oth, 1404. 5 ROY. LET., I., 188, December, 1403 ; 
ARCH^OL. JOURN., xxxvn., 163. In TRANSCR. FOR. REG., 135, 3, July 
26th, 1402, he is Lieutenant of Calais, but another despatch (ibid., 143, 5, 
79), dated November 5th, 1403, announces that he is so no longer. On 
May I3th, 1404, he is Mayor of Bordeaux. ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 223. He 
fought at St. Inglevert on March 28th, 1390. PICHON, 72 ; and had been an 
esquire in the household of John of Gaunt, together with Richard Aston 
and Thomas Swinford. Due. LANC. REG., XL, 14, 6 b. 



92 March. [CHAP. XLTI. 

Household, Richard Aston l of Chichester, and Thomas Swin- 
ford 2 his half-brother, but he had just returned to his post when 
the French attack began. In every way it seemed as if the 
castle of Marck must fall. On the second day after the arrival 
of the enemy, 100 English men-at-arms rode out of Calais and 
approached near enough to the French lines to satisfy them- 
selves as to the true state of affairs. They then retired un- 
molested. No time was to be lost. The name 8 of the Count 
of St. Pol did not stand high enough in that region to scare 
them from risking a rapid dash before the French had had 
time to establish themselves as besiegers, or the little garrison 
at Marck had begun to feel the pinch of a straight siege. 
Following the singular practice that we have already noticed 
at Edinburgh 4 and Shrewsbury, 5 they forthwith despatched a 
herald to the Count of St. Pol, announcing that on the following 
day they would dine with him if he would stay where he was. 



1 March 1 8th, August 1 7th, 1404. ROY. LET., 225, 288. On October 
26th, 1404, he took command of the castle of Oye, as Lieutenant for the 
Earl of Somerset (GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 32), during the captivity of John 
Lardner, who had been seized by the Earl of St. Pol, and was still a 
prisoner, September 24th, 1404 (TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135, 3), though he 
took over his command again on Nov. 6th, 1404 (CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 33). 

_On December 8th, 1404, Aston writes to the Duchess of Burgundy as 
Lieutenant of Calais, asking for a safe-conduct for Robert Chepebroke, who 
is going on pilgrimage to Rome. TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 143, 3. On Oct. 
2ist, 1404, and Jan. I3th, 1405, he grants safe-conducts as Lieutenant of 
Calais (ibid., 135, 3). On July 3rd and Oct. 5th, 1406, June I2th, 1407, 
March 5th and June nth, 1408, he is King's Lieutenant of the town of 
Calais. RYM., VIIL, 444, 452, 487, 511, 535 ; TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 143, 
2, 6. ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., October 3rd, 1405, has payment 

_Ric. Aston militi de com. Cicestr. due to pay 1,000 marks redemption 
money to the French, of which the King promised to pay half. In PAT., 
S H. IV., 2, i, he is called Astyn. In ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., PASCH., 
May I3th, 1406, he is in command of the garrison at Calais together with 
William Bowes. 2 He signs as custos castri et villse Calisii, on September- 
ist, 24th, Oct. 8th, 20th, 1404. ROY. LET., i., 308, 376, 394 ; TRANSCR. 
FOR. REC., 135, 3. In March, 1405, and July 3rd, 1406, he was a Com- 
missioner for negociating with Flanders. RYM., VIIL, 391, 444. 3 ST. 
DENYS, iv., 602. 4 Vol. L, 138. * Ibid., 358. Cf. the Duke of Bedford 
and Earl Douglas at Verneuil. DOUGLAS BOOK, I., 393. 



1405.] Repulse. 93. 

Not to be outdone in civilities, he sent back word that they 
should find their dinner ready and the battle set. This at least 
is the picturesque story told in the French accounts. But the 
English version is more reasonable. It asserts that on the 
third afternoon after their arrival, the besiegers were set upon 
suddenly 1 and taken altogether unawares. Sir Richard Aston 2 
hastily prepared a force of 200 men-at-arms, 200 archers, and 
300 foot. They were lightly armed and carried no baggage, 
but were followed by twelve cartloads of arrows and provisions. 
They broke upon the French, hailed volleys into their lines, 
and had them in a bushment. 3 The Flemings, who were serving 
on compulsion * and thought far more of their homes than of 
the interests of the French, were the first to fly. The Genoese 
had wasted their quarrels 5 on the walls of Marck, and the arrow- 
smiths 6 had no relays pointed and ready to meet this new attack 
in rear. The French knights made the best stand they could, 
but at length, to the surprise r of all, the whole force broke up 
and ran in confusion for their lives, leaving their arms and 
harness in the hands of their plucky assailants. Some of the 
fugitives, including many of the Genoese arblasters, escaped to- 
Ardres. 8 Fifteen French knights were killed and hosts of 
prisoners were taken, the killed and captured amounting in all 
to more than 900 men. 9 Amongst the notable prisoners were 
the Captains of Boulogne (Jean de Hangest), 10 Gravelines, 

1 Repente, ANN., 400; illico, ST. DENYS, in., 260. 2 WAURIN, 96; 
MEYER, 222. Called " Harson " in MONSTR., Ch. xxiv., SVEYRO, n., 
58 ; or " Harsi" in LUSSAN, iv., 182. 3 " De certaine embusche," Juv., 
431. For buschment, see ROT. PARL., in., 225; ANTIQ. REPERT., in., 
393. 4 LETTENHOVE, in., 61. 5 For specimens see PLANCHE, i., 21. 
In 1403 1000 quarrels cost 3 los., or at the rate of Js. per 100 ; i6s. being 
"paid for 1000 inferior ones. Due. LANC. REC., xxvin., 4, 3, App. A. 
6 ROT. PARL., in., 594. 7 " Inopinatius," RYM., vin., 397. 8 WAURIN, 
98. 9 COCHON (210) gives 400. I0 ST. DENYS, in., 260 ; COUSINOT, 112. 
MEYER (222) gave up the list as hopelessly corrupt quorum nomina lingua 
provinciali corruptissime traduntur. 



94 Marck, [CHAP. XLII. 

Therouanne, Ardres, Bourbourg, Le Montoire, Redelinghem, 1 
and Liques. 2 Four standards were captured and 15 pennons. 
The Count of St. Pol escaped to St. Omer, but he left his pennon 
and his armour on the field. 3 The whole of the baggage and 
siege implements fell also into the hands of the English. Thus 
again the best laid plans of the Count of St. Pol were utterly 
wrecked in an instant. The garrison at Marck had suffered 
the annoyance of a three days' siege, but the result of this new 
Humbledon was to break the power of the French, and to 
leave an abundance of ammunition, trophies, and prisoners in 
the hands of the despairing and exhausted garrison at Calais. 
No wonder that when the news reached England, the King saw 
in it again the finger of God, and ordered 4 the Bishops to put 
up prayers and masses, and arrange processions in gratitude for 
the special favours bestowed upon him. The engagement took 
place on Friday, the i5th of May, 1405^ and the great news 
-was carried at once to England by the Earl of Somerset. 

Three days later, the same force of English, 500 in number, 
gathering up the very materials left behind by the French, stole 
out of Calais at midnight, and appeared at daybreak before the 
walls of Ardres. They planted scaling-ladders, and fired some 
shots into the town, but they were driven off with a loss of forty 
or fifty killed. Being masters of the open country they collected 
their dead, heaped them together in a house outside the walls, 
and set fire to the whole in one vast cremation in sight of the 
enemy. Enraged at their failure and heavy loss, they vowed 
that the Genoese had disgraced their calling by the use . of 
poisoned arrows, and on their return to Calais the populace 

1 Called Rehlingham in ADD. MS., 30660; Ralingham, ANN., 401. 
2 DESCHAMPS, v., 68, vi., 51. Called " Lisbe " in ANN., 401 ; " Lisk," 
OTTERBOURNE, 253. 3 EUL., in., 401. * RYM., vni., 397, May aist, 
1405. 5 COCHON, 210. 



1405.] Ardres. 95 

demanded the death of the Genoese captives. But the panic 
was resisted, though it is more than likely that the foreigners 
owed their lives less to the claims of a humaner code of warfare 
than to the pressing need for money and the sweet anticipation 
of a rich prospective ransom. 

The Count of St. Pol at once took heart again after the 
repulse of the English before Ardres. He collected another 
force among his sanguine and indefatigable neighbours at 
Therouanne, and was preparing again to advance upon Calais. 
But this time he received an order from the council in Paris 
requiring him to desist, and to leave the conduct of operations 
in that quarter to Edward, Marquis of Pont-a-Mousson, 1 son of 
the Duke of Bar, a protege of the Duke of Orleans, who was 
trying to arrange for him a marriage with Marie, one of the 
daughters of the King of France. The Marquis was to as- 
semble his troops and wait for further instructions at Boulogne. 
Whether this order arose from a wish not to imperil the chance 
of negociations with the English, or from some natural dis- 
satisfaction at the " evil fortune 2 and unfortunate chance " with 
which the name of Count Waleran was now associated, we 
do not know. 

Discontent prevailed all over France, among churchmen 
and laymen alike, as one tax after another was imposed with 
no profit to the country, but to swell the gains of private 
pockets. 3 Violent storms 4 and floods added to the general 

1 ART DE VER., in., 52 ; MONSTR., i., 128, 397. Lo Marques deu Pont, 
JURADE, 162. Le Marquis du Pont, ITINERAIRES, 308, 320, 372, 568 ; 
METZ CHKON., 125. " Marques of Pownt," HALLE, 22; DOUET D'ARCQ., 
I., 237 ; BAYE, I., 264. He was one of those who tried to get the Dauphin 
out to Melun, in August, 1405. BAYE, i., 138; GODEFROY, 415; MONSTR., 
II., 122. 2 HALLE, 22. 3 "Bourses particulieres." Juv., 431. 4 Ibid.; 
ST. DENYS, in., 282, who records a storm in Paris, July I3th, 1405, where 
a child was killed by lightning in a room. Flesh, bones, and all were 
consumed, and nothing was left but the skin, quite black. For waterspout 
.at Cluny in the valley of the Saone, see Juv., 435. 



g6 Marck. [CHAP. XLII. 

distress, and " nasty 1 things " were said in public as the King 
showed signs of some recovery of his faculties. The displace- 
ment of the Count of St. Pol was due to intrigue on the part 
of the Duke of Orleans, and was taken as an insult by the 
Duke of Burgundy, who immediately sent a strong force of 
Flemish men-at-arms and archers under John van den Walle* 
to Gravelines, 3 to be ready to screen the Count and his lands 
from the probable vengeance of the English. He likewise 
threw men into Dunkirk and other places on the coast, fearing 
with good reason a speedy attack by the English fleet. 

1 " Ordes et deshonnestes. " Ibid. 2 MEYER, 222. 3 In August, 1403, 
a vain effort had been made to get the district of Gravelines recognised as a 
portion of Flanders, subject to Flemish instead of French law and customs. 
See memorandum dated November loth, 1403, in ARCHIVES DEPARTEMEN- 
TALES DE LILLE, B, 1356, in VARENBERGH, 543. 



CHAPTER XLIII. 

SLUYS. 

THE whole of the Flemish coast bore evidence of the frightful 
damage wrought by the storm 1 of the previous November ipth, 
when a hurricane from the North had burst upon the low- 
lying lands at the mouth of the Scheldt, lashing up the waters 
of the North Sea, breaking over the dunes and sweeping away 
the great dykes, which at that time were regarded as one 
of the wonders of the world. 2 Men and beasts were drowned 
by hundreds, and miles of polders 3 were flooded out. On the 
islands of Cadzand and Wulpen, 4 and the swamps round Sluys, 
Biervliet, and Damme, the traces of the damage remained for 
nearly a century after. 5 Coming as a sequel to a bleak spring, 
which had blighted the fruit-blossoms and spread a murrain 6 
among the breeding cattle, the storms of the winter of 1404 had 
left a trail of misery in Flanders. It was known beyond dispute 

1 SOUTHEY, ii., 12, quotes GABBEMA, NEDERLANDSE WATERVLOEDEN 
(l vol., Franeker, 1703), p. 145, but it only contains two short extracts from 
MEYER AND REIGERSBERGEN. CHERYF-EDDYN ALI (iv., 208) notes the 
frightful winter in Asia. In January, 1405, when Timur started for the 
conquest of China, the great rivers were frozen, men and horses died in the 
snow, others lost hands, feet, noses and ears. For great storms in the 
Mediterranean, October, 1405, see GAMEZ, 161-4, 197. For a month no 
vessel could get in or out of the harbour at Cadiz (ibid., 203). In Denmark 
it rained steadily from August to Christmas, see LANGEBEK, i. , 397, v., 
533. 2 DANTE, INF., xv., 4, 6 ; SOUTHEY, i., 425. 3 Poldros maritimi 
eos vocant agros unde mare per aggeres objectos excludunt. MEYER, 202. 
4 Or Wulpia, which at that time was an island, though now part of the main- 
land. In LETTENHOVE, in., 138, it is named with Guternesse, Schoendyk, 
Nieuekerke and Cadsand, all of which are close together over against 
Sluys. For changes in the coast see BAECKEB, p. 41, and MESSAGER DBS 
SCIENCES HISTORIQUES DE BELGIQUE, 1885, p. 125, where Wulpen is 
marked as lying off Breskens, opposite to Flushing, on the south bank of 
the Scheldt, now submerged. 5 MEYER (220), who notes that he had seen 
leases of farms made out subject to an inundation clause. 6 " Moreyne," 
PIERS PLO., iv., 97. 

H 



98 Sluys. [CHAP. XLIII. 

that the Flemish people were heartily sick 1 of the war with 
England. Their fickleness 2 was a proverb throughout Europe. 
To them the continuance of the war meant the closing of the 
narrow seas through which all their trade with Italy, 3 France, 
Spain, and Portugal passed in and out of Sluys. They had no 
wish to quarrel with the English, nor the English with them. 4 
They lived by draping 5 English wool, for which their country 
was the " staple to all nations of Christendom," and they longed 
for a return of the trade, and the good old times of peace with 
beer 6 and bacon. 7 

In West Flanders, 8 the country was poor and ground down 
with taxes, the population was thinning away and lived in con- 
stant dread of attack from Calais. Gravelines was the key to 
the country, but the garrison there was altogether too small, and 
the same was true of Mardick and St. George. At Bourbourg, 
some trenches had been dug but the work had not been fully 
carried out, and if the English took the place and put up a 
bastille there, they would soon make it into a strong fortress, 
commanding all the country up and down to Ypres and Bruges. 
Dunkirk had neither walls nor ditches, and the English could 
get in at any tide and make of it another Calais. Bergues was 
a fine town well placed, but the walls were not what they should 
be, and Fumes would make no real stand if seriously attacked. 

1 MEYER, 222. 2 Dont le peuple est mouvent rebelle et tendre. DES- 
CHAMPS, iv., 329. 3 TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 143, 3, 85. 4 Vol. I., 107. 
VARENBERGH, Bk. iv., Ch. i., pp. 469-489. s POL. SONGS, n., 161 ; 
RYM., viii., 580. Grandement sur Draparie. VARENBERGH, 549. 
Fondez sur le fait de draperie. TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 143, 3* She passed 
hem of Ipres and of Gaunt. CHAUCER, PROL., 450. 6 Cf. "Ales boire 
vostre goudale." FROIS., in., 277, unless the word is some of Raoul 
Tanguy's slang. See DESCHAMPS, n., xiii., and LETTENHOVE, GLOSSARY 
s.v.,guielier. In MEYER(2i8), "potores cerevisise" is a term of contempt for 
the common people in Tournay, 1400. The better class are "potores vini." 
7 POL. SONGS, n., 171. For "bondemenne bacon," see PIERS PLO., vn., 
201 ; ix., 308; x., 148. Cf. "bacon-fed knaves," H. IV., Pt. I., ii., 2, 
88. 8 TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 143, 5, 87. 



1405.] "Bacon-fed Knaves!"" 99 

If the country was to be in any way secure, the Duke must 
send at least 1,000 arblasters 1 and 1,000 pikemen, and their 
neighbours in East Flanders must be prepared to join in paying 
their wages if they were to bear the brunt of the attack. But 
already mutterings of grave discontent 2 were heard among the 
distressed workpeople of the towns and villages, and in the 
districts of Bourbourg, 3 Bergues, and Cassel, on the south 
border of Flanders, it was believed that they would welcome 
the English if they came. Moreover, they were determined to 
make their new Count reside amongst them and adopt the 
Flemish tongue, rather than be treated any longer as an appen- 
dage of France. The disaffection was checked by timely 
concessions. The Duke made a joyous * entry into Ghent, 
where he was inaugurated Count of Flanders on April 2ist, 
1405, 5 and proved himself lavish of good intentions. He 
selected Audenarde 6 as his official residence, all communica- 
tions with his Flemish subjects were to be made in the Flemish 
tongue, 7 and he agreed to use his utmost efforts to secure 8 the 
restoration of peace between England and France, with a return 
of commercial prosperity to Flanders. 

The English influence was thus for the moment checkmated, 
and many of the supporters of it paid for their disloyalty with 
their lives. The negociations, however, were not interrupted. 
Commissioners from the Duke, and deputies from the Four 

1 The number of men required would be for Gravelines, 300; Bour- 
Ixmrg, 600 ; St. George's Church, 30; Mardick Church, 20; Dunkirk, 600; 
Bergues, 400, and Fumes, 500. 2 I cannot agree with GARDINER'S estimate 
(p. 296), that the "wise and firm government of the Duke of Burgundy 
attached the manufacturing towns of Flanders to him." 3 MEYER, 222; 
LETTENHOVE, in., 61. 4 In nostro jocondo et dominii nostri primo 
adventu. See his letter dated June 8th, 1405, in HR., v., 185. s MEYER, 
222; ITINERAIRES, 347; LETTENHOVE, in., 59. 6 OUDEGHERST, n., 
622 ; LABORDE, n. , xix., 394. For speech made at his entry into Ypres, 
May 20th, 1405, see GACHARD, 55. ^ BARANTE, n., 177. 8 LETTENHOVE, 
in., 60. 



ioo Sluys. [CHAP. XLIII. 

Members, assembled at Ypres x and were actually on their way 
to Gravelines, thence to write to the English envoys at Calais, 
notifying their approval and their general good intentions in 
reference to a prolongation of the armistice. But the news of 
the attack on Marck and the discomfiture of the French had 
let loose the English fleet from Sandwich, and Prince Thomas 
was already on their coasts. 

The Prince had been ready long ago for departure with his 
fleet, and had been feeding his men with promises from Sir 
John Pelham, one of the War Treasurers, that if they would 
have a little more patience, their wages would certainly be paid. 
As early as March ist, I405, 2 ships had been collecting at all 
the ports on the south and west coasts, from Poole to Bristol, 
to proceed forthwith to Sandwich. In the beginning of April,* 
troops had been ordered to assemble at Sandwich or Dover, to 
take the sea with the spring weather. 3 But the expedition was 
far from popular, and the merchants of London petitioned the 
council to urge the King to abandon it. 5 On the 6th of May, 
1405, the fleet was still at Sandwich, but time and money were 
running out fast, and the men could not be kept much longer 
lining themselves with hope and eating the air. 6 

The port of Sandwich was better able even than Calais to 
hold vessels 7 of the deepest draught then constructed, but the 
town was almost depopulated owing to the ravages of the pes- 
tilence and the constant attacks of enemies. Fortifications, 
walls, and ditches had been begun, but they were left unfinished 

1 See letter from T. GHERBODE dated at Ypres, Saturday, May 23rd, 
1405, in LILLE ARCHIVES, B, 3384, VABENBERGH, 495. 2 PAT., 6 H. 
IV., 2, 26 d. 3 Ibid., April 3rd, 1405. 4 Adonc prannent les galees leur 
erre ou moys d'Avril. DESCHAMPS, vi., 98. 5 ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 101. 
6 HY. IV., Pt. 2, I., in., 27. 7 WALS., 11., 136 ; VEN. STATE PP., i., 54. 
For an early map of Thanet and the Channel irom Sandwich to Reculver, 
see DUGDALE, MONAST., i., 84 (edition 1685), from MS. in Trin. Coll. 
Cambridge, originally in St. Augustine's, Canterbury, copied in ELTON, 
ORIGINS OF ENGLISH HIST., plate ix. 



1405.] Sandwich. 101 

without prospect of completion, 1 and from an account subse- 
quently rendered by the Captain, John Whitney, it appears that 
in February, 1405^ the armament consisted of only six lances, 
six poleaxes, six arblasts, 300 quarrels, ten bows, twenty sheaf 
of arrows, 3 two stone-guns with trunks, and 100 Ibs. of powder. 
The fleet had been originally calculated at sixty sail, but it now 
numbered from eighty to one hundred vessels* of 36 tons 5 
burden and upwards. Four of the King's ships, viz.: "La 
Tour," 6 " La Katarine de la Tour," " La Godegrace de la 
Tour," " Le Holygost de la Tour," carried 80, 70, 60, and 45 
men respectively, and if we take an average of 50 men all 
round, we get a total of between 4,000 and 5,000 in all, which 
exactly agrees with the estimate in Monstrelet. 7 

On the 6th of May, 1405^ the Prince- Admiral sent an 
urgent request for payment, that he might be able instantly 
to take the sea. The King had already started for the border 
of Wales, but he had left orders with the council to provide 
for the necessities of the fleet, and at length they were in a 
position to make an advance, but only " with great difficulty," 
though the requirements had been fully considered and recorded 
nearly three months before. 9 Being now in funds, the Prince 
was commissioned to sail " on Thursday next, May i4th, or 
earlier if the tide should suit." No time was lost. The wind 

1 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 24, February i;th, 1405 ; PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 2, 
August igth, 1412, authorizes murage for repair of walls at Sandwich. 
2 FOB. ACCTS., 10 H. IV. 3 Forwarded from the Tower on February nth, 
1404. Q. R. WARDROBE, $, App. B. 4 See report from Ypres to Governor 
of Arras, in VARENBERGH, 494. s ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., PASCH., July 
20th, 1405. For "ton-tight," see NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 368. 6 PAT., 6 
H. IV., i, 7. In PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 27, Dec. 3rd, 1407, the " Katerine 
de la Tour " is laid up on the banks of the Thames, debilitata et confracta. 
For other names of ships, e.g., "The George," "The Little Jesus," see 
DEVON, 256, 505. "The Christopher," " Le Lenard," "Le Walfare," 
"La Busshi," "La Julian," "La Philip," "La Michel," " Le Marie," 
" Le Katherine," see DEP. KEEP., 36TH REPT., 81, 157, 262, 270, 485, 
528, 529. ' MONSTR., i., 107. 8 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 263. This council 
seems to have met on Monday, May nth, 1405. 9 Page 27. 



102 Sluys. [CHAP. XLIII. 

was good, the ships were yare, 1 and they put to sea straightway. 
They passed close along the shores of Flanders, and made a 
mocking demonstration before Dunkirk and Nieuport. No 
enemy came out, and on the 22nd of May, 1405,2 between 
four and five in the afternoon, they slipped 3 furtively into the 
channel called the Zwyn, 4 which forms the entrance to the har- 
bour of Sluys. Four large vessels belonging to Rhenish 5 and 
Hamburg merchants were anchored in the harbour. These 
they burnt, and then landed a force estimated at 3,000 men, 
who proceeded along the sands to attack the town. 

The citadel at Sluys had been fortified in I385, 6 by the late 
Duke of Burgundy. It fronted 7 Sandwich and the entrance to 
the Thames, and with Nieuport, Courtrai, and Audenarde, 
completed the quadrilateral 8 of strongholds by means of which 
Duke Philip had hoped to command the narrow seas, and over- 
awe the turbulence of his new subjects at Bruges, Ypres, and 
Ghent. Naturally enough the Flemings had no liking for the 
new works, and the English had all along regarded the fortifica- 
tions at Sluys as a menace directed especially against themselves. 
In the negociations in the spring of 1404^ they had vainly 
endeavoured to insist on their being razed. Had they been 
able now to capture Sluys, they would have secured a second 
Calais, from which they could block 10 the whole trade of 
Flanders, with the further chance of playing off the rebellious 
grudge of the Flemish towns against their new French master. 

1 GOWEB, CONP. AM., 256. 2 HR., v., 181 ; MEYER, 222. 3 See the 
Duke of Burgundy's letter dated June 8th, 1405, in HR., v., 185. 4 "The 
haven of Sluse, wheche is cleped Swyn." POL. SONGS, n. , 160. Cf. 
MINOT, ibidem, i., 72. 5 " Austrasiorum," MEYER, 222; ANN., 401. 
6 MEYER, 206. 7 LETTENHOVE, in., 27. 8 OUDEGHERST, IT., 593-601. 
Duke John had afterwards to build another fort (le petit chastel de 1'Escluse), 
to keep an eye on the big fortress for fear of surprises from the French. 
Ibid., 617. ^ LETTENHOVE, in., 55. TRANSCR. FOR. REC. (Lille), 143, 
5, where date should be January, 1404, not 1403. I0 In TRANSCR. FOR. 
REC., 143, 3, 85, the Flemings complain to Charles VI. that their country 
is naturally poor, and depends upon merchants frequenting Sluys. 



1405.] " Was comen into Cagent cantly and kene" 103 

On the first alarm of the approach of the English fleet, 
large numbers of the peasantry * had fled for protection within 
the stockade 2 of Sluys, which was garrisoned by French, 
Flemish, and German troops. 3 The Flemings were utterly 
lukewarm. Some outworks which should have been manned 
by the men of Bruges were found undefended, and were burnt 
by the invaders. News of the coming of the armada spread 
fast. On the same day on which they entered the Zwyn, the 
Copman * of the Hanse factory at Bruges despatched letters to 
Hamburg and Liibeck, with warning that 100 English ships 
had arrived, and that another fleet would quickly follow. The 
Duke of Burgundy hurried up to head the defence in person. 
On the 23rd of May 5 he was at Ypres, and advanced to 
Thourout on his way to Sluys. On Monday, May 25th, I4O5, 6 
he reached Bruges with a large force and remained there a 
whole week, but the citizens through their Burgomaster, 7 Lievin, 
de Sentclaere, refused to follow him, and left him with his 
French friends to get out of the difficulty as he might, though 
they afterwards gave a sullen consent and helped to drive the 
invaders away. But the French garrison in the citadel at Sluys 
did their duty, and braced themselves manfully for resistance. 
After an attack extending over five days, the English found 
that they could make no way against stone walls 8 resolutely 
defended, and they were compelled to retire, leaving sixty of 
their number dead on the ground. 

Among the wounded was the young Earl of Kent, who 
fought with special bravery, and was twice badly hit so that the 
French believed him to be killed, 9 and it is probable that Sir 

1 MEYER, 220. 2 YEN. STATE PP., i., 45. 3 j uv ., 431. 4 HR., v., 
181. 5 VARENBERGH. 494; ITINERAIRES, 548. 6 Ibid., 348; OUDE- 
GHKRST, ii., 620. 7 VAREXBERGH, 495. 8 MEYER, 206. MOXSTR., i., 
107, followed by MEYER, 222, calls him Comte de Pennebruch. ST. 
PENYS, in., 260, 262, and Juv., 431, make the "comte de Pembroc " 



104 Sluys. [CHAP. XLTII. 

Reginald Braybrooke received his death-wound here. He was 
carried to Middleburg, where he died September 2oth, 1405.* 
The invaders then took to their ships and crossed to the 
opposite island of Cadsand, 2 where they landed " on the side 
toward the mouth," 3 and burned some villages.* On sailing 
out they encountered three large Genoese two-masted caracks, 5 
which declined their summons to surrender. One of them 
made straight for the vessel in which the Admiral sailed, and 
had it not been for the promptness of her steersman, 6 who 
shifted his dragon 7 just in the very nick of time, she would 
have received the charge broadside and have been sunk. As 
it was her " nose 8 was stroke off," and the Prince had a narrow 
escape. The caracks were secured, however, one after the 
other, and despatched with their cargoes to Winchelsea. But 
misfortune attended them even here. For as they lay off the 
Camber 9 at the entrance to Rye 10 harbour waiting to be 

(comes de Panebroc) head the attack on the French at Marck and afterwards 
repair to Sluys. See also SVEYRO, n., 59; LUSSAN, iv., 185 ; though 
they may all really mean Braybrooke. 

1 For his brass in Cobham Church, see AKCH^OL. CANT., XL, 89; 
WEEVER, 329; GOUGH, in., 17. For his arms in the cloisters at Canter- 
bury, see WILLEMENT, in. 2 Called "Cagent" in EUL., in., 401. Cf. 
MINOT, in POL. SONGS, i., 71. " Cahaunt." CHBON. LOND., 89; 
" Cachante." GREG. CHROX., 104. 3 " Au lez devers la mue." VAREN- 
BERGH, 495. 4 MEYER (222), names "Heysfliet" and " Coudekerca," 
copied in HOLINS., (529) as Heisfleet and Condekirke, but I cannot find 
them on any map. 5 The word was seemingly still regarded as foreign by 
the English of that time, though they should have long been familiar with 
it. See NICOLAS, NAVY, passim, e.g., "Karekkis"in POL. SONGS, IL, 
172; "carikkys," ibid., 199; "carika," WALS., IL, 83; " carykes," 
CHRON. LOND., 89 ; LEL. COL., L, 698 ; "cariks," ROT. PARL., IL, 335 ; 
" Karak," TIT. Liv., 24. Us avoient deux mats et meme davantage. 
CHERYF-ED-DYN ALI, iv., 52. FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., i, refers to a 
" carike " or " carrake " from Barcelona, with spice, wine and fruit, passing 
to Sluys and back by England for cloth. See also ibid., 5, 8, 13, 14, 16 ; 
NICOLAS, NAVY, IL, 160. 6 Q. R. WARDROBE, ^S, App. F ; PROMPT. PARV., 
474; CATHOL., 362. Cf. "He that behinde sat to stere." GOWER, CONF. 
AM., 152, 254. ? For dracena, see JAL, s. v. 8 HOLINS., 529. 9 HALLE 
(25) calls it "the Chamber at Rie." See also HOLINS., 529 ; SANDFORD, 
273. I0 For a view of Rye in the fifteenth century, see HORSEFIELD, I., 
487. For map, see DUGDALE, IMBANKING, 16. 






1405.] The Cotentin. 105 

unloaded, one of them took fire, and the three were burnt 
alongside, " with all the good therein through misgovernance." x 

No sooner had the fleet sailed from Sluys, than some 
Flemish privateers under Walter Janssen, 2 started in pursuit, 
and after a hard fight, captured one straggler with 120 men on 
board. The rest sailed across to Normandy, 8 and landed 
plundering parties on the eastern side of the Cotentin. The 
coast was quite unprotected. Barfleur, La Hogue de St. Vaast, 4 
Montebourg, and Pernelle 5 were burnt, and the plunderers 
advanced along 30 miles of country doing irreparable damage. 6 
They destroyed 36 villages, the poor Danish inhabitants flying 
before them and offering no sort of resistance. Posts were 
despatched 7 express to summon aid from Paris, but the English 
did not wait till their return. After such a round of exploits 
and adventures they sailed back to England about the beginning 
of July, 1405. 

The Flemish towns had no mind to keep up a struggle in 
which they had all to lose, and they claimed that they had a 
right to an independent neutrality of trade, 8 whatever might be 
the quarrel between France and England. They put pressure 
on the Duke of Burgundy, and although on May 23rd, 1405, 
he was breathing slaughter against the English and threatening 
to sweep them into the sea, yet within a week, 9 his subjects had 
extracted from him a grudging permission to negociate a separate 
commercial treaty with his hated enemy. The short armistice 
would terminate on July 25th, 1405, and on June ist, 10 the 

1 CHRON. LOND., 89. 2 Or John Gaiter. SVEYRO, n., 59, quoted in 
SOUTHEY, IT., 14. 3 POL. VF.RG., 434 ; DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 269. 4 For 
" Hogges," see POL. SONGS, i., 76. COCHON (211) dates the landing at 
La Hogue in the last week of June, 1405. s St. Petronilla. ANN., 401 ; not 
St. Patroails, as LEDIARD, 64. 6 MONSTR., i., 117. ? ADD. CH., 51, 
shows that Geoffrey Goupil was sent to inform the council at Paris in June 
1405. See WARS OF ENGLISH IN FKANCE, i., xiv. ; JARRY, 322. 8 LET- 
TENHOVE, in., 55. 9 Ibid., 60. I0 TRANSCR. FOR. REC. (Lille), 143, 5, 90. 



io6 Sluys. [CHAP. XLIII. 

French King authorised the Duke to treat with the English. 
His envoys received their commission on October 5th, 1405, \ 
and on November 22nd, 2 an order was issued that English goods 
should not be injured. Meetings were held at Calais before 
December 29th, 1405^ and after an adjournment the negociators 
met again at Gravelines on Thursday, February 4th, 1406, as a 
consequence of which the Duke caused a proclamation to be 
made at Lille, that a truce had been arranged to last for a year 
from February 6th, 1406,* and this was approved by the English 
King on March loth, I4o6. 3 The Duke soon afterwards made 
his great effort to assail Calais, but found himself faced by the 
strong opposition 6 of his Flemish subjects. After much moot- 
ing and brabbling 7 and frequent reference to Paris, 8 he gave up 
the attempt, and a further truce was arranged with the English 
on March loth, 1407, and published at Calais on June i5th, 
1407^ to last for a year from that date. 

In the meantime, the question of a separate trade-truce 
(trevc marchande) to be established between England and 
Flanders had been under serious discussion. Many difficulties 1 * 

1 TBANSCR. FOR. RRC., 143, 5, 91. Ibid., 92. 3 Ibid., 93. 4 Ibid., 
94, also 143, 4, 7, for document dated April I4th, 1407, referring to letters 
of Charles VI. (January I5th, 1406) and the Duke of Burgundy (February 
6th, 1406), as to treaty with England " pour la marchandise" for one year, 
see VARENBERGH, 496, quoting ARCHIVES DE LILLE, FONDS DE LA 
CHAMBRE DES COMPTES, B, 1368. 5 TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 143, 5, 95, 97, 
with seal in yellow wax. 6 On May 24th, 1407, fifty-five trades of Bruges 
complained of misgovernment during the last twenty-five years, and begged 
the Duke to accept one-seventh instead of the octroi. LABORDE, i., Ixii. 
7 RYM., vin., 534, 589, For a specimen, .see VARENBERGH, 546, dated 
October 24th, 1406. 8 For consent of Charles VI. dated Paris, June loth, 
1407, see TRANSCR. FOR. REC. (Lille), 143, 3. 9 ADD. MS., 14820, e, iv. , 
has a letter from the English ambassadors dated Calais, June I4th, 1407, 
notifying the commissioners of the Duke of Burgundy concerning the pub- 
lication of the truce in London. RYM., vin., 469-478, 485 ; DUMONT, n., 
302; VARENBERGH, 498, 499 (TILLET, RECEUIL, 314, has 1406); MONSTR., 
i., 152; MEYER, 225, b; DEP. KEEP. 45TH REPT., 315; TRANSCR. 
FOR. REC., 143, dated Calais, June 8th (i.e., 1407), in which J. Church 
and J. Pickering announce to the Flemish commissioners that the English 
King agrees to a prolongation of the truce for one year, from June I5th. 
10 See memorandum in TRANSCR. FOR. REC. (Lille), 143, 5, 86. 



1407.1 Treve Marchande. 107 

were suggested as to possibilities that might arise. Were the 
Flemings to be allowed to supply England with guns, horses, 
provisions, armour, and other war material to be used against 
the French ? Were armed English or Scots to be allowed to 
land in Flanders ? and was Henry to be recognised as a King 
or treated as an usurper? and so on. But the principle of a 
separate treaty had been already conceded l by the French King 
to the Duke's mother a short time before, and in the end a 
separate indenture was drawn up at Calais on November 3oth, 

1406. 2 to which the French King and the Duke of Burgundy 
gave their consent (January loth and nth, 1407), it being 
understood that the French 3 were not to be debarred from 
using Flemish ports if they wished to fit out and despatch a 
hostile expedition against England. A passage was thus secured 
for traders, pilgrims, clerks, and all persons travelling on peace- 
ful business, by sea or land, between England and the countries 
subject to the Duke of Burgundy, and by this means a safe 
road was kept open for trade as far as Cologne. On July 22nd, 
1407,* King Charles VI. expressed a wish that all French sub- 
jects should be included, anc \ugust ist, I407, 5 was fixed for 
the opening of discussion as to a final peace. Representatives 
from both sides met at Gravelines in September, 1407," and on 
December nth, 1407, 7 the Duke appointed commissioners to 
discuss questions of trade. But rooted habits could not be all 

1 TBANSCR. FOR. REC., 135, 3, May 24th, 1404. 2 For the original 
with ten seals quite intact, see TRANSCR. FOR. REC. (Lille), 143, 7, also 
ibid., for document signed by the Duke of Burgundy at Bruges, on April 
26th, 1407, declaring that the treaty will not begin till June 1 5th, 1407. In 
TRANSCR. FOR. REC. (Lille), is a letter dated Calais, June i$th (no year), 
from Aston, &c., to the commissioners from Flanders, announcing that one 
year's freedom of traffic has been published to date from this present Wednes- 
day, June I5th (i.e., 1407, not 1404 as supposed, in which year June l$th fell 
on a Sunday). 3 RYM., vni., 144; ORD. PRIV. Co., r., 292. 4 TRANSCR. 
FOR. REG., 143, 7. s RYM., vni., 487 ; TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 143, 5, 98. 
6 VARENBERGH, 499. ^ TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 143, 7. 



i8 Sluys. [CHAP. XLIII. 

at once abandoned. On October 5th, 1406,* a proclamation 
had been issued by the English King guaranteeing security for 
French and Flemish fishermen along the whole length of the 
Channel, but a dropping fire of plundering 2 was still kept up on 
both sides after the truce was well established. On the English 
side pressure was brought to bear on the council by the Calais 3 
merchants, who urged that the staple at Calais was quite value- 
less without a truce with Flanders, and though the Flemish 
deputies were indignant at the piracies still kept up from Rye 
and elsewhere, yet the English envoys negociated " curiously 4 
and diligently," and a better understanding was encouraged. 
Fresh commissions were issued by the Duke on March 5th, 
I4o8, 5 and on June loth, I4o8, 6 the truce was further pro- 
longed for three years, copies 7 of it being sent round from 
the Exchequer to the collectors at all the customs' ports on the 
English coast. 

1 RYM., viii., 451. Also November igth, 1406 (ibid., 459). 2 ADD. 
MS., 24062, f. 147, has an undated letter from King Henry to the Duke of 
Burgundy, complaining of infringements of the truce. Ibid., f. 156, b, has 
letter from Henry to the Flemish towns, referring to their complaints 
against the English. For numerous complaints dated June, 1407, or 1408 (?) 
from fishermen of Eastbourne, Flamborough, Plymouth and Winchelsea, 
against shipping from Treport, Dieppe, St. Valery, Le Crotoy, Harfleur and 
Boulogne, see TRANSCR. FOR. REC. (Lille), 143, 3, including claim for 
^2,000 against the Lord of Hugueville for holding prisoners to ransom.' 
3 ORD. PKIV. Co., i., 306, March 2nd, 1408. 4 Ibid., 310. 5 RYM., viii., 
512, 530-535, 541, 589-614; VARENBERGH, 548-572, from Archives of 
Bruges. For confirmation by the French King in Paris, October 5th, 
1408, see RYM., viii., 548. 6 PAT., u H. IV., i, 12 ; TILLET, GUERRES, 
122, b. TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 143, 2, 5 (June i3th, 1408), refers to 
letters of Charles VI. , April 27th, 1408. For a subsequent meeting, Novem- 
ber i8th, 1409, see ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 321. i DEVON, 311 ; ISSUE ROLL, 
9 H. IV., PASCH., August 2nd, 1408. 



CHAPTER XLIV. 
RETRENCHMENT. 

THE system of control over public money by means of War 
Treasurers appears to have answered fairly at first to the expec- 
tations of the country, but after a year of office, the four first 
appointed War Treasurers had given place to two others who 
would be likely to prove more obsequious to the wishes of the 
Court. The last payments to Oudeby l and his colleagues stand 
recorded on October 20th, 1404^ when they received ,3,639 
us. i^d. from the subsidy, and on January i8th, 1 405 , 3 one 
of the Barons of the Exchequer was told off to audit their 
accounts. Oudeby had personal claims 4 for money advanced 
by him at various times during his term of office. He retained 
his connection with the public accounts as one of the two 
Chamberlains 5 of the Exchequer, for which service he received 
8d. per day. 6 He farmed the alien Priory of Wilsford, 7 near 
Sleaford, became Rector of Flamstead in Hertfordshire, held a 
Canonry in the Collegiate Church of St. Mary at Warwick, was 
made Archdeacon of Derby, 8 and in July, 1412, was one of the 

1 For a file of 50 writs and acquittances subsidiary to the accounts of 
Oudeby, Hadley, Knolles, and Merlawe, see Q. R. ARMY, \l, *. 2 ISSUE 
ROLL, 6 H. IV., MICH. 3 P AT ., 6 H. IV., i, 10. * I SSUE R OL L, 6 H. 
IV., PASCH., July i8th, 1405. 5 Ex parte comitis Warr. , as appears from 
his brass. See also heading of REC. ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., and REC. 
ROLL, 6 H. IV., MICH., December i3th, 1404; ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. IV., 
MICH., October igth, 1406; ibid., 10 H. IV., MICH., and PASCH., Dec. 
4th, 1408, March 9th and July l6th, 1409; ibid., 12 H. IV., MICH., Dec. 
9th, 1410 ; ibid., 13 H. IV., MICH.; KAL. AND INV., ll., 80, 84, May 6th, 
November 22nd, 1410. 6 ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., July i5th, 1407 ; 
ibid., 13 H. IV., MICH., February 26th, 1412; KAL. AND INV., IL, 
60,66; in., 364. 7 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 193; REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 
PASCH., May i6th, 1408. 8 PAT., 12 H. IV., 22 d., February 5th, 1411, 
calls him Archdeacon of Berkshire, though this is not in LE NEVE, II., 634,. 
or JONES, 149. It may perhaps be a mistake for Derby. 9 RYM., VIIL, 
757 ; ORD. PRIV. Co., IL, 33. 



no Retrenchment. [CHAP. XLIV. 

Commissioners appointed to report on the troops mustering at 
Southampton for the expedition to France. In January, 1412, 
his name appears on the subsidy * roll of the city of London as 
the owner of a messuage in Silver Street. 2 He died at Flam- 
stead on March 7th, 141 3, 8 and lies buried beneath a fine 
brass 4 in the chancel of the village church. 

His three colleagues were all laymen, and at one time or 
other became Mayors 5 of London. John Hadley 6 was on the 
list of Grocers 7 in 1373. He was a Master and Alderman in 
1383, Mayor in 1394, and we know that he was dead in i4io. 8 
The second, Richard Merlaw or Marlow, 9 ironmonger, was 
Treasurer 10 of Calais from March 9th, 1407, till October, 1409, 
when he became Mayor of London, 11 and negociated the treaty 
with the Hansers. He died 12 in London in 1420. Oudeby's 
third colleague was Alderman Thomas Knolles (otherwise known 
as Thomas Atte Mille), 13 grocer. He was still a young man, and 
was fully busy with the management of his large warehouse, 14 
whence he supplied saltpetre 15 and sulphur for the King's guns, 
and grossed up lead, tin, horns, drugs, wax, woad, madder, 
brasil, flax, spices, black-soap, and all-sorts, from pennyworths 

1 ARCH^EOL. JOURN., XLIV., 73. 2 GIBBONS, 131. 3 Not January 23rd, 
1417, as LE NEVE, i., 576. For his will dated March 4th, 1413, see GIB- 
BONS, 131 ; GENEALOGIST, vi., 132. In ISSUE ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH., 
February I7th, 1413, he pays $o to the Abbot of Thornton (isto die), i.e., 
Thornton Curtis, in North Lincolnshire. 4 CUSSANS, in., 107, where his 
death is wrongly placed in 1453. 5 The title of Lord Mayor never occurs 
in official records of this time. PRICE, 158 ; LOFTIE, 105. In the bidding 
prayer he is " my ryth worship and reverente maister our Maier." YORK 
MANUAL, i., 224. 6 Called Adeley in ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., MICH., 
March 22nd, 1405. ? GROCERS ARCHIVES, 45, 58, 68, 73. 8 In GLAUS., 
II H. IV., 3, July I4th, 1410, he is referred to as dead. 9 From his birth- 
place on the Upper Thames. SHARPE, n., 429. I0 KAL. AND INV., n., 82. 
11 CLAUS., ii H. IV., 3, 23, February i8th, and July I4th, 1410. In REC. 
ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., October 29th, 1410, he is late Mayor and Es- 
cheator. I2 For his will dated September i8th, 1420, see SHARPE, n., 428. 
J 3 GROCERS ARCH., 58, 71. I4 OLIVER, 276. j s ISSUE ROLL, 9 H. IV., 
PASCH., September loth, 1408 ; FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV. 






1405.] The Guildhall. in 

of subtleware 1 to gymews 2 of avoirdupois for his general cus- 
tomers. He frequently advanced loans 3 to meet the King's 
immediate necessities. He was twice Mayor of London, viz., 
in 1399 and 1410,* and in his second mayoralty he began to 
re-build the Gildhall, 5 which was then but an old and little 
cottage. 6 But when he laid down his office in November, 1411, 
the " new work " ceased, and the funds 7 could only be got 
together by stringent measures. Every freeman and every 
apprentice was taxed to help on the work. Every deed or 
will enrolled, and every Close or Patent letter issued under 
the Mayor's seal was charged, fines were appropriated, and 
100 marks were set aside every year from the tolls taken at 
London Bridge, to help forward the noble building that should 
have been the pride of every London craftsman. Knolles died 
in London in I435, 8 and was buried in St. Antholin's Church 
in Watling Street. 9 

The two new War Treasurers, Thomas Nevil Lord Furnival 10 
and Sir John Pelham, were appointed November nth, 1404, 
just before the Parliament was dissolved at Coventry, and the 
earliest recorded payment to them is dated November i8th, 
I404. 11 Sir John Pelham had been a squire to John of Gaunt, 



1 Sotilware. GROCERS ARCH., 139, 154. 2 Graunt bale ou gymew. 
GROCERS ARCH., 55. 3 e. <j., 200, November 2oth, 1408. REC. ROLL, 

10 H. IV., MICH. 4 In REC. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., October 23rd, 
1411, he is Mayor of London and Escheator. 5 CHRON. LOND., 93; 
STOW, 282; NICHOLS, 2; PRICE, 49. RAMSAY, i., 157, ascribes the 
building to the "liberality of Dick Whittington." 6 FAB., 387. "An 
evil-favoured olde house." GRAFTON, 440. 7 PRICE, 51 ; SHARPE, i., 
xiv. STOW (282 b) adds that " offences of men were pardoned for summes 
of money towards this work," and it is probable that if the Bishop's Regis- 
ters were searched, indulgences would be found to bear out this statement. 
8 GROCERS ARCH., 400; PRICE, 49 ; HEATH, 186. For his will, dated 
May 26th, 1432, see SHARPE, n., 475; GENEAL., vi., 32. 9 For his 
epitaph, see WEEVER, 402; HERALD AND GENEAL., vn., 554, For 
account of the church, see KINGDON, xxm. I0 Vol. I., page 479. 

11 Page 6. 



ii2 Retrenchment. [CHAP. XLIV. 

who made him Constable of Pevensey Castle. 1 He had been 
one of those who landed with Henry at Ravenser in 1399, and 
while the success of the revolution was still in the balance, his 
wife Joan 2 had held Pevensey against the combined forces of 
Surrey, Sussex, and Kent. In 1401, he was Sheriff 3 of Surrey 
and Sussex. On March 5th, 1405,* he was made Keeper of 
the New Forest, and on December 8th, 1405^ Steward of the 
Duchy of Lancaster. His colleague, Thomas Nevil, Lord 
Furnival, 6 brother to the Earl of Westmoreland, was Lord of 
Hallamshire, 7 or South Yorkshire, in right of his wife Joan.* 
In 1 403, he had been charged with the defence of Newcastle, 
after the fall of Hotspur, and in the following year he com- 
manded the castles of Montgomery, 10 Bishopscastle, and Cause " 
on the borders of Wales. Within a month after his appoint- 
ment as War Treasurer, he was made Treasurer of England, 
December i3th, 1404,^ in place of Lord de Roos. 13 While 
Treasurer of England he lent large sums of money to the 



1 For his possessions in Surrey and Sussex, see SUSSEX ARCH/EOL.. 
COLL., x., 133. For his will, dated at Robertsbridge in 1428, proved at 
Lambeth, see GENEAL., vi., 134; COLLINS, v., 500. In INQ. p. MORT. 
Due. LANC., I., 4, John Pelham, clericus (perhaps his son), is returned as, 
wasting the domain at Pevensey. 2 HORSFIELD, I., 315, 433; COLLINS, 
v., 492; HALLAM, LIT. OF EUROPE, i., 51. 3 p IPE ROLL, 7 H. IV. 
4 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 4. s i n succession to Sir Thomas Skelton. Due. 
LANG. REC., XL, 16, 68"". 6 Spelt Ffournyville in ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. 
IV., MICH. 7 HUNTER, 44. 8 For her effigy in the church at Barlborough 
in Derbyshire, see HUNTER, 58. 9 Q. R. WARDROBE, 6 4 8 , App. B. 
10 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 12, August 7th, 1405. ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. IV., 
MICH., December I3th, 1406, has payment to him of ,1,146, for wages to- 
the garrison at Montgomery. Q. R. ARMY, ?, App. G. " EYTON, VIL, 5. 
12 DEVON, 300; HOCCLEVE, MIN. Po., LIV. ; KAL. AND INV., IL, 70, 71, 
72, February 2Oth, 1405 ; Q. R. WARDROBE, H, App. F. The name does 
not occur in DUGDALE, CHRONICA SERIES, and the difficulty was felt by 
THOROTON, p. 457. He appears as Treasurer of England, December I2th,. 
1405, GEST. ABB. S. ALBANI, in., 499; also March 24th, October 29th, 
November 27th, December 22nd, 1406. RYM., VIIL, 435 ; DEVON, 304; 
ORD. PRIV. Co., i, 295 ; ROT. PARL., in., 585. 13 Lord de Roos appears, 
as Treasurer as late as November 2ist, 1404. ORD. PRIV. Co., I., 244. 



1405.] Thomas Nevil, Lord Fur nival. 113 

King, 1 who on April 2nd, I4o6, 2 granted him the wapentake of 
Strafford, near Sheffield, for life. He died in March, 1407^ and 
was buried in an alabaster tomb 4 above the high choir in the 
Priory Church at Worksop. His eldest daughter, Maud, 5 be- 
came the wife of John Talbot, afterwards the great Earl of 
Shrewsbury. 

From War Treasurers such as these no very effective control 
could be looked for in the direction of economy, and, as a fact, 
they seldom appear as acting in their official capacity at all. 
Occasionally they put their signatures to appointments of con- 
trollers of the customs, 6 and they lent large sums of money 7 to 
the King. During their term of office, each of them appears 
as Treasurer of Calais, 8 with large powers to appropriate half 
the subsidy. But their duties in this capacity were done by 

1 e. g., 100, December I3th, 1404, ISSUE ROLL, 7 II. IV., MICH. 
(February 27th, 1406); ;i,ooo, March 2nd, 1405, ibid. (November 9th, 
1405); 100 marks. February 25th, 1406; ,2,646 igs. S^d.,ibid., PASCH. 
(August I4th, 1406); ^2,448 us. 9jd., December nth, 1406, REC. ROLL, 
8 H. IV., MICH. (December nth, 1406), part of which was repaid to his 
executors after his death, ISSUE ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH. (Aug. 2nd, 1408). 
2 PAT., 7 H. IV, 2, 39. 3 SUKTEES, iv., 159. His will dated March i2th, 
1407, was proved on March 28th, 1407. TEST. EBOR., in., 41 ; GENEAL., 
vi., 131. In PAT., 8 H. IV, 2, 22, dated April 25th, 1407, and REC. 
ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., May 9th, 1407, he is referred to as dead; and 
REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., November i6th, 1407, has an entry of ^200 
from his executors, Geoffrey Louther and Robt. Pudsey (for whose account, 
dated November I4th, 1410, see Q. R. ARMY, * ', App. G). Yet he was still 
summoned to Parliament, August 26th, 1407, and up till 1413. REPORT 
DIGN. PEER, in., 802, 805, 808, 8n, 814. 4 MONAST., vi., 123, from the 
rhyming account written by "one Pigote" early in the sixteenth century. 
s In REC. ROLL, 14 H. IV, MICH., October 22nd, 1412, the two pay a 
fine of 60 pro relevio suo. See also PRIV. SEAL, 647/6484, March 4th, 
1410. 6 e.g., October 1st, l6th, and November 28th, 29th, 1405. PAT., 
7 H. IV., i, 40. 7 ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., October 27th, 1405, 
records repayment to them of a portion of a loan of ^"2,108 195. 7<i. On 
November 2Oth, they again lent ^"1,987 135. nd. to the King, which was 
repaid December 3rd; also ibid., PASCH., .333 l8s. 7d., lent October 
27th, 1405, repaid August I4th, 1406 ; ibid., 14 H. IV., MICH., November 
3rd, 1412, repays loan made August I4th, 1406. 8 e.g., Furnival, CLAUS., 
6 H. IV., 14 (April 5th, 1405); FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., II, 13 (February 
1 3th, 1406) ; ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV, MICH., December 3rd, 1405, January 
2ist, 1406. For Pelham, see FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV, 15 (Dec. I7th, 1405). 



ii4 Retrenchment, [CHAP. XLIV. 

deputy, 1 and the regular Treasurer, Robert Thorley, 2 was not 
long absent from his post. They soon showed great unwilling- 
ness for their work as War Treasurers, and frequently pressed 
for their discharge, which was finally granted on June i9th, 
i4o6. 3 Nevertheless, the office had been to some extent a 
reality, 4 for when on January 2oth, I4o6, 5 the King issued an 
order to the collectors of customs at Southampton in reference 
to the remission of 100 as a personal favour to his Portu- 
guese guests, the writ was returned as invalid, and a fresh one 6 
had to be made out to the War Treasurers before his wishes 
could be carried out, while the account of Sir Thomas Swin- 
burn, 7 as Mayor of Bordeaux, was paid by the War Treasurers 
as late as May 3rd, 1407. 

There is no doubt, however, that in every direction reduc- 
tions of expenditure were proceeding steadily, though under the 
most favourable conditions the desperate state of the revenue 
demanded at least some length of time before yielding symp- 
toms of permanent recovery. From a comparison of the 
expenditure recorded in the Exchequer Rolls, it results that the 

1 e.g., Richard Clitherowe. FOREIGN ACCOUNTS, 13 H. IV.; ISSUE 
ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., June I2th, 1407. In GLAUS., n H. IV., 
Clitherowe is vitellar of Calais, April I3th, 1410, to which office he 
had been appointed on February 2ist, 1410. FR. ROLL, n H. IV., 17. 
2 ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH. (December 3rd, 1405, and January 2ist, 
1406) ; also ibid., PASCH. (May I3th, 1406). For Thorley's account 
(very full), as Treasurer of Calais, from December 3ist, 1402, to May pth, 
1405 (,30,891 135. 4d.), see FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV. His latest entry is 
October 24th, 1406. ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH. In ibid., December 
I3th, 1406, he is nuper Thes. His successor, Richard Merlaw, was ap- 
pointed March Qth, 1407 (see p. no). 3 R OT . PARL., in., 577, 584, when 
two auditors were appointed by the Crown and six by the Commons, to pass 
their accounts. See also PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 21 ; ORD. PRIV. Co., I., 263. 
4 HOCCLEVE'S COLLECTION, ADD. MS., 24062, p. 54, contains thirteen 
entries without date "As tresorers des guerres." See also ADD. CH., 1 1402, 
May 3rd, 1405. For the title " Tresorier pur la guerre " in 1377, see ROT. 
PARL., in., 7. 5 RYM., VIIL, 428. 6 RYM., VIIL, 431 ; GLAUS., 7 H. 
IV., 31, dated February l8th, 1406; also ibid., 32, January 2Oth, 1406. 
A similar remission to the envoy from Bordeaux is addressed to the War 
Treasurers direct, on March 1 2th, 1406 (ibid., 24). ? p a ge 56, note 3. 



1405.] Fall in Expenditure. 1 15 

payments made in the half-year ending March 27th, 1405, 
actually exceed those for the corresponding period in the pre- 
vious year by nearly .3,000. But this is to be explained 
by the larger sums now really available in the hands of the 
War Treasurers, arising from the proceeds of the immense 
subsidies sanctioned by the late Parliament. But from this 
date onwards for several years the expenditure suddenly drops, 
and whereas in the year ending September 4th, 1403,* it had 
amounted to 135,404 i6s. o^d., the total sum spent in the 
corresponding twelve months of 1405-6 is entered at 82,723 
135. 4^d., and the figures continue to decline, with occasional 
fluctuations, till the close of Henry's reign, when the latest 
recorded expenditure for a complete financial year (ending 
February 26th, 1412), amounts to only 74,964 133. 7d., 
showing a decrease in seven years of nearly fifty per cent. 

But before such equilibrium could be attained, great sacri- 
fices must be endured, and rigid repression exercised over the 
irightful habits of extravagance 2 that were growing upon the 
Court and the nation. The pinch would be felt most keenly 

1 The ISSUE ROLL for the year 7 H. IV. is very seldom balanced, the 
spaces for totals being left blank. The Michaelmas RECEIPT ROLL for the 
same year is imperfect, being cut away after December loth, 1405. The 
same blanks in the summaries occur in the PELLS ROLLS for 1406-7, though 
the total receipts for the Easter Term are given, viz., 42,913 95. gd. 
(RAMSAY, in ANTIQUARY , vi., 104, gives .50,790 155. 6d.) On the 
ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., 16,897 173. 5d. was spent in four days 
before Trinity. RAMSAY (i., 143, 155, 160) calculates the average annual 
expenditure for the whole reign at from 103,000 to 104,000, and the 
average receipt at 106,000. In 1383, WYCLIFFE (SERMONS, IL, 52) appears 
to calculate the expenditure at 100,000, and at the same time the subsidy 
of wool is said to have yielded 160,000 (CARTE, II., 670), though the 
total income recorded in that year only reached 100,000 (RAMSAY, I., 124). 
2 When Richard II. visited Ireland in 1394 he had a jewelled coat valued 
at 30,000 marks (20,000). GILBERT, 265; FONBLANQUE, I., 126, 155, 
referring to STRUTT, REGAL ANTIQUITIES. In the same year he paid 
461 for a couple of diamonds to give away to friends. DEVON, 253. He 
spent over 40,000 marks (26,666 133. 4d. ) at his meeting with Charles VI. 
at Guines in 1396. ANN., 194. FROISSART (Ch. cxix.), who knew him 
well, and had received from him a silver-gilt goblet with 100 nobles inside, 



n6 Retrenchment. [CHAP. XLIV. 

in the opening months of the year 1405, and there are not 
wanting, here and there, indications of the general distress. 
The North was so devastated by the Scots that it could bear 
no taxation at all, and on the recommendation of Prince John, 
the whole of the counties of Northumberland, Westmoreland, 
and Cumberland were entirely exempted. At Wrangle, 1 in 
Lincolnshire, where much misery existed owing to the bursting 
of dykes 2 and walls in the Humber, John Newton, the farmer 
or collector of the King's dues, had his house broken into, and 
charters, deeds, and public documents were carried off, together 
with goods to the value of 200. He and his wife Beatrice 
were beaten and imprisoned, while two men were murdered 
and their bodies afterwards burnt. 

The Convocation of Canterbury, which had met at St. 
Paul's on the 2ist of April, 1404^ had sanctioned the unusual 
grant of a tax, amounting to 23. in the , upon all ecclesiastical 
offices or benefices which had hitherto escaped, half of it to be 
payable at St. Martin-in-Yeme 4 (November nth, 1404), and 
the rest on May ist, 1405. The higher church functionaries 
might meet and vote the grant, and even offer loans 5 in advance, 
being amply covered by substantial guarantees and having a 

says that he spent 100,000 florins per annum on his household. In the 
" Form of Cury," composed by his Master-Cooks about 1390, he is called 
"the best and ryallest viander of all Christian Kynges." NOBLE BOOK OF 
COOKRY, p. ix., quoting ANTIQUITATES CULINARY, WARNER, Lond., 1711. 

1 Commission of enquiry dated October i8th, 1404, in PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 
24 d. Ibid., 2, 3, contains a pardon to Robt. Newton, of Wrangle, dated 
August I7th, 1405. * From Wrangle to Barton. Ibid., 2, 14 d ; also ibid., 
7 H. IV., 2, 23. 3 Vol. I., 415. REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., May 
24th, 1408; also ibid., 13 H. IV., MICH., February 26th, 1412. 4 i.e., in 
hyeme. PAT., 6 H. IV., I, 13. 5 e.g., 40 from the Prior of Worcester 
to the Duke of York, to pay troops in Wales, November 4th, 1404. PAT., 
6 H. IV., I, 22; 2000 marks from Bishop Beaufort (Lincoln), October 25th r 
1404. GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 23 ; 735 from Bishop Bowet (Bath and Wells), 
December 6th, 1404. ibidem, 28; 2,000 marks from Bishop Skirlaw 
(Durham). PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 5; repaid November 3rd, 1405. ISSUE 
ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH. 







1405.] " Eke prestis annuderis payed nobles" 117 

lively hope of favours to come, but when the first instalment 
fell due, it was found that many of the holders of small livings * 
and chantries refused to pay it, and violently resisted the collec- 
tors. Every parish chaplain, 2 beneficed man, 3 or clerk of rent, 
was required to pay his noble (6s. 8d.), 4 although the stipend of 
each was limited by statute 5 to 4 per annum, and this limit 
had been expressly fixed as entitling to exemption a in all pre- 
vious legislation. Moreover, when we remember that out of 
this annual allowance the vicar or parson had to provide the 
church-bread, 7 wine, lights, books, and incense, and pay all 
charges 8 for the chancel and the high altar, as well as to repair 

1 For commission of inquiry in diocese of Coventry and Lichfield, dated 
January 22nd, 1405, see PAT., 6 H. IV., I, 13. 2 De quolibet capellano 
seculari. REC. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., February i8th, 1413 ; GIBBONS, 
94. 3 WYNT., in., 106. 4 CONC., in., 303. s STAT., i., 373 ; n., 188 ; 
ROT. PARL., 11., 271 ; in., 501 ; REEVES, IL, 454, 491 ; DENTON, 240. 
In 1285, the living of Banbury was worth 100 marks per annum ; St. Peter 
in the East, at Oxford, 40; St. Mary the Virgin, 30 marks. OXFORD 
CITY Doc., 205. In 1311, the statutes of University College at Oxford 
required that a fellow should cease to enjoy the charity of the college as 
soon as he was promoted to a benefice worth five marks (3 6s. 8d.) per 
annum. In 1378, the Archbishop of Canterbury fixed the stipend of a 
chantry priest at seven marks (4 133. 4d.) per annum, and of a chaplain 
with cure of souls, at eight marks (5 6s. 8d.), in consequence of the 
gluttony and licentiousness prevailing among the priests in his diocese. 
CONC., in., 135. In 1409, Sir Robt. Rockley paid 40 marks for permission 
to build two chapels, one at Bolsterstone, and the other at Worsborough, 
near Barnsley. The chaplain at each was to receive eight marks (5 6s. 8d.) 
per annum. Cf. RAINES' MSS., xxix., 23 (in Chetham Library, Man- 
chester), with HUNTER, HALLAMSHIRE, 478; SOUTH YORKS., n., 197, 
294. In 1414, it was complained that they were getting from 10 to 12 
marks (6 135. 4d. to 8) per annum, "because of their excessive array and 
and other charges," and the statute fixed seven and eight marks respectively 
for table, clothing and other necessaries. ROT. PAUL., iv. , 52 ; STAT., n , 
188 ; 2 H. V., 2, c. 2. 6 PARLY. WRITS, i., 25, from PAT., 24 Ed. I., m. 
22. 7 See the case of the vicar of Bolton-upon-Dearne, near Rotheram, 
whose income was fixed in 1346 at eight marks and a manse. MONAST., 
v., 132. 

8 Thoughe that his chancelle roof be alle to-torne, 

And on the hye awtere rayne or snewe, 
He (the parson) rekketh not, the cost may be forborne, 
Cristes hous to repaire or make newe. 

HOCCLEVE DE REG., in MORLEY, VI., 1 29. 



nS Retrenchment. [CHAP. XLIV. 

and wash the vestments and ornaments, it might be supposed 
that the payment of the tax was an impossibility, for the very 
lowest estimate 1 at which a clerk could live fixes 4 as 
necessary for food and clothing alone, leaving nothing at all for 
spending-sirver.* But Parliament was well aware that the value 
of a benefice lay not in the fixed stipend,* but in the extra 
pennies 4 paid for baptisms, churchings, espousals, nuptials, 
purifications, 9 confessions, communions, anointings, burials, 
obits,' and vigils of the dead, together with small tithes, 7 
heriots, and mortuaries, 8 not only of live-stock, but of hoods, 9 
coats, tunics, bed-coverings, carpets, and the like. The halls 
and colleges at Oxford and Cambridge, though often weighed 
down with debt 10 and struggling against poverty, had all to pay 
their share," and every annueller u or chantry priest was taxed 

1 Of six mark yerely, mete and drink and clothe 
Thou gete maist, my child, withouten othe. 

HOCCLEVE DE REG. , 44. 

For "cloth and mete and drinke," see GOWER, Co NT. AM., 290, 299. 
For " horde and clothing," see CHAUCER, 16485. 2 PIERS PLOUGH- 
MAN, xiv., 101 ; CHAUCER, CHANONES YEMANNES TALE, 16486. 3 In 
1412, the income of the Vicar of Staindrop was fixed at 20 marks 
(13 6s. 8d.), SURTEES, iv., 136. In 1439, it was decreed that all vicar- 
ages should be augmented to 12 marks (8) a year. 4 MONAST., v., 134 ; 
WYCLIFFE, DE APOSTASIA, 36; APOLOGY, 50; RIPON MEM., m., 206- 
221, where the charges in 1401 are d. for baptisms and churchings, 4d. for 
marriages, with an extra penny for the purification of the woman after mar- 
riage (213), not the censing and sprinkling of the marriage-bed, as supposed 
by the editor (p. 207). For the mass-penny see TOWNELEY MYST., 104 ; 
P. PLO., IV., 280. For the "haly-bred half-penny" see FABR. ROLL, 254. 

5 For sponsalia et purificationes see G. OLIVER, MONAST. EXON., 270. 

6 GERSON, n., 439. 7 PORTER, HIST. OF THE FYLDE, 458; GNEIST, 
PARL. , 156. 8 Apres le mort de chescun parochian que avoit bestes a son 
morant le Vicar a ew le meliour beast en le nosme de mortuary. YEAR 
BOOK, 10 H. IV., MICH., I. For Ireland, see BELLESHEIM, i., 481. 
9 BLOMFiELD, BICESTER, n., 197. I0 BOASE, EXON., XLIV. " In Lent, 
1405, Exeter College, at Oxford, paid 45. 2d. to the King for " rateable 
proportion of our rents as other colleges paid." BOASE, EXON., xvi, 14. 
12 CHAUCER, CHAN. YEM. TALE, 16480; POLITICAL SONGS, n., 80, 94. 
" Eke prestis annueleris payed nobles to the King and alle religious if 
thei had swech annuelles." CAPGR., 293, not "animalia," as OTTER- 
BOURNE, p. 259. For " triennels," see PIERS PLOUGHMAN, x., 330. 



1405.] Chantries. 119 

in the same proportion. 1 The claim was often evaded by the 

1 The payment for each mass appears at 40!. or 2d. Vol. I., 118 ; RYM., 
ix., 308 ;' WILLS OF KINGS, 218 ; RIPON MEM., i., 158 ; but it might be 
less, e.g., Thomas de Mussenden by will dated July 2Oth, 1402, left 20 
marks to pay for 3,000 masses for his soul, which is about id. apiece. 
TEST. VET.,'L, 161. In 1368, Gervase de Wilford leaves in his will six 
marks to each chaplain for masses, or if this is illegal, then as much as the 
statute allows. GIBBONS, 89. The chaplains of the All Soulen Chapel, 
founded by Lord Cobham, at the entrance to Rochester Bridge, about 1383, 
were to receive 6 per annum each, besides lodgings in the common house. 
They had to say mass three rimes daily, and not to serve any other church. 
THORPE, 556. The chaplain of the college at Bredgar, near Milton in 
Kent (founded in 1393), was to receive 2 per quarter and his rooms. 
-.ST., vi., 1392. The two who served the chantry of John of Gaunt 
in St. Paul's originally received ro marks each per annum (Due. LAXC. 
REC., XI., 14, 58, February 2Oth, 1382), afterwards raised to 12 marks 
(%), but they were not to take any annal or trentai besides (PAT., 13 H. 
IV., 2, 34). In 1404, a chantry chaplain at Beaurepaire receives 2 per 
per annum (Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, 21, May 27th, 1404), and in the 
same year Eleanor, widow of Lord Cobham of Starborough, leaves 10 
marks per annum for her chantry priest at Lewes (SURREY ARCHJEOL. 
COLL., II., 186). On July 1st, 1406, John Legburn, parson of the church 
of Somercotes, founded a chantry for one chaplain in the church of All 
Saints, Legbourn, near Louth in Lincolnshire, and endowed it with a 
messuage and 80 acres of arable land, 10 acres of meadow, 16 acres of 
pasture, 20 acres of wood, and 405. rent (Due. LAXC. REC., XL, 16, 68 r , 
69"% May 28th, 1411). The chaplains who said mass in the chapel built 
on the battlefield at Othee (1408), were to have 40 crowns each per annum 
(MONSTB., I., 139). In 1409, Beatrice, Lady de Roos allotted 12 marks 
per annum to her chantry priest in St. Paul's (DuGDALE, ST. PAUL'S, 355). 
In 1412, William, Lord de Roos, left 400 to pay ten chaplains for eight 
years, i.e., at the rate of 5 per annum for each, one of whom was to teach 
his sons in disciplind et gramaticd (TEST. EBOR., L, 359). On February 
26th, 1413, the executors of Thomas Hardwick founded a chantry in the 
cathedral at Lichfield, the chaplain to receive seven marks per annum. 
The fee paid to the Crown varied considerably according to circumstances. 
For instance, in 1412, the Bourchier family, at Halstead in Essex, paid 100 
marks [66 135. 4d. (PAT., 13 H. IV., 2/27)], while in the same year in 
the neighbouring parish of Sible Hedingham (spelt Hengham Sibylle, Heg- 
ham, Heningham, or Hedningham, in MotfAST., IV., 436), the 'birthplace 
of rhe great Sir John Hawkwood (MOKANT, n., 287), chantries were founded 
in the parish church and in the nunnery at Castle Hedingham, for which 
only 20 was paid to the Crown (PAT., 14 H. IV., 18, October aoth. I | - 
On May 6th, 1412, John Preston paid 40 to found a chantry in St Michael's 
Church at Coventry (PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 261. On February 7th, 1412, 
20 was paid for one at Kirkby Green, near Scopwick in Lincolnshire 
(PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 27), and on November 3rd, 1412, a chantry was 
founded for five marks (3 6s. 8d) in the parish church at Newark -on-Trent 
(PAT., 14 H. IV., 21). In PAT., 14 H. IV.. 23, 40 marks are paid to the 
Crown for permission to endow a chaplain for the church of Winterboum 
St. Martin, near Dorchester, at the instance of the Abbot of Abbotsbury. 



I2O Retrenchment. [CHAP. XLIV. 

holder sheltering 1 himself in some privileged institution, or it 
was refused 2 outright when the collectors presented their 
demand. Wherever excuses could be urged or evasions 
practised, a prayer was always ready against the tax, and some 
wit about the Court rapped out the joke that no King had 
ever made so many priests pray before. 3 Exemptions were 
allowed in the case of poor monks and hospitallers, and 
generally in districts where property had been destroyed by 
war or by the sea, and great difficulty was accordingly expe- 
rienced by the collectors in such dioceses as Worcester 4 and 
Hereford on the border of Wales, but there is abundant 
evidence 5 that the refusals extended to counties where life and 
property were perfectly secure, such as Rutland, Northampton, 
Huntingdon, Bedford, and the dioceses of Coventry and Lich- 
field, Chichester and Ely, in spite of the fact that the collectors 
were all Abbots or high ecclesiastics, 6 and that non-payment ' 
was followed by the thunder of clerical censures. The council 
in London suggested that the Archbishops should send round 
letters to the clergy commanding them to submit, but the 
Archbishop of York was already in sympathy with the spirit 
of rebellion, while his brother of Canterbury 7 saw the danger 

1 PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 8. ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., PASCH., May i8th, 
1406. 2 In PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 15 (1411-1412) is a record that the Abbot 
of Kingswood, near Wotton-under-Edge, refused to pay the tenth granted 
by Convocation, on the ground that all Cistercians were exempt from any 
jurisdiction except that of the Pope and the Roman Curia. 3 ANN., 418. 
4 PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 34, 36. s p AT ., 6 H. IV., 2, 25. 6 One of them, 
John Sudbury (MoNAST., in., 34; SHAW, I., 7), Abbot of St. Modwenn 
at Burton-on-Trent, was the object of special vindictiveness on his property 
at Stapenhill, on the Derbyshire side of the river, and at his instigation the 
monks lay in wait on Burton Moor in the town of Burton (May 6th, 1406), 
to kill Richard Litster and John, his son. They beat and ill-treated them, 
and took a black horse (405.), a saddle and bridle (35. 4d.), and an axe 
(lod.). On December i8th, 1404, they carried off Alice Leche against her 
will, and took all her goods, valued at loos. PAT., 7 H. IV., I, 2 ; ibid., 
9 H. IV., i, 29, 31, 33, 34; REPT. DIGN. PEER, in., 799. 7 ORD. PRIV. 
Co., ii., 102. 



1405.] Payments to Garrisons. 121 

too well, and sent a significant warning to the King at 
Hereford (May, 1405), that the time was scarcely opportune for 
such coercion. Moreover, the clergy were not put into the 
most docile of moods by the issue of commissions, 1 in accor- 
dance with the promise made in the last Parliament, 2 to enquire 
into the condition of all manors and townships recently held by 
them to farm, and to report what they would probably produce 
if taken over again by the King. In face of all this difficulty, it 
is not surprising that the yield of the new clerical taxation which 
found its way into the Exchequer for the year was insignificant, 
amounting only to ^383 155. 6d. 8 

On the other hand, an analysis of the principal items of 
expenditure for war purposes shows that necessity was somehow 
securing money for the troops, for within the first three months 
of the year 1405,* payments are recorded to five of the principal 
garrisons, amounting to ^10,818 55. 2d., in the following pro- 
portions, viz.: Berwick, .4,596 35. od.; Calais, 3,064 35. 3d.; 
Guines, 2,020 zos. id.; Carlisle and Roxburgh, 1,137* 8s. 
iod.; while a further sum of 4,521 was allotted to paying off 
loans. It is certain that great privations must have been en- 
dured somewhere before such a result could be brought about, 
but equally certain is it that the privation did not fall upon the 
King or his family, for within the same period of three months 
(if we include two sums paid December 2nd and 3ist, 1404), 
the Queen took 2,823 us. 5^d., and the Royal Household 
no less than 11,731 55. n^d., showing that no real efficient 
check had yet been put upon the reckless extravagance 5 which 

1 ROT. PARL., iv., 60. 2 Vol. I., 474. 3 In three takes, October 3rd, 
March 2nd, and May 1 6th. REC. ROLL, 6 H. IV. 4 ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. 
IV., MICH., passim. 5 One curious entry is for yellow jars (ollis luteis), 
33 143. Sd., May 23^., 1405. 



122 Retrenchment. [CHAP. XLIV, 

was hastening the government to bankruptcy and the country to 
ruin, while on the 23rd of May and the ist of June following,, 
the immense sum of .14,821 i8s. lo^d. 1 was allotted to- 
Prince Thomas in connection with his sham position as the 
King's Lieutenant in Ireland. 

1 On October 3rd, -1405, he received 600 more on the same account. 
ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH. 



CHAPTER XLV. 
WAR-GOVERNOR BUTLER. 

THE annals of Ireland are at this time singularly thin and 
barren, though some side-light is thrown upon the darkness from 
the muniment room of the castle of the Butlers at Kilkenny. 
Prince Thomas 1 was still nominally the King's Lieutenant 
in Ireland, though he had not been near the country for the 
last eighteen months. His first three years' term of office 
had now expired, and he showed no inclination to return to the 
cares of state service in Dublin. His large allowance of 12,000 
marks 2 per annum was in arrears to the extent of .9,000, he 
had spent all his private means, 3 sold his jewels and silver plate, 
and though he had plenty of exchequer tallies, 4 he was in 
fact reduced to great " poverty and weakness." The council 
allowed him 4,000 from the customs of London, Southampton, 
Melcombe, Chichester, Sandwich, and Hull, and, in glaring 

1 For the sake of brevity I have retained the title of Prince for the King's 
younger sons, though the usual official title is " Monsieur Thomas" (RoT. 
PARL., in., 612; ORD. PRIV. Co., I., 183, 259, 268, 316-320, 340), or 
"My Lord," or "Lord John of Lancaster" (Hv. IV., Part I., IV., 4, 29; 
v., 4, 3), or " Monsieur Thomas of Lancaster" (ORD. PRIV. Co., I., 313, 
339 5 Q- R - WARDROBE, \ J, App. E), or " the King's third son" (CAPGR., 
289), " filz du Roy" (ORD. PRIV. Co., I., 145, 264). In an inquiry held 
in 1410, the King's son John is officially addressed as " hault et puissant 
Prince Monsieur Johan fils de Roy." C. J. YOUNG, 32. The King's 
sister is "Elizabeth of Lancaster," in PAT., 9 H. IV., I, 23. See also 
NOTES AND QUERIES, 7th Ser., x., 3. 2 In 1393 the Duke of Gloucester 
had been paid at nearly the same rate, viz. , 34,000 marks for three years 
(GILBERT, 553), though in 1392 the Earl of Ormonde had received only 
3,000 marks (ibid., 262). In 1399 the Duke of Surrey had been allowed 
11,500 marks per annum (DEVON, 272), but in 1413 a salary of 4,000 marks 
was considered sufficient for Sir John Talbot (GILBERT, 304). The earliest 
recorded salary of a Viceroy is in 1226, when Geoffroi de Marreis had 580 
per annum (ibid., go). 3 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 27, November ist, 1404; 
GLAUS., 6 H. IV, 11. * PAT., 6 H. IV, 2, 21, April 6th, 1405 ; STAT., 
i., 361. 



124 War- Governor Butler. [CHAP. XLV. 

violation of the spirit of the Statute against Absentees, his com- 
mission was renewed for three years on October ist, 1404,1 with 
power to appoint a deputy, and as each year ran out, his posi- 
tion was re-affirmed z for the unexpired remainder of the term. 

When he had left the country at Martinmas, 1403^ Sir 
Stephen Scrope had been appointed his deputy (November yth, 
1403).* On December ist, 1403, 5 Scrope was at Kilkenny, but 
by the beginning of Lent, 1404," it was announced that he had 
" suddenly departed " 7 without consulting the council and left 
no one to represent him. The colonists were in the depths of 
desolation and extreme necessity. The Irish were ready to 
attack them, and although a generation previous a clear revenue 
of .30,000 per annum 8 had been drawn from the country, it was 
now found that there was nothing in the Treasury, 9 no pay for 
troops, judges, constables of castles, or royal officers. It seemed 
as though the English settlers were at length to be swept into 
the sea, and the two centuries of struggle were to end abruptly 
in disaster, abandonment, and retreat. 

But Ireland was too fertile and promising a field, and 
English energy and enterprise were not to be all at once baffled 
and gainsaid. Scores of castles and abbeys had been planted 
by them as outposts on the marches, and an effort must be 

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., I, 32. 2 Ibid., 2, I, September 28th, 1405 ; ibid., 
7 H. IV., i, 3, March ist, 1406. 3 Vol. I., p. 233. In CABEW MSS., 
451, he is said to have stayed only seven months in Ireland. For a docu- 
ment witnessed by him in Dublin, February 2oth, 1403, see HARRIS, 
HIBERNICA, ii., 1 68. 4 CAL. ROT. HIB., 176. On November i6th, 1402, 
he had been appointed Governor of Connaught, with power to defend it 
till the Earl of March should be of age (ibid., 172) ; but on December 5th, 
1403, he appointed William de Burgh, or Bourke, to act for him there 
(ibid., 178). 5 For a document signed there with his own signet, see ibid., 
176. 6 WARE, 65. 7 Subito recessit; departist si sodeignement. GRAVES, 
XXI, 269. At a convocation of the clergy of the diocese of Armagh and 
the magnates of Louth, which met at Lyons, near Dublin, December l8th, 
1403, and January 26th, 1404, reference is made to his absence. CAL. 
ROT. HIB., 178. 8 Temp. Ed. III. SINCLAIR, i., 125. 9 Riens en le 
Tresorye. GRAVES, xxu. In Thesauro nihil. J. DAVIES, 22. 



1404.] Ireland. 125 

made to save at least the ground in Leinster that they had 
claimed as their own since the landing of Fitzgilbert 240 years 
before. To the poets, who knew nothing of the horrors of 
living in it, Ireland seemed " a land of noble air, 1 of firth and 
field and flowers fair." It was lauded as " Nature's own 
Treasury," 2 a " most beautiful and sweet country 3 as any is 
under heaven." But the statesmen and traders required more 
solid arguments to cover the risks they ran. To them it 
seemed that Ireland, with its "havens great and goodly bays, 
sure, wide, and deep," 4 was a "buttress and a post under 
England." If Ireland fell, then " Farewell, Wales ! " Scots, 
Spaniards, and Bretons would surround us, and we should 
perish as a nation. Moreover, from the fertile lands of Lein- 
ster, large stores of wheat, 8 oats, and pease were shipped every 
year at Baldpyle 6 to the English garrisons in Wales, Carlisle, 
and Man. England was stocked with Irish horses ; 7 the Irish 
coasts and rivers swarmed 8 with eels, herring, hake, and salmon ; 
the English fowler 9 knew the fame of Irish romletes, 10 tercels, 11 
hobbies, 12 and austerers; 13 and the London mercer lined his 
shealds 14 with the fur of the marten, otter, 15 badger, beaver, 
weasel, squirrel, fox, foumart, 16 hare, kid, and coney, which 

1 WYNT, I., xni., 51. Grato acre teraperatum.-NiEM, 501. 2 GIKALD., 
v., 23. 3 SPENSER, 320. 4 POL. SONGS, 11., 185-190. s DEP. KEEP. 
36xH KEPT., 445; CAL. ROT. HIB., 162, 163; VOLATERRANUS, 70. 
Frugibus et optimis piscibus necnon animalibus magnis et parvis camporum 
etsylvarum permaxime opulentam. NIEM, 501. 6 Ballydull. CAL. ROT. 
HIB., 198. 7 WARE, ANTIQ., 38. 8 HIGDEN, i., 334. In CAL. ROT. 
HIB., 174 (Feb. 6th, 1403), 4,000 salt fish are sent to England. 9 CAL. 
ROT. HIB., 165; GRAVES, 162; GILBERT, 213; CONTEMP. REVIEW, Jan.,. 
1893, P- 98- I0 KILK., 133. For gerfalcons, tercels, austures, laverets, 
lavers, scell gentills (i.e., tercel gentils), sacrets, &c., see FOR. ACCTS., 
13 H. IV. Cf. "austure seu t'cel vel falcon. "CAL. ROT. HIB., 159. 
" PROMPT. PARV., 489 ; CATHOL.,38o; DEP. KEEP. 36 REPT., n., 
386. I2 GIRALD., v., 37, 38; HARRISON, ii., 30. "Li tercelet et li hobe." 
DESCHAMPS, vi., 154 I3 DYMOCK, TREATISE OF IRELAND, 55. I4 LiB. 
ALB., xxxviii. IS GILBERT, HIST. DUBLIN, i., 235, quotes PIPE ROLL, 
10 H. IV., for payment of rents in otter skins. Cf. RYM., vin., 635. 
16 Or polecat. PROMPT. PARV., 182, 407 ; CATHOL., 145. 



126 War- Governor Hutler. [CHAP. XLV. 

went wild in the Irish woods, bogs, and mountains. In the 
far North and West and centre, as well as in Wicklow and 
Howth, there was still believed to be an untold wealth of gold, 1 
silver, tin, and lead. Twenty-five years before, permission had 
been given 2 to any English settlers to mine for metals on their 
lands, if they would give up the ninth part of any find to the 
King. But though the royalty was less than would have been 
claimed in England, 3 the offer had no large result. Neverthe- 
less there was still great faith in the possibilities, if only there 
were peace and good-will with the " wild Irish," who might 
eventually be taught to " mine and fine and pure " the metals. 
Thirty years later, all these points were eloquently urged* 
when the " little corner " of Ireland still remaining to the 
English settlers was all but lost, and their means were quite 
.as straightened now. 

Finding themselves defenceless, they appealed for protection 
to James Butler, third Earl of Ormonde, who was at that time 
the most powerful man in Ireland. By inheritance he held 
the castles of Nenagh, 5 Roscrea, Templemore, Knocktopher, 6 
Carrick-on-Suir, 7 Thurles, and Arklow, and besides these he 
had built castles at Gowran 8 and Dunfert, 9 and bought the 
great castle and domain at Kilkenny. The nearness and 

1 GILBERT, 10, 14, 197, 214; GIRALD., v., 21, 410. For Irish manu- 
factures of silk, cloth, &c., [see HIST. AND MUN. DOCUMENTS, xxxn, 
124, 128. 2 In 1379. ROT. PARL., in., 86; WARE, 74. Cf. RUDING, 
i., 125. 3 Where, in theory, all gold and silver found belonged to the 
King (BLACKSTONE, i., 294; SINCLAIR, i., 28), though in fact he only 
took half of the silver (RuoiNG, i., 126-128). 4 POL. SONGS, IL, 185-190. 
s GILBERT, 262 (followed by GRAVES, xn.), says that Nenagh had been 
taken by the O'Kennedy's in his father's time, but it is still reckoned as one 
of his castles at his death, and was taken over in the King's name. CARTE, 
i., xxxvii. GILBERT, 205, refers only to the town. 6 CARTE, i., xxxvi.; 
DUBLIN ST. MARY'S, n., 285. 7 Or Carrick Macgriffin. GILBERT, 135. 
* Called " Baligaueran " in a deed, temp. H. II. , quoted in CARTE, I., xri.; 
or "Baligam." HOLINS, 74; " Bellyngan," alias " Belligard ut credo," 
DOWLING, p. 26, 1405 ; " Raligauran," WARE, ANN., 65. Possibly 
Danesfort, near Kilkenny. 



1404.] The Earl of Ormonde. 127 

number of these castles need not surprise us when we know 
that in the little county of Carlow alone, which was " one of 
the keys of the land " by which communication could be kept 
open between Dublin and Waterford, there were at that time 
no less than 148 castles, 1 the whole population being in con- 
stant apprehension of attack, and holding every acre by their 
swords. The Earl had royal rights 2 within the Liberty or 
Palatine 8 of the county of Tipperary, that is to say, over the 
whole county, except the Cross or church lands,* which were 
subject to the Archbishop of Cashel. He had also a claim 5 
to two casks of wine out of every cargo exceeding twenty tuns 
landed in any port of Ireland except Cork and Waterford. 6 

He was now about forty years of age, and had already 
administered the affairs of the English settlers as Lord Justice 
of Ireland from October, 1392, to October, 1394. He was 
one of those mighty "idlemen" 7 who, being "far from the 
law," 8 proved their superiority by their insolence and oppression, 
and his county of Tipperary became a byword as a "receptacle 9 
to rob the rest of the counties about it." To the Irish he was 
known as the " head of the prowess of Erin," 10 but he exacted 
tribute from settlers and natives alike. The Irish septs and 
their chiefs could be made to rebel or submit at his bidding, 

1 GILBERT, 331 ; KILK., 83. 2 See a pardon granted by him in royal 
style, dated Clonmel, May 29th, 1388, in GRAVES, xn. 3 jr or the counties 
Palatine in Ireland, i.e., Carlow, Wexford, Kilkenny, Kildare, Leix, 
Meath, Ulster, Desmond and Kerry, see J. DAVIES, 86; BELLESHEIM, i., 
489. ^DYMOCK, 18; J. DAVIES, 87; CAMBR. EVERS., i., 234, 280; 
BELLESHEIM, i., 489. 5 For supposed difference between prisage and 
butlerage, see ANTIQUARY, vi., 133; GENEALOGIST (1885), p. 186 ; H. 
HALL, CUSTOMS, n., 107. 6 In 1327 it was leviable at Dublin, Drogheda, 
Waterford, Cork and Limerick. RYM., iv., 269. Cf. "per totam Hiber- 
niam." HIST. AND MUN. DOCUMENTS, IRELAND, 291. A return shows 
that from October 23rd, 1405, to June 3Oth, 1406, Drogheda yielded 4, 
Dublin, 8, and Waterford 2 135. 4d. IRISH RECORDS, 336. For large 
import of wine from France, see HIST. AND MUN. DOCUMENTS, IRELAND, 
xxxiv. 7 Vol. I., p. 222. 8 Si long de la ley. ROT. PARL., in., 662! 
SPENSER, 334. I0 LOCH CE, n., 109. 



128 War-Governor Butler. [CHAP. XLV. 

while from the English, under the pretence of protecting 
them from the Irish, he extorted blackrent 1 in the shape of 
mansmeat, 8 horsemeat, and " coins " 8 to provide livery and 
harbourage 4 for his horseboys 5 and kernes. 8 He was very 
fairly equipped with the accomplishments and vices of a great 
baron of his time. He sent his envoys 7 to Rome, wrote his 
letters in French, spoke English 8 with the settlers, and could 
parley 9 fluently in good Irish with the natives. He had 
property in thirteen counties 10 in England, had frequented the 
extravagant court of Richard II. in London, 11 and had married 
an English wife, Anne, 12 daughter of John, Lord of Welle, 
whose interests were now all bound up with the party of 
disaffection in England. 

He had several sons and daughters, but like many another 
big man, he did not always "get his bairns lawfully." 18 One of 

1 ROT. PARL., iv., 198 ; CAMBR. EVERS., i., 203. 2 STAT., 10 H. VII., 
c. 4 ; J. DAVIES, 22, 115 ; SPENSER, 339. Cf. " taskes and knights' mete."' 
CAPGR., 293. For " houndesbred and horsbred," see P. PLO., IX., 225. 

3 GILBERT, 174; WARE, ANTIQ., 33. "En gise de coynge," ORD. 
PRIV. Co., ii., 46; "coygnes," GRAVES, 272; "keyn," CARTE, I., 
xxxvi. In Cornwall the Bishop of Exeter's tythe of tin was called "de- 
cima de coignagio stannarum," or " decima cunnagii." STAFF. REG., 349. 

4 KILK., 127. Pro liberata sua et Herbergiagio. RYM., vin., 324. 
FINGLAS, in HARRIS, i., 93. s SPENSER, 397. ^STAT., i., 359; KILK.,. 
59; ORD. PRIV. Co., IL, 46, 49; GILBERT, 291 ; J. DAVIES, 37. ? In CAL. 
ROT. HIB., 156, April 7th, 1400, Friar Adam, Prior of St. John Baptist, 
in Dublin, is going to England and thence to Rome in servic. Jac. le 
Botiller com. d'Ormon. 8 For a curious speculation as to whether the 
settlers spoke English, Welsh, or Norman French, see CAMBR. EVERS., I.,, 
192. 9 FROIS., iv., 187. See his letter dated Carrick, October 9th. 1392, 
in GRAVES, xvi. , when he was starting to parley with Mac Morough, at 
Tullow on the Slaney. Called " Tillagh en Offelmyth," or " Tallagh de 
Offelme," CARTE, I., xxxvii. ; " Tullough O'Phelim," ibidem, xxxv.; 
"Tully Felim," MACGEOGHEGAN, 315; "Tulaigh O'Feilmeadha,"- 
BOOK OF RIGHTS, 208 ; "Tulagh 6 Faidhlin," KEATING, 314 ; "Tyl- 
louth Offelmyth," CALENDAR OF DOCUMENTS RELATING TO IRELAND,, 
v., 180; " Tulleophelim, Co. Carlow," COMPLETE PEERAGE, i., 96.. 
10 Viz., Beds, Bucks, Suffolk, Warwick, Gloucester, Hereford, Oxford, 
Berks, Hants, Surrey, Sussex, Somerset, and Essex. CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 
5. e.g., the manor of Aylesbury (ARCH/OL., L., 83) with Hulcot (PAT., 
7 H. IV., i, 29). " GRAVES, xn., quoting PAT., 12 R. II., No. 195. 
12 CARTE, i., xxxvii. '3 DOUGLAS BOOK, in., 37. 



1404.] 



The Earl of Ormonde. 



129 



his sisters, Joan,* was married to Tighe O'Carrol, King of Eile, 
the district between Parsonstown and Roscrea, to the west of 
the Slieve Bloom. She died in i 383, and the Earl afterwards 
fell out with his brother-in-law, captured him, and kept him a 
prisoner at Gowran for two years. 2 He had two lawful sons, 
and he took care that they should be well brought up. The 
elder, James, was now twelve years old, 3 the younger was 
named after King Richard, who had stood sponsor for him on 
his visit to Ireland in 1395. He kept up a show of loyalty 
to the English King, but whenever his family interests were 
touched he fought for his own hand. 4 King Henry had 
ordered that the Englishman, Peter Holt, 5 the Turcupler 8 of 
Rhodes, should be reinstated as Prior of the Hospitallers at 
Kilmainham, 7 but the Earl kept him out for years in spite of 

'FOUR MASTERS, in., 691; GRAVES, xi. 2 LOCH CE, n., 89, 93 
3 GRAVES, xxix. Vol. L, p. 225. s Vol. I., p. 160. In 1392, Robert 
White (not Richard, as GILBERT, 561 ; W. M. MASON, 130) is Prior of 
of Kilmaignan. GRAVES, 45, 512; Holt being away "resisting the in- 
fidels, in the service of God." PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 27, shows that Holt was 
i at Rhodes when Henry landed in Yorkshire in July, 1399. See also RYM 
Vlll., 14; DEVON, 282. In 1395, Edmund Vale is called Prior of the 
Hospitallers in Ireland. GILBERT, 290. Holt died in 1415. DELAVILLE 
LE ROULX, i., 381, quoting ARCHIVES OF MALTA. On January 26th, 
1404, Prior Robert White is commissioned with others to summon a con- 
vocation, and on May 1st, 1404, he crossed to England. CAL. ROT. HIB , 
|i;8. On December 29th, 1412, he is granted the custody of the alien 
)nory of St. Andrew, in the Arde of Ulster, called the Black Priory 
Zounty Down. PAT., 14 H. IV., 13. It was a cell to the Norman Abbey 
>f Lonlai, near Domfront, in the diocese of Le Mans (STAPLETON i 
Ixxvii.), and had been granted to Richard Fitzralph, Archbishop of Armagh 
"[1346-1360) MON AST., vi., 1123; WARE, 93; but for the last eighteen 
/ears it had been wasted and unroofed. 6 A position of high dignity in the 
rder, always held by an Englishman, and originally meaning leader of the 
"urcopoles or light infantry of Rhodes. VERTOT, i., 83; STAT., x., 26, 
57 ; xix., 8. The title appears as Tricoplarius, RYM., vni., 235; Turco- 
larius, ibid., 525; Turcupler, ibid., XL, 45 ; Turcupellarius, GRAVES 
io, 311 ; Tricopler, ORD. PRIV. Co., 11., 358; Q. R. ARMY, " App' 
; BEKYNTON, i., 82; Turcopolier, ALL SOULS MS., CLXXXII , quoted 
i PECKHAM REG., i., xlviii.; VEN. STATE PP., i., 47. See NOTES AND 
JUERIES, Ser. i, VIIL, 189; x., 379. 7 Founded for Knights Templars, 
174; conferred on the Knights of St. John, 1312. WARBURTON, DUBLIN 
,660; GILBERT, 259. There were preceptories at Clontarf, Kilbegs 



130 War-Governor Butler. [CHAP. XLV. 

the King's prohibition, 1 and the office ultimately came in 1408 
to one of his natural sons,2 Sir Thomas Butler, 8 known as 
Bacagh, 4 or the Lame, who had already served for four or five 
years with a great company of horse and foot in Cork, 6 Tip- 
perary, and Kilkenny, and now took a prominent part in the 
government of the country. 

During the lieutenancy of Sir John Stanley, the Earl was 
made Sheriff of County Cork, 6 about the time of the arrival of 
Prince Thomas he was appointed Constable of Ireland, 7 and at 
his departure he was again made Lord Justice of Ireland, 
October 26th, I403, 8 having apparently spent the previous year 
in England. 9 On the disappearance of Sir Stephen Scrope, a 
council was held (March 3rd, 1404,) 10 at Castledermot (then 
called Tristel Dermot), 11 in County Kildare, at which " prelates, 
magnates, nobles, and clergy," attended. Here in accord- 
ance with their statutory right, 12 they agreed to acknow- 
ledge the Earl of Ormonde as their " soldier " 13 and War 

Kilkeel, Tully, Killogan, Killergy, Trim, Kilmainhambeg near Nobir 
(Meath), Kilbarry, Killure, Crook, Morn (or Mora, or Ballinamony), 
Clonaul, Kinalekin, Randon, or Teacon. 

1 GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 16, May ist, 1408; RYM., vui., 525. 2 LOCH CE, 
ii., 149; CARTE, I., xxxvu.; ROT. PARL., iv., 198, where he is called 
brother to the fourth Earl. 3 KILK., 125. 4 FOUR MASTERS, in., 841. 
s GRAVES, 20, 109, 210, 214, 220, where he is called Thomas Fitz-James 
le Botiller. 6 By order dated Clonmel, May 28th, 1400. CAL. ROT. HIB., 
157. i CARTE, I., xxxvi. He had held the office before in 1393. CAL. 
ROT. HIB., 150. 8 CARTE, who gives the date as 1404. 9 In 'CAL. ROT. 
HIB., 172, November 4th, 1402, he is going to England for a year, John 
Lumbard being appointed Deputy Constable of Ireland in his absence. 
10 GRAVES, 269. IL The Irish name is Diseart Diarmada, i.e. , the hermitage 
of St. Dermot FOUR MASTERS, in., 785. Called Tristerdermoth in! 
GIRALD., v., 355. See WARE, 80. I2 Though it is remarkable that there! 
is here no reference to the statute of " Henry Fitz-Emprice," referred to in! 
1484 and 1542 (GILBERT, 482), nor in a similar emergency in 1380 (W. M. 1 
MASON, 127). I3 For "souldeour," see GOWER, CO.NTF. AM., 170; "sou! 
deour," PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 26 ; "soudyour," WYCLIFFE (MATT.), 368 ' 
PROMPT. PARV., 466; "sowdear," HALLIWELL, s.v., also DUCANGE; 
s.v., solidata. For " souder," as a journeyman or paid workman, see LIB/ 
GUST., i., 79; SHARP, Cov. MYST., 181, 214. For "sowdyd,"see GREG 
CHRON., 106. 



1404.] Council at Castledermot. 131 

Governor, 1 granting to him half-a-mark (6s. 8d.) from every 
hide 2 of cultivated land in Leinster and the counties of Meath, 
Louth, Waterford, and Tipperary. The burgesses of Dublin, 
Drogheda, Waterford, and other towns were ready to tax them- 
selves at the same rate, one-half to be raised at once and the 
rest before June 24th, 1404, unless the King had taken some 
definite steps for their protection before that date. If, on the 
other hand, they still found themselves without a duly appointed 
governor from England, they were willing to be summoned 
again and continue the taxation if the Earl would really chastise 
the Irish for them. The only conditions imposed upon him 
were that he should not consider himself to be acting as Lord 
Justice, 3 or in the name of the King of England, but only as 
their paid War-Governor appointed under stress of urgent 
necessity, that he would give up his previous extortions, and 
not attempt to make the office hereditary in his family. The 
royal officers sanctioned the proceedings, and the Great Seal 
of Ireland was attached in the King's name to a document 
ratifying them in Dublin, March i2th, 1404, the Earl himself 
witnessing it in his official capacity as Justice of Ireland. The 
document was never enrolled, but the original was carried to 
Kilkenny castle, where it may still be seen. Six days after- 
wards, March i8th, 1404,* the Earl wrote from Waterford that 
the honour had been thrust upon him against his will, and that 
he had not the funds to undertake it. Nevertheless he would 
attempt it for a time on the understanding that the King 
should be urged at once to make permanent arrangements 

1 On December ipth, 1401, Scrope had been appointed gubernator 
guerrarum under the Lord Thomas. CAL. ROT. HIB. , 162. 2 For the 
varying area of the carucate, see WALFOBD'S ANTIQUARIAN, ix., 118. 
3 For the oath of the "Justices," see RED BOOK OF THE EXCHEQUER in 
IRISH RECORDS, Plate viii. ; also KILK., 127 ; GILBERT, 64. 4 TITUS, B. 
XL, 17, 18, in GRAVES, XXL 



132 War-Governor Sutler. [CHAP. XLV. 

for the government in future. On October 3oth, 1404,* Scrope 
was re-appointed Deputy-Lieutenant for three years. As early 
as October i8th, I404, 3 orders had been sent to have ships 
ready at Chester and Liverpool to convey him across to Ireland 
with 300 horses, and he appears to have been back at his post 
before the end of the year. 3 About the same time, October 
1 6th, 1404,* Richard Rede, who had been Chief Baron of the 
Irish Exchequer, 5 was appointed Chief Justice of the King's 
Bench for Ireland. 

But for some reason Scrope did not stay long in the 
country, and the Earl of Ormonde was practically master of 
the position. On June 25th, 1405, 6 the King's letters 
were issued at Drogheda, definitely appointing him Deputy 
Lieutenant of Ireland, and on July 4th, 1405, he was formally 
acknowledged at Naas, in the presence of the Chancellor 
(Archbishop Cranley), the Treasurer (Lawrence Merbury), and 
others. But he seems to have come of a weakly stock. One 
of his sons was lame and another became "unwieldly 7 and 
lustless to travail " before he was fifty years of age, and it is 
probable that his own habits of life made him an unhealthy 
man, not likely to be a long liver. Two months after his final 
recognition, he died in the prime of his manhood at Gowran, 
September yth, 1405,8 and all his possessions were taken over* 

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 27. 2 Ibid., 32. 3 PAT., IT H. IV., 2, 22, shows 
that he was at Castle Dermot on January 26th, 1405. He is officially 
referred to as Deputy Lieutenant in PAT., 6 H. IV., I, 2, 4, January 2ist 
and March 23rd, 1405. 4 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 25. In PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 
22, dated May 3Oth, 1406, he has permission to live in England and have 
all his revenues, in spite of the Statute against Absentees. On March loth, 
1413, he is Deputy Treasurer of Ireland. CAL. ROT. HIB., 201. 5 CAL. 
ROT. PAT., 237 b. 6 ROT. CAL. HIB., 179. ^ GRAVES, 274, 281; Hoc- 
CLEVK, DE REG., 54; GOWEB, CONF. AM., 350. 8 J. DAVIES, 25; 
GILBERT, VICEROYS, 299; or September ist, CABEW MSS., 342. For 
effigy found at the Grey Friars Monastery at Aylesbury, which he founded 
in 1387, see ARCH^OL., L., 84 ; LYSONS, i., 502. 9 PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 36, 
October 2nd, 1405. 



1405.] His Death. 133 

in the name of Prince Thomas, till his son James should come 
of age to inherit them. His place as Lord Justice was taken 
by Gerald, the son of Maurice, 1 fifth Earl of Kildare. 

The Earl of Ormonde had ruled the settlers for eighteen 
months and he left matters very much as they were. He held 
an enquiry 2 in Dublin as to extortions practised by Sir Lawrence 
Merbury 3 the Treasurer, and Thomas Mareward, 4 a wealthy 
citizen who had been twice Mayor of Dublin 5 and Sheriff of 
the county, 6 but as Merbury remained Treasurer 7 for another 
year, and was then promoted to be Chancellor, it is probable 
that nothing serious came of it. 

1 "Fitz-Moris." GRAVES, 33; not "Fitz-Thomas," as O'CONOR, i., 
184. In CALENDARIUM ROTULORUM HIBERNM:, 184, August 6th, 1406, 
he appoints William de Burgh to be keeper of Connaught, being himself 
much occupied in Leinster. * PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 17, Jan. I5th, 1405. 3 For 
his embassy to Rome in 1398 "for the safe estate and prosperity of the 
Holy English Church," see DEVON, 266. He was appointed Treasurer of 
Ireland, October loth, 1401, with an allowance of ^40 per annum. CAL. 
ROT. HIB., 161. On October 2Oth, 1401, he was on the point of leaving 
Chester for Ireland. DEP. KEEP. 36x1* REPT., 324. On June 8th, 1402, 
he and Edward Noon, Steward of the Household to Prince Thomas, were 
made Deputies of the Lieutenant for the defence of counties Carlow and 
Kildare. CAL. ROT. HIB., 164. Merbury appears as Treasurer in a docu- 
ment dated at Naas on April 25th, 1404 (CAL. ROT. HIB., 178), though 
William Alington is Treasurer on June 1st, 1403. See Vol. I., p. 233. 
4 GRAVES, 324. In 1385 he superintended the rebuilding of the bridge 
over the Liffey. GILBERT, DUBLIN, i., 324. He married Catharine de 
Feipo, heiress to the manor of Skreen (Co. Meath), and is called Baron of 
Skreen in CAL. ROT. HIB., 188, January 24th, 1408. In 1410, he was 
engaged in a dispute with the Abbot of St. Mary's, Dublin, about the 
advowson of the church at Skreen, which he had forcibly seized. DUBLIN, 
ST. MARY'S, I., 345. He was killed in a skirmish in Co. Meath, May 
loth, 1414- Ibid., II., 23. In the chartulary of the Gresleys of Derby- 
shire (CHET. LIB. MSS. and RELIQUARY, vi., 144), Thomas Mawreward 
or Maureward, knight, confirms grants at Colton in 1405 and 1409. In 
1406, Thomas Mawreward is a leading name in Leicestershire. PAT., 7 H. 
IV., 2, 39. s Viz., in 1388 and 1391. -HARRIS, 500. T. SMITH, ENGLISH 
GILDS, p. xxii., thinks that the name of mayor is modern; but mayors 
had certainly been elected in Dublin since 1229. HISTORICAL AND MUN. 
Doc., 91 ; HOLINS., 75, though HARRIS calls them Provosts. 6 He was 
appointed May 3rd, 1400. CAL. ROT. HIB., 156; ADAMS, 84, where he 
is commissioned to levy the "smoke-silver." CAL. ROT. HIB., 227, 235. 
7 HARRIS, HIBERNICA, n., 168. He witnesses a Cheshire deed August 
I7th, 1411. ARLEY CHARTERS, 29. On June 28th, 1412, he appears as 
Sheriff of Chester. Ibid., 37. 



134 War-Governor Butter. [CHAP. XLV. 

The country was as disturbed as ever. We have notices of 
robberies, outrages, and murders occurring daily in County Meath. 
The judges were to hold assizes at Drogheda and Trim, 1 and 
lists were drawn up of the criminals (all with English names) 
still at large eluding justice. Janico Dartas, 2 the Constable of 
Dublin Castle, had large grants of land 3 in this county, which 
then extended * from the coast to the Shannon at Lough Ree, 
together with the custody of Trim castle 5 on the Boyne till the 
Earl of March should be of age. But though the castle was 
well placed 6 for resisting the Irish, it yielded no revenue and 
was sadly out of repair, and in I403, 7 Dartas had to build 
another fortress at Liscarton, on the Blackwater between Navan 
and Kells. 

Moreover, the appointment of the War Governor had not 
stopped the activity of the Irish. While he stayed in Dublin 
Castle his retinue made very free with the King's choice 
Rochelle, 8 and it must have been a frightful thing for any town 
to receive one of his official visits, if the requirements for his 
fare at Ross 9 in the winter of I393 10 are any indication of his 

1 CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 21, January i6th, 1405. 2 Vol. I., page 227. 
So called in CLAUS., 8 H. IV., 22. In ROYAL LETTERS, i., 76, 
he signs himself Janico. In SHARPE, n., 339, he is Janicus Dartays. 
3 e.g., Ardbrakan, November 22nd, 1400, and the alien priory of Fore. 
CAL. ROT. HIB., 159. On November 24th, 1400, he was made a Justice 
of the Peace for Co. Meath. Ibid., 160. 4 It included the baronies of 
Duleek, Skreen, Dunboyne, Ratoath, Deece, Moyfenrath, Slane, Navan, 
Morgallin, Kells, Lune, Fore, Delvin, Farbill, Moling, Moygoish, Corkaree, 
and Moyashel. CAL. ROT. HIB., 161. s March jOth, 1400. Ibid., 
162, 171. Prince Henry had been imprisoned there by Richard II., also 
Humphrey, son of the Duke of Gloucester, who died there. LEL. COL., I., 
1 88. 6 Propter bonum locum quern diet. vill. in resist end. Hibernic. usque 
tenuit et jam tenet. CAL. ROT. HIB., 185. ^ Ibid., 169., May 4th, 1403, 
grants him permission to cut underwood to burn a " lymkyll " for the 
building. On Oct. 28th, 1402, he had a grant of 120 oaks and ashes, grow- 
ing at Maundevillestown.-/6irf., 174. 8 GILBERT, 557 ; LIB. ALB., 709, 711. 
Q Then called Newbridge of Ros, or Rosspont. J. WARBURTON, DUBLIN, 
82; SPENSER, F. Q., IV., xi., 42. For a curious account of the building 
of the walls in 1265 to the sound of the fife and drum, and the singing of 
ladies, see ARCH^EOL., xxii., 307. For its trade with Spain, France, and 
Brittany, see CAL. ROT. HIB., 191. I0 GILBERT, 565. 



i45-] Attacks by the Irish. 135 

ordinary wants. Sixty bullocks, four boars, 140 pigs, 100 geese, 
100 ducks, 200 rabbits, 600 head of poultry, with salmon, ling, 
and cod by the hundred, and untold quantities of hay, oats, 
herrings, and flour were then requisitioned under penalty, to be 
paid for " at the King's price " l in tallies that might never be 
worth a groat, that the Justice might spend his Christmas 
merrily, while the impoverished loyalists lay through the long 
winter nights listening for the slogan 2 of some murderous 
kernes and knowing that at any time their homesteads might 
be burnt, their heads bashed in with an Irish axe, 3 or their 
hearts ripped out with Irish skeans. 4 At Ath-Dubh, 5 or the 
Black Ford over the Barrow (probably Rheban 6 above Athy 7 ), 
the " foreigners " had been for the last twenty years oftentimes 
" preyed and killed." 8 If they left their goods or cattle in the 
field, night or day, the Irish stole them. They were now 
attacked by Gilla Patrick O'Mordha (O'More), king of the 
"wild forest" of Leix 9 (now Queen's County), who killed 
many of them and captured arms, clothing, and horses. The 
disaster was followed up by the dreaded MacMorough, 10 who 

1 GILBERT, 120, 206, i. e., about one-third of the market value. The 
price was fixed, but the inadequacy of the scale may be seen by looking 
over a tariff quoted in 1422 for the Isle of Man, e.g., 45. for a cow, 6d. for 
a sheep, 4d. for a " porke," id. each for a lamb or a pig, and Jd. for a kid 
or a goose. STANLEY LEGISLATION, 86. For the tariff in London in 
1321, when the King's Justices held their Iter, see LIB. CUST., 303. For 
pre-emption, see SINCLAIR, i., 36. 2 SPENSER, 370. 3 GIRALD., v., 151, 
165, 182. 4FROIS., IV -> l8 5'' SPENSER, 368. For the cultellum Hiber- 
nicum, see KILK., 61, quoting C. P. ROLL, 8, 9 ED. I., m. 5. SPENSER, 
427. s LOCH CE, IL, 109; FOUR MASTERS, in., 781. 6 Or it may be 
Atady, CAMBR. EVBRS., n., 534, or Athaddy, Co. Carlow, CARLISLE, in. 
7 SPENCER (465) recommended Athy as a residence for the Lord Deputy 
rather than Dublin, so that he might sit at the very mainmast of his ship 
and overreach " all that heap of Irish nations which there lie huddled to- 
gether without anyone to overawe them." 8 GILBERT, 305. 9 GIRALD., 
v -5 SS^. I0 For his 'barony of Narragh, near Athy, on the eastern side of 
the Barrow (Co. Kildare), see DUGDALE, BAR., IL, 76, quoting PAT., 22, 
R. II., 3, 8. DAVIES, Dix., 33 ; CAL. ROT., HIB., 156. 



136 War- Governor Sutler. [CHAP. XLV. 

ravaged the whole county of Wexford 1 and advanced within 
ten miles of Dublin, where he fired the town of Saggart, 2 near 
Rathcoole (July pth, 1405), an old rallying place for the 
" mountain Irish " from Wicklow. He burnt Kilcullen, 8 where 
the road from Carlow bridged the Liffey, and ravaged Castle- 
dermot, though the English sallied out to drive him back, and 
the priests within the castle put up prayers to heaven to protect 
them from the bloodthirsty tribes. But God was deaf. 4 The 
Earl's own county of Tipperary 5 was attacked on the north, 
and bands of plunderers, both Irish and rebel English from the 
south and west, were pouring across the Suir. The town of 
Lisronagh, 6 near Clonmel, was burnt by the Geraldines. Kil- 
kenny 7 was desolated by attacks from the Irish of Leinster, 
Munster, and Connaught, and Bennetsbridge 8 had to be 
strongly fortified to keep robbers off the lands lying in the 
very centre of his nest of strongholds on the Nore. In the 
north the towns of Louth 9 and Drumcondra 10 were burnt by 
the MacMahons, and the townsfolk fled in terror. 

In August, I404, 11 a Great Council met at Castledermot, at 
which the Commons of Dublin agreed to pay a levy of pd. per 
hide to equip a force of 800 kernes, who should march north- 
wards to recover Ulster from the attacks of the Irish and 

1 Known to the Irish as contce Riabhach, or the Grey county. LOCH CE, 
II., in ; FOUR MASTERS, in., 785. 2 This is the best suggestion I can 
make for " Oghgard," in WARE, 65, and HOLINS., 64. The old name was 
Tachsagard or Tassagard. HIST. AND MUN. Doc., 372, 376, 539 ; PAT., 

7 H. IV., 2, 24; CAL. ROT. HIB., 184; RYM., x. 406. 3 CAL. ROT. 
HIB., 170. 4 Cf. God is def now a dayes and deyneth nouht ous to 
huyre. P. PLO., xii., 61. 5 GRAVES, 220. 6 CAL. ROT. HIB., 182. T Ibid., 
175, February 2Oth, 1403. In 1398, the Earl of March had been killed 
" apud Kenlis" (MoNAST., VI., 355), i.e., probably Kells on the King's 
River, Co. Kilkenny, not Kells " on the borders of Meath," as J. DAVIES, 
31 ; GILBERT, 278. BAGWELL, i., 86, thinks it is Callistown, i.e., Kellys- 
town, Co. Carlow. MAcGEOGHEGAN, 346, says Kenlis, Co. Kildare. 

8 GRAVES, 234. 9 CAL. ROT. HIB., 180, April ist, 1405. I0 Ibid., 198. 
11 Ibid., 178, with a reference dated January 3Oth, 1404, to Roger Grymas- 
ton, of Dublin, who had been lately robbed by Scots tarn de alta patria 
quam de insulis. 



1405.] Irish Parliaments. 137 

the Scots from the Out-Isles, but the whole yield is only returned 
at ^5 135. 4d. During the winter, the Chancellor (Archbishop 
Cranley) was too much occupied in Dublin to be able to be present 
at the sittings of the Chancery in other parts of Ireland, and on 
March 7th, 1405,* Robert Button, the Keeper of the Rolls, was 
appointed to attend as his deputy in remoter places such as 
Connell, 8 Drogheda, Trim, Naas, Castledermot, Clonbur, 
Drumiskin, and Kilkenny. No relief had yet arrived from 
England, the Irish attacks always began directly after Easter, 8 
and the Earl had called a Parliament to meet in Dublin on 
the 28th of April, 1405.* 

The records 5 of the early Irish Parliaments are no longer 
preserved, but as the colonists followed, as far as possible, the 
forms and phraseology of the institutions of England, we may 
be sure that these assemblies were a reflection in small of the 
meetings held at Westminster. In the following reign (i4i9), 6 
when dissensions were strong between the settlers near Dublin, 
one of them, Sir Christopher Preston, 7 of Gormanston, was 
arrested on his property at Slane. 8 He was a collector of 
documents, and had great numbers of charters copied and 

1 CAL. ROT. HJB., 180. 3 For documents dated at these places from 
March I2th, 1404, to September 7th, 1405, see ibid., 178, 179. 3 ROT. 
PART,., 29 H. VI., in IRISH RECORDS, 84 a. 4 HOLINS., 74 ; DOWLING, 
26; Cox, 145. s The earliest roll of statutes dates from 1426. IRISH 
RECORDS, 41 ; KILK., xvin.; but an abridgment of the statutes made by 
Archbishop Usher is still in the library of Trin. Coll., Dublin, E, 3, 10. 
IRISH RECORDS, 316. 6 Not 1405, as HARDY (in MOD. TEN. PARL., 
xxiv.), following COKE and SELDEN, reading 6 H. IV., for 6 H. V. 
7 CAL. ROT. HIB., 157, April I4th, 1400, refers to Elizabeth, daughter of 
William de Loundres, wife of Christopher Preston, mil., Co. Meath. He 
was appointed a Justice of the Peace for Co. Meath on November 24th, 
1400. Ibid., 160. On November 1st, 1403, his lands are reported as 
damaged by the Irish on the borders of Meath. Ibid., 178. He was the 
father of our knight, and had died before May 1 3th, 1406, on which date 
Janico Dartas had custody of his lands in Co. Kildare. Ibidem, 1 80. 
* GILBERT, 311 ; called Clare, in SELDEN, 743 ; Calne, in HARDY, xxv.; 
Olane, in HOLINS., 76 ; Slain, in WARE, 69. 



138 War-Gover?wr Butler. [CHAP. XLV. 

preserved. 1 In his possession was found a parchment roll 
containing a copy of the " Treatise 2 on the Method of Holding 
a Parliament." Like its fellow in England a high antiquity 
was claimed for it, but instead of ranging back to William 
the Conqueror, somebody had adapted it to Irish wants, and 
attributed it to Henry II. as the conqueror of Ireland. The 
document 3 is undoubtedly a forgery, but at the time it was 
considered to be a great find. The Deputy-Lieutenant ordered 
it to be copied, sealed, and attested, and it became hence- 
forward an authority on questions of Parliamentary procedure. 
For us the only fair inference is that in the reign of Henry IV. 
the constitution of an Irish Parliament had as yet no authentic 
written sanction, but was, to a large extent, based upon shifting 
and unsettled precedents. 

The period from 1367 to 1452 has been called "the great 
Parliamentary period 4 of Ireland/' and at one time it would 
seem to have been the intention of the English Kings to call a 
Parliament in Ireland every year. 5 But this intention was very 
far from being carried out in fact, and in a petition dated 1435,* 
it is complained that a Parliament had only met once during 
the previous thirty years. This is certainly an overstatement, 
for we know that Parliaments met in Ireland in 1402, 1405, 
1407, 1409, 1410, 1420, and 1426. But as a rule the money 



1 For his great Register see HIST. MSS., 4th KEPT., 573-584; GILBERT, 
FACSIMILES, 116. 2 Vol. I., p. 46. A copy of the tract formed a portion 
of the Liber Custumarum at the London Guildhall when the table of contents 
was drawn up (temp. H. IV.). LIB. GUST., 490. 3 it was published by 
Dr. DOPPING in 1692. 4 KILK., xiu. In STATUTES OF IRELAND there is 
a gap between 3 Ed. II. and 7 H. VI. The editor, SIR RICHARD BOLTON, 
who was Chancellor of Ireland temp. James I., states that : "In all the 
times of Edward III., Richard II., Henry IV., and Henry V., there is not 
any Parliament Roll to be found." HARRIS, HIB., Part n., page 15. 
s CAMDEN, 733, from GLAUS., 12 Ed. II. In the Scottish Parliament held 
at Perth in 1399, it was ordered that " ilke yher the Kyng sal halde a 
parlement." ACTS OF PARLTS. OF SCOTLAND, i., 211. ^GILBERT, 333. 



1405.] Irish Parliaments, 139 

for defence was raised by means of councils called together in 
the several counties, at which two representatives 1 from each 
barony would meet the clergy and magnates of their county, 
and there are plenty of records of such meetings 3 at Dublin, 
Dundalk, Skreen, Castledermot, Kilkenny, and Ross, at which 
the amount of subsidy was assessed, and grants were made 
under the name of smokesilver 8 by the householders in towns, 
or according to the amount of land cultivated by each man 
in the country. 

Soon after his landing in 1401, Prince Thomas is said to 
have held a Parliament at Ross, 4 though this was probably 
nothing more than a flying visit for the purpose of ascertaining 
the condition of the tenants, who were urging all manner of 
excuses in order to be exempt from English rule. In Sep- 
tember, 1402,* a Parliament was held in Dublin, in which 
ordinances were passed regulating the duties of the King's 
Escheator and the Clerk of the Market, and it was again 
enacted that none should exact " herbinage " or livery " with- 
out ready pay or agreement." 

The truth probably is that Parliaments had to meet when 
they could in those wild times. No one would put forward any 
claim to attend as a privilege, all except officials looking upon 
attendance as an intolerable burden. The roads were bad, & 
and every bridge and ford was a gathering place for robbers. 7 
Round the royal cities of Cork 8 and Limerick, and the town of 
Youghal, provisions could not be carted without convoys to 
protect the carriers. The Provost of Kilkenny 9 could not 

1 CAL. ROT. HIB., 201. 2 Ibid., 158, 159, 160, 166, 178. 3 Denarios 
vocat. Smoksilver, for expense of levies. CAL. ROT. HIB., 165, 187. 
4 BOWLING, 26; USHER in GUTCH, COLLECTANEA CURIOSA, i., 37. In 
CAREW MSS. , 450, he examined all the charters and patents of those who 
held of the King in chief. 5 KILK., 127, 131. 6 GRAVES, 187. ? Ibid., 
LXI. 8 Ibid., 120. The letter in HOLINS., 75, seems clearly out of its. 
place. 9 GRAVES, 12, 190. 



140 War-Governor Butler. [CHAP. XLV. 

reach Carlow when summoned to meet the Barons of the 
Exchequer there on public business, while in Galway, 1 the 
King's Justiciary could get no escort even from the Sheriff, 2 
and could only move about from place to place by paying 
heavy blackmail to the O'Kellys. From such distant places 
we may well believe that few representatives would come, for 
in a statement 8 of a subsidy of 1,000 marks (666 135. 4d.) 
granted by a Parliament which met in Dublin in 1420, the 
amount levied in County Cork was only 2 23. od., all con- 
tributed by the clergy, while from the city of Limerick, where 
the whole proceeds of the salmon fishing at the Lax- wear * on 
the Shannon 5 were not sufficient to keep the walls in repair, 6 
the Commons sent only $ us. 8d., and the clergy (apparently 
from the whole county) i 95. 7^zd. The bulk of the con- 
tributions were from Dublin, Meath, Louth, and Kildare, and 
the members most probably bore a proportion corresponding to 
the amount of the levy. We have no account of their names or 
numbers, but a serviceable hint as to the composition of an 
Irish Parliament may be gained by glancing over a list, still 
preserved at Kilkenny, of the names of those who attended a 
Great Council at Drogheda in I444. 7 

By a statute 8 passed in 1357, a "Council" was composed 
of " councillors, prelates, magnates, and certain of the most dis- 
crete men of the parts adjoining the place where the meeting 
is held," while a Parliament was to consist of "councillors, 

1 GRAVES, 230. 2 In May, 1400, Walter Bermingham of Athenry, was 
appointed Sheriff of Connaught. CAL. ROT. HIB., 157. For these Ber- 
minghams, see GRAVES, 230, 250 ; GILBERT, 204 ; T. SMITH, 236. For 
the Berminghams of Carberry, Co. Kildare, see GILBERT, 220. 3 CALENDAR 
OF CAREW MSS., 339; Cox, i., 152; GILBERT, MSS., 117. 4 " La 
Lexwere." CAL. ROT. HIB., 163. On January 28th, 1402, the mayor and 
commons of Limerick pay 40 marks per annum for custody gurgitum vocat. 
Layweres. 5 Called " Synnyne " in PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 7, February 6th, 
1406. 6 Vol. I., 226. 7 GRAVES, 306. 8 STAT., i., 357, renewed by 
Richard II. in 1394. 



1405.] Irish Parliaments. 141 

prelates, nobles, and others in the land as the custom requireth," 
but in the reign of Henry IV. there would be practically very 
little difference between the two. The " Great Council " at 
Drogheda in 1444 was attended by 132 representatives, thirty- 
six of them being ecclesiastics, viz., the Archbishops of Armagh 
and Dublin, the Bishops of Meath and Kildare, nine abbots, 
eighteen priors, four archdeacons, and a dean. Of the laymen, 
five are barons, six knights (probably two from each county, 
according to a custom * at least one hundred years old), and the 
rest burgesses from Dublin, Drogheda, Kells, Athboy, Navan, 
Trim, Naas, &c. But as the abbeys and priories on the list are 
all found within a radius of forty miles to the north and west of 
Dublin, we may fairly infer the like of the cities and boroughs, 
and have some idea of the character of the assembly which 
could make laws for the whole of Ireland. The meetings were 
held in the Cathedral Church 2 of the Priory of the Holy 
Trinity (now Christ Church), in the centre of Dublin, in a 
portion of which the Four Courts 3 had also been held since the 
removal of the Common Pleas and the Exchequer from Carlow. 
The Lords Spiritual and Temporal sat in their " Parliament 
robes," 4 and the Judges wore their official dresses and head- 
gear 5 (habites et covertetes). The rolls and records of their 
proceedings were kept in the Cistercian Abbey of St. Mary, 6 

1 LELAND, u., 508. BAGWELL (i., 97) estimates the number of borough 
and county members at 60 at the end of the fourteenth century. In 1311, 
87 barons were summoned (ibid., 98), and the number of ecclesiastics is 
supposed to have been even larger. 2 STATE PAPERS, Part m., n., 544, 
545, also in., 130; WARBURTON, i., 62; IRISH RECORDS, Plate xm. 
In October, 1400, an English council met in the Church of the Black 
Friars in London. FROIS., xvi., 369. For parliaments held in the same 
church, see STOW, LONDON, 373. 3 KILK., 79; WARBURTON, i., 61. 
4 STATE PAPERS, Part in., n., 535. s For sketch of the Irish Exchequer 
Court, temp. H. IV., see KILKENNY ARCH^OL. Soc., m., 46 ; ARCH^EO- 
LOGIA, xxxix., 363 ; GENT. MAG., New Series, XLIII., 37. 6 Where a 
number of them were destroyed by fire in 1304. DUBLIN, ST. MARY'S, I., 
xxxix. 



142 War- Governor Butler. [CHAP. XLV. 

on the north bank of the Liffey. It would be a mistake to 
suppose that their statutes were meant to apply only to the 
limited district afterwards known as " the Pale." No trenches, 1 
dykes, "double earthworks," or other fortifications had yet 
been put up to protect the settlement. The King of England 
claimed the whole land of Ireland as his own on the strength 
of the grants 2 of Popes Adrian IV. and Alexander III., the 
fluctuating borderland, where the actual influence of English 
authority began to vanish, being officially known as " the 
Marches." 3 

The results of the deliberations of the Earl of Ormonde's 
Parliament of 1405, are summed up in a sentence, viz.: "The 
Statutes 4 of Kilkenny and Dublin were confirmed, and likewise 
the Charter of Ireland." By the latter is meant the Magna 
Charta 6 adapted to suit the circumstances of Ireland on the 
accession of Henry III. The " Statutes of Dublin " are pro- 
bably those passed in a Parliament which met at Dublin in 
i32o, 6 and so far as can now be made out, they were intended 
to protect loyal tenants against the violence and extortion of 
their Norman landlords, who took "what they will throughout 
the country without paying anything," 7 and kept kernes 8 or 

1 GRAVES, XLVII, LXI. ; KILK., 4, 68, 132 ; STATE PAPERS, Part in., 
ii., 22. BAGWELL (i., 80), followed by BELLESHEIM, i., 493, thinks that 
"the statutes of Kilkenny in 1367 gave legal sanction to the fact that the 
King was no longer lord of more than a comparatively small portion of 
Ireland." GREEN (433) seems to include Drogheda, Waterford, Wexford 
and Cork in a supposed Pale, as early as King John. 2 LELAND, n., 509. 
For doubts as to their authenticity, see BELLESHEIM, I., 367-378. 3 STAT., 
i., 357. Cf. " the marche of Yrelonde." PIERS PLOUGHMAN, xxin., 221. 
4 HOLINS., 74. 5 Now in the RED BOOK OF THE EXCHEQUER, Dublin, pp. 
69-73. See IRISH RECORDS, PI. viii.; KILK., 78; LELAND, i., 198-202, 
355-362 ; DAVIES, 63; HIST. AND MUN. Doc., 65-72. 6 IRISH RECORDS, 
77, 84 a. In GLAUS., 18 Ed. II., the "ordinances of Dublin " are referred 
to with "the common law" and the "good customs of the land." KILK., 
65. RED BOOK OF EXCHEQUER, p. 3, has "Statutum Dublin," 11 H. 
IV., relative to sheriffs. IRISH RECORDS, 159; CAL. ROT. HIB., 193. 
7 STAT. OF IRELAND, p. i. 8 For pedites vocat. "kernes," see CAL. ROT. 
HIB., 1 66. 



1367.] Statutes of Kilkenny. 143 

armed retainers in time of peace, " to live upon the poor of 
the country." Parliaments had certainly met at Kilkenny in 
1310* and i326, s but the "Statutes of Kilkenny," which were 
now confirmed, we know expressly to have been those "made 
in the time of the Duke of Clarence " 3 in 1367, that is to say, 
they attempted now to reaffirm those impotent* and absurd 
enactments whereby a hopeless effort was made to stem by Act 
of Parliament the flood-tide of national vigour by which each 
generation of English settlers was being steadily absorbed 5 
in the stronger vitality of the Irish. There are, it is true, 
plenty of instances 6 of Irishmen and Irishwomen buying their 
" English liberty " for sums varying from 6s. 8d. to 203., but 
the conversions were mostly all the other way, and the newest 
arrived Hobs 7 from England had all their work to check their 
"degenerate" 8 countrymen from further lapse into the con- 
dition of " Irish dogs." 9 To this end the Kilkenny statutes 
made a settler liable to forfeiture, imprisonment, or death, if he 
married 10 an Irish wife, or gave his child an Irish name, or 
sent him to be brought up in fosterage n in an Irish family, or 

1 February pth, 1310, not 1309, as USHER, in GUTCH, i., 38. 2 IRISH 
RECORDS, 77. 3 KILK., 125, summarized in LELAND, u., 320; GILBERT, 
224; BELLESHEIM, i., 494; DUBLIN REVIEW, XVL, 156-185. Several of 
their provisions had been previously promulgated by the council at Dublin 
and Kilkenny in 1351 and 1360. HIST. MSS., IOTH REPT., Pt. v., pp. 
256, 260. 4 STOKES, 337. 5 GIRALD., v., 168. 6 e.g., Maurice O'Monyle, 
Patrick O'Curnan, Patrick O'Molmartin, Thomas Golan (clerk), John 
O'Mulgan, alias O'Mullygaunt, J. O'Slattyr, Maurice Offyngan, J. Ohed- 

Sn, Rory O'Syredan, Peter O'Halpyn, J. O'Curtyne, T. Oshanaghan of 
merick, T. O'Creaghwyn, Howet Ohartyll, T. O'Lynnonan, Hugh 
O'Kerysane, Roesia Ynyhynwhyrty, Margaret Macconmare, &c. See CAL. 
ROT. HIB., 188-198, and passim. ? RICHARD THE REDELES, i., 90; MIR- 
ROUR FOR MAGISTRATES, 297 ; NARES, i., 423. 8 J. DAVIES, in., 227 ; 
Discov., 23 ; SPENSER, 362, 384. ' The name given to Englishmen born 
in Ireland. STAT., i., 363. In Waterford in 1384, it was ordered that 
anyone who should " dispice " any citizen by calling him an Irishman, 
should be fined 133. 4d. HIST. MSS., IOTH REPT., Pt. v., 292. 10 "Not 
marye, gossoppe ne foster." (1572) KILK., 90. " For legal regulations as 
to this favourite custom, see SENCHUS MOR, n., XLIII, 147-193. In the 
statute of 1357 it is objected to as leading to " Forewarnings and Espyals 



144 War- Governor Butler. [CHAP. XLV. 

spoke Irish, or traded with the Irish, or presented an Irishman 
to a benefice, or admitted an Irishman to a monastery, or 
played quoits * or hurly, 8 or rode bareback, or grew a " beard * 
above his mouth" without shaving 4 the overlip 5 at least once 
a fortnight. In true Hibernian fashion also, they accorded a 
year's imprisonment to any poor spalpeen who crossed 6 the sea 
to better himself in England, that is to say, if he were simple 
enough to come back and take his punishment. 

Needless to say, these statutes were "very slenderly exe- 
cuted." 7 Already they had become " clean antiquated, 8 and 
altogether idle," and what was said of Ireland one hundred 
years later was certainly true then, viz., that " the statutes were 

on both sides." STAT., I., 359. Fosterage extended from infancy to four- 
teen (girls) or seventeen (boys). SPENSER (381) saw a woman in Limerick 
pick up the head of her foster-son after execution, suck the blood from it 
and steep her face and breast with it, "crying out and shrieking most 
terribly. " In chivalry the boys were given up to begin their training as 
pages or damoiseaux at seven years of age. GAMEZ, 65. 

1 Et alters Jues que homes appellent coitinge. KILK., 22. 2 Played by 
the Irish with a " hurlet " (SENCHUS, I., 139; iv., 555), or club. Cf. 
"hurlebatt," STRUTT, 79; "grand bastons sur la terre," KILK., 22. 
Chieftains sons had brass rings on their hurlingsticks. SENCHUS, n., 147, 
193; in., 253. In 1363, proclamations had been issued in England for- 
bidding "idle, useless, and unhonest games," such as throwing stones, logs, 
or iron, playing ball with sticks, hands, or feet, and cockfighting. RYM., 
vi., 417 (reading cambuca for canibuca). See Du CANGE, s.v.; DURHAM 
HALMOTE ROLLS, i., 171, 175. For "cambake," see CATHOL., 52; 
PROMPT. PARV., s.v. "cleystaffe" or "clawstaff"; also STRUTT, XLV, 81, 
perhaps the same game as "closh" or "claish." STAT., 33 H. VIII., c. 
9. For plaies unconvenable, see STAT., n. , 57 (12 R. , II.). For order of 
Charles V. , dated May 23rd, 1369, forbidding all games but archery, see 
MOREL, 159 ; JURADE, 175, 348. 3 " That is to say, that he have no hairs 
upon his upper" lippe." STAT. OF IRELAND, p. 9, 25 H. VI., c. 4. 4 Ac- 
cording to the Norman (not Irish, as SPENSER, 379) custom. ANTIQUARY, 
xiii., 179, quoting MALMSBURY, 100. See also STOW, LONDON, 45; 
STRUTT, DRESS AND HABITS, i., 102 ; THIERRY, n., 147 ; FONBLANQUE, 
I., 12; KILK., 13 (Act of 1447). For the fancy of Englishmen for the 
moustache, see effigies of Edward III., the Black Prince, Richard II., 
Henry IV., the Earl of Westmoreland, &c., in GOUGH, I., 138, 165; 
in., 30, 80; BLORE, p. 17 ; STRUTT, DRESS, PI. cvi. For labourers in 
the fifteenth century, see PLANCHE, i., 242. $ GOWER, CONF. AM., 221. 
6 KILK., 115, cap. xxxm. ? SPENSER, 498. 8 Ibid., 335. 



1405.] Treating with the Irish. 145 

not observed 1 ne kept after the making of them eight days." 
Every article in them was broken every day, and no one dared 
to interfere. We know that Gerald Fitzmaurice, Earl of Des- 
mond, sent his son as a nurry 2 in fosterage 8 to O'Konghir 
O'Breen, the Irish Lord of Thomond. The Earl of Ormonde's 
own sister had married an Irishman. He himself had parleyed 
and leagued with the Irish at his discretion, and his son after 
him did the same. King Richard II. 4 had a regular system of 
bartering both with " English rebels " and " Irish enemies " as 
necessity required. When Prince Thomas was coming to Ire- 
land in 1401, it had been thought necessary to negociate 5 again 
with Maurice O'Connor, one of the chiefs of Connaught, who 
had previously made a bargain with the Earl of March at Kells 
in 1394, and to buy off the hostility of Donald O'Byrne, 6 of 
Wicklow, in order to obtain peaceable possession of Newcastle 
Mackennegan. 7 In the same way a sham submission was 
registered with Eugene O'Railly at Kells on February 4th, 
I402, 8 while on December i3th, i4oi, 9 MacMahon, 10 King of 

1 FINGLAS in HARRIS, i., 101. 2 For norry, nory, norischer, see CHAU- 
CER, BOECE, 10/173; CHESTER PLAYS, i., 63, n., 162. In TREVISA 
(HIGDEN, vi., 43, 79, VIL, 139, 379, 393, 5*9, VIIL, 463), " nurri " = 
alumnus. See also SHARPE, i., 231 ; ROT. PAUL,., in., 374. Cf. les en- 
fants du roy, MONSTK., IL, 221. 3 KILK., 10, from PAT., 12 R. II., 88 
(1388). In CAL. ROT. HIB., 180, 182, April 1405 and 1406, Robert and 
Henry Betagh send their daughters in fosterage to Machoun McKabe and 
Odo O'Railly. Similarly in 1410, James White sends his son to foster with 
Moritagh (or Murdach), son of Cowls O'Neil, in County Louth, ibid., 196. 

4 PAT., 9 R. II., October i8th, 1385, quoted in IRISH RECORDS, 78. 

5 See Vol. I., 231. September I4th, 1401. CAL. ROT. HIB., 165; KILK., 
88; not 1402, as MACGEOGHZGAN, 348. 6 See the indenture dated Dublin, 
November 8th, 1401, in CAL. OF CAREW MSS., 480. Called O'Brain or 
O'Berne of the Mountains, in DAVIES, 36. See MOORE, in., 143, quoting 
PAT., 3 H. IV. ^ CAL. ROT. HIB., 157, has an order dated Ardbraken, 
April 21, 1400, appointing William Archebold as custos nov. castr. de 
Makyngan. 8 CAL. ROT. HIB., 165 ; CAREW MSS., 486. ' KILK., 88. 
LAMBETH MSS., CAREW, 603 (p. 132), 608 (p. 65). I0 Ardghal Mac- 
Mathghamhna became King of Uriel in 1402 ; he died in 1416. LOCH CE, 
ii., 101, 147 ; FOUR MASTERS, in., 775. In CAREW MSS., 480, 481, he 
is called Awghley or Aghi. His father, Brian More, had held it since 
1365. FOUR MASTERS, in., 629. 



146 War-Governor Butler. [CHAP. XLV. 

Uriel 1 or Louth, obtained a recognised footing in the Farney, 2 a 
district of County Monaghan, though the experiment proved a 
failure, the Irish being regarded as spies 3 watching their oppor- 
tunity day and night. The men of Castledermot * and Ross* 
paid blackmail to the MacMoroughs; the farmers of Meath 
could only save their lands by payments to Owen O'Reilly, 6 
captain of the nation of the Irish in Breifne or Cavan; in 
County Louth, 7 the traders of Drogheda 8 found a profitable 
market among the Irish for their wine, ale, armour, and artillery, 
while English beer and English cloth were carried round to be 
sold to the natives on the shores of Lough Swilly 9 and Lough 
Foyle. The Bishop of Ferns 10 had to temporize with the Irish 
in order to secure quiet in the counties of Wexford, Kilkenny, 

1 Called Oirghiall, LOCH CE, n., 101 ; Oriel or Yriell, GRAVES, 87; 
Iryelle, ibid., 159; Urrielle, ibid., 177; Iriel-Dymmock, 21. It con- 
sisted of the baronies of Ferrard, Louth, Dundalk, and Ardee. CAL. 
ROT. HIB., 158. MACGEOGHEGAN, 112, makes it include Louth, Mona- 
ghan, and Armagh. KELLY (in LYNCH, I., 244) includes also County 
Fermanagh. The part of Drogheda north of the Boyne was called Drog- 
heda versus Uriel. HIST. AND MUN. Doc., 93. The part on the south 
bank was Drogheda versus Meath. Ibid., 196. 2 Called Fearnmhagh in 
LYNCH, i., 245, SHIRLEY. In CAL. ROT. HIB., 187, part of the district 
of Fernenoy is granted in 1408 to Coghonnaght MacMahon. 3 Vol. I., 229, 
where the document dates probably from the time of Henry V., not Henry 
IV. as supposed by Nicholas from mention of letters sent by the Earl of 
Ormonde (i.e., James the fourth Earl) to the "King's brothers." ORD. 
PRIV. Co., n., 51. GRAVES (xiv.) assigns it to circ. 1392, and considers 
the " King's brothers " to be the Earls of Kent and Huntingdon (he wrongly 
calls them Dukes of Surrey and Exeter) ; but besides other difficulties, the 
document refers to the submission of the chiefs to Richard II. in 1395. 
Also it mentions (p. 47) John Liverpool, Constable of Wicklow Castle, who 
was murdered in 1421. ROT. PARL., iv., 199. On December roth, 1401, 
John Liverpool receives ^"40 per annum for his losses as Constable of Wick- 
low Castle. CAL. ROT. HIB., 161. He is still Constable on August 6th, 
1406. Ibid., 184. On June 29th, 1403, he is made Steward of the Liberty 
of Ulster. Ibid., 167, 169, 170. On January 26th, 1405, he has letters of 
protection. Ibid., 179. PAT., 7 H. IV., I., 30, December I, 1405, shows 
that John Liverpool, senior, is about to cross to Ireland in company with 
Prince Thomas. On January 6th, 1409, John Liverpool, senior, is Sheriff 
of Co. Waterford. CAL. ROT. HIB., 190, 193. 4 GRAVES, 128. s CAL. 
ROT. HIB., 164, 169. 6 GRAVES, 192. See indenture signed February 4th, 
1402, in KILK., 88. 7 CAL. ROT. HIB., 196. 8 GRAVES, 160. 9 CAL. 
ROT. HIB., 169, 172. I0 Ibid., 170. 



1405.] Sir Henry Cristede. 147 

and Carlow, while the Bishops of Meath, 1 Kildare, 2 and 
Limerick, 3 and the Provosts, Baillies, and Constables of 
Arklow, 4 Carrickfergus, 5 Kilkenny, 6 and Kinsale 7 were con- 
stantly taking out official permits to treat with [the Irish as 
their only chance of living. Instances of similar transactions 
are on record in abundance, and from the nature of the case 
must have been regularly practised if the settlers were to 
escape extermination. The English knight, Sir Henry Cristede, 
who gave Froissart 8 his account of Ireland at Eltham in 1395, 
and whose identity 9 still remains a puzzle in spite of the exact 
heraldic description, had married the daughter of an Irish 
chieftain and found his father-in-law, as the story shows, a kind- 
hearted and humane man, notwithstanding his efforts to impress 
upon the chronicler that the Irish were a savage and blood- 
thirsty race. 

1 Ibid., 163, April 2;th, 1402. 2 Ibid., 186. 1 Ibid., 189. * Ibid., 164, 
169. s Ibid., 193. 6 Ibid., 175. 7 Ibid., 158, dated Tristeldermot, 
March 3<Dth, 1400. 8 FROIS., iv., 185. 9 The nearest approach to the 
name that I can find is that of a Benedictine, Henry Crixstede, in BALE, 
ii., 95, who quotes from WHETHAMSTEDE, DE VIRIS ILLUSTRIBUS. STOW, 
335, refers to Robert Cristal, a citizen of London, and Agnes, his wife, in 
1380. 



CHAPTER XLVI. 
THE WILD IRISH." 

IF we look to English writers who lived in Ireland in the 
centuries before and after our present time for a sketch of 
these "wild Irishmen," 1 whose lives filled them with horror, 
we gather up a strange picture, rich in interest, whose detail 
fascinates even where it is meant to repel. They come before us 
as living hogs lives, 2 base and sluttish 8 in their homes, their dress, 
and their food, neglecting marriage-ties 4 both as to wife and 
child, without manufacture of linen or woollen, having no sort 
of trade or mechanical art, nothing but idleness 5 and the sweet 
gay fingering 6 of the harp and pipe. Though " lovers of music, 7 
poetry, and all kinds of learning," they are represented as cruel, 
treacherous, 8 cunning, and shifty, ignorant of the first rudi- 
ments of the faith, depraved with adultery 9 and incest, without 
religion 10 or honesty, by nature u all that is excellent, by practice 

1 " Notnez wylde Irishmen," ROT. PARL., iv., 190. For " wilde 
Yrisshe," see RICHARD REDELES, PROL., 10. " Crichemons," in CRETON 
(Vol. I., p. 219), should probably be " Irichemons." 2 Bestialiter vivens, 
GIRALD., v., 151, whose account, adopted in POLYCHRONICON (HIGDEN, 
I., 351), became an article of faith for historians in every part of Christen- 
dom. Cf. FROIS., iv., 187; GAMEZ, 337. "It is hogges lyfe." HOCCL. 
DE REG., 131. 3 GIRALD., v., 164, 170; SMITH, 114. * " In the early 
Irish, as in other archaic societies, the nexus of the family was not marriage 
but acknowledged actual descent from a common ancestor. ANCIENT 
LAWS, in., CXLIV. Children were considered as a benefit and not a bur- 
den. Ibid., CXLVII. 5 SPENSER (399) reports that they were " inquisitive 
after news," and J. DAVIES (108) that they had a "whining tune or 
accent in their speech." 6 GIRALD., v., 152, 153 ; BELLESHEIM, i., 47. 
? J. DAVIES, 104. 8 GIRALD, v., 166; J. DAVIES, 107. SPENSER (326) 
calls them " cautelous and wylieheaded." O'CoNOR (i., 186) credits them 
with "love-like simplicity." 9 See GIRALD., v., 135, 147, 282, for Synod 
of Cashel, 1172. "Variable and unstedefast, trecherous and gileful, 
frowarde and inconstant, diverse and wily." HIGDEN, i., 357. I0 GIRALD. , 
v., 174. "Ibid., 153. 



1405.] Giraldus. 149 

all that is vile. Numbers of them were blind 1 or lame or 
hideously ugly, others tall 2 and handsome in person with ruddy 
cheeks and comely features, their strong bushy 8 beards and 
shaggy * glibs of knotted yellow hair 5 tangling over their eyes 
or tossing 6 down their necks and shoulders. They built no 
towns and enclosed no land. "All held themselves to be 
gentlemen " 7 counting their wealth by their cows 8 and garrons 
" gotten by the gentlemanly trade of stealing," the nimble kerne, 9 
armed with his keen axe and wrapped in his rug 10 of black frieze 11 
to shield his naked 12 sides and legs from the gnats 13 by day or 
the "sharp and bitter air" at night, and the uncivil hind driving 
his masters cows to the boolies M on the mountain sides in sum- 
mer or slugging 15 through the winter with his beast in one bed, 
in cabins fit for swine-sties. 16 

To the English mind the Irish law was "a damnable thing," 17 
and until it was "utterly abolished" there could be no peace, 
plenty, or civility. Irish customs were such as " must of neces- 
sity bring barbarism and desolation upon the richest and most 
fruitful land of the world." 18 And yet when these pernicious 
customs are examined they amount only to this : that murder 19 
and manslaughter were not punished with death but by a fine 
varying according to the rank of the victim or the offender, that 
land was not to descend entire from father to eldest son but 

1 GIRALD., v., 181. 2 Ibid., 150. 3 Ibid., 153, 389. 4 WARE, 6, 19. 
For " ailans," see LYNCH, i., 195. $ GIRALD., v., 170. 6 SPENSER, 369. 
?J. DAVIES, 105. 8 SPENSER, 329, 480, 506. * GIRALD., v., 397; 
SPENSER, 393, 399. For Kernys et udifs gentz, see ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 
49 ; also de illis qui dicuntur homines otiosi et malefactoribus qui etiam 
kernys dicuntur. STAT., I., 359. For " idlemen," see STAT. OF IRE- 
LAND, I. I0 For the " fallaing " or mantle, see HIST. AND MUN. Doc., 
xxxil. For Irish rug, see HOLINS., II., 24. In 1380, the Count of Flan- 
ders paid 515. for six mantiaux d'lerlande. LABORDE, i., LI. " GIRALD., 
v., 150; WARE, 29. "STATE PAPERS, HI., 444; SPENSER, 426; 
ARCH^OL., xx., 302. ^ SPENSER, 368. For St. Nannan and the fleas, 
see GIRALD.., v., 119. I4 SPENSER, 363, 496. IS Ibid., 396, 406. l6 ROT. 
PARL., iv., 60. I7 J. DAVIES, 74. lS Ibid., 102. 19 See the Book of 
Aicill, in ANCIENT LAWS, in. 



150 The " Wild Irish." [CHAP. XLVI. 

only " as a personal estate for a lifetime " x to be afterwards sub- 
divided among many heirs. For the custom of " coign and 
livery " was a Norman innovation not fairly chargeable to the 
Irish at all, except as connected with their practice of " food- 
rents," while the genuine Irish customs of "gossipred" 2 and 
"fostering" are admitted to be " of themselves indifferent." 8 

Before accepting however this purely ex-pdfie view from 
English pens and English eyes, let us look for a moment at the 
condition of the Irish peasant as disclosed 4 in the Irish law- 
tracts that have still come down to us. The description shall 
be pieced together from the native code of law known as the 
Senchus Mor probably compiled 5 in the fifth century, with 
copious glosses and comments by later hands at dates vary- 
ing from the ninth to the fifteenth. 

In place of the indolent savages " little better than canni- 
bals" 6 who puzzled and scared the English settlers, we find 
prosperous tribal and village communities, long familiar with 
the plough, 7 the hook, 8 the flail, 9 the hatchet, the grindstone, 10 
the bellows, 11 the anvil, 12 and the sledge, raising crops of oats, 
wheat, flax, and barley, malting, 13 brewing, 14 steeping and scutch- 
ing flax, and combing, 13 spinning, 16 weaving, and dyeing wool. 
They fence 17 their land, have highways, 18 byways, fair-greens, 1 * 
and stone bridges. 20 They amuse themselves with horse-races a 

1 SPENSER, 306. 2 GIRALD., v., 167. 3 DAVIES, no. 4 O'CURRY, 
passim, s ANCIENT LAWS, i., 300; n., LIII. "They thus exhibit a 
strange mixture of the ancient and the modern, an unevenness and 
irregularity of development." Ibid., in., xxx. BELLESHEIM, i., 60. 
6 J. DAVIES, 102. 7 ANCIENT LAWS, in., 267. 8 Ibid., n., 379. 9 Ibid., 
III., 221. IQ Ibid., 295. JI Ibid., 187, 191. I2 For their metal work, see 
M. STOKES, 52-116. For the Limerick mitre made by Thomas O'Carty, 
see SHAW, DRESSES, Vol. II.; ARCH^OL., xvn., 38. I3 Ibid., n., 239. 
14 Ibid., 243. 1S Ibid., 37, 421. l6 Ibid., I., 151. For the laken of Mun- 
ster, see LAPPENBERG, n., 117. '? ANCIENT LAWS, iv., 49, 71, 113, and 
129, with elaborate rules for fencing. See also D'AcHERY, IX., 46, for 
church laws in the eighth century. l8 ANCIENT LAWS, in., 113, 305; 
BOOK OF RIGHTS, LVI. ^ ANCIENT LAWS, i., 157. 20 Ibid., 11., 233. 
21 Ibid., in., 255. 



1405.] Senchus Mor. 151 

and dog-fights, 1 jugglers - with spears and balls, tumblers who 
" go out of their shapes," fools, jesters, 8 and buffoons. They 
keep cows, 4 pigs, sheep, horses, geese, and hens. They mine 5 
with the spade for coal or silver, and pierce 6 the cliff for iron 
and copper ore. They keep bees, 7 make candles 8 "eight fists 
in length " out of rushes dipped in tallow. They tan hides 9 
with bark for shoe leather, and cure pork 10 or beef with salt for 
winter use. They have toys, 11 brooches, looking-glasses, and 
ornaments, they keep cats, 12 wolves, herons, hawks, foxes, bad- 
gers, fawns and little pigs as pets, and rear gooseberries, 13 leeks, 
garlick, and other garden stuff. Their boys M are taught from 
seven years of age to sit a horse, to use the bow, to herd lambs, 
swim, and play chess, the girls 15 to use the quern, the sieve, 
the kneading-trough, the griddle, 16 or flag, for baking, and the 
needle for embroidery. They are fed on stirabout, 17 or oatmeal 
and buttermilk, with delicacies such as salted venison, sea-grass, 
onions, butter and honey, on Sundays. The marriage 18 age was 
fixed, as in England, at fourteen for girls and seventeen for 
boys. They have their "hill of meeting," 19 where they can 
degrade 20 a false-judging king, a stumbling bishop, a fraudulent 
poet, or an unworthy chieftain. Their laws inculcate the duty 21 

1 ANCIENT LAWS, in., 193. 2 Ibidem, 285. 3 Ibidem, m., XLVIII, 
25. + Ibid., m., 381. s jbid., m., 20. 6 Ibid., I., 185. i Ibid.', 
iv., 163; i., 167 ; ii., XLI, 120, 421 ; in., 433-441. LYNCH, 11., 135. 
* ANCIENT LAWS, n., 249, 251, 253. For the taper with wax and wick, 
see P. PLO., xx., 169. * ANCIKNT LAWS, iv., 149. I0 Ibid., n., 203, 
247. For the " larder of the swine," see GOWER, CONF. AM., 283, 354 ; 
DENTON, 170, 209, 217. For salted boar or deer, see ITINERAIRES, 582. 
11 ANCIENT LAWS, i., 127. I2 Ibid., in., 297 ; iv., 109, 115, 121 ; also 
D'ACHERY, ix. , 46. For the French Queen's cat (fifteenth century) in HARL. 
MS., 6431, see SHAW, DRESSES, Vol. II. '3 ANCIENT LAWS, n., 255 ; 
IV., 149. '* Ibid., iv., 335. For specimen of Irish chess-men, see BOOK 
OF RIGHTS, LXIL, and ARCH^EOL., xxiv., 203. x s ANCIENT LAWS, 11., 
!53> 155; m -> 275; iv., 9. l6 Spelt "greclill" in NOTT. REC., 124 
(1390). '? ANCIENT LAWS, 11., 149, 177. GIRALD., v., 28, notes the 
abundance of honey and milk. l8 ANCIENT LAWS, n., XLV, 152, 193. 
Cf. ROT. PARL., in., 637. ^ ANCIENT LAWS, L, 167, 175; m., 405. 
20 Ibid., L, 55. 2I Ibid., i., 41 ; LYNCH, 11., 245. 



152 The " Wild Irish." [CHAP. XLVI. 

of open hospitality or the ever-full caldron, and the binding 
force of verbal contracts. They must nurse i the sick, maintain 
the aged, the madman, the idiot, and the half-wit, house the ship- 
wrecked, and care for the infant from the mother's dead breast. 
The woman stands on an equality with the man, there are fines 
for her evil-speaking 2 tongue as well as for women-fights, 3 when 
they fight raising their distaffs and comb-bags, but the " price of 
blushing " * is strictly enforced for offences against the woman's 
honour. The wife has her rights of contract and property 
equally with the husband, and the mother and father alike have 
equal claims upon their children. There are penalties 5 for 
seeing a beast near a river or a pit at night, or being worried by 
dogs, without rescuing it, rules for adjusting differences arising 
from the dual 6 ownership of a cow, when the beast belongs 
to one man and the milk to another, for assessing damages 7 
done to flowers and blossoms by poaching bees, or for appor- 
tioning the bones 8 of a stranded whale, rules which could have 
no meaning except in a community highly advanced in civiliza- 
tion, where chieftain and tenant, churchman and layman, tutor 
and pupil, brother and sister, father and son, are bound by 
strictly defined ties of mutual obligation, of great complexity 9 
and extreme interest. The heir is not bound by his father's 
debts, for " the dead man kills his liabilities." 10 The land n is a 
common possession to support every tribesman. No person can 
hold property in it or will it away at death. The tribe alone 
can claim it and allot it, as is thought best, for the good of all. 

1 ANCIENT LAWS, i., 123, 139, 201, 229. ~ Ibid., i., 149, 3 Ibid., in., 
291. 4 Ibid., II., 397. Cf. " May no man do my chekes rede." Go WEB, 
CONF. AM., 178. s ANCIENT LAWS, n., 59, 61. 6 Ibid., n., 43. 7 Ibid., 
II., 121. 8 Ibid., I., 125. 9 e.g., ibid., n., 367, where a woman may get 
the eighteenth part of a pig for swineherd's service ; or II., 391, "half the 
produce of the land"; or II., 365, 391, 393, one-third of a pail of milk be- 
longs to the holder of the land, one-third to the owner of the cow, and 
one-third to those who get the milk, subdivided between the woman who 
milks, the owner of the vessels, the man of the house, and the attendants 
of the house. I0 Ibid., n., 271. u Ibid., in., Ixvii, 53, 55. 



1405.] The " King of Kings." 153 

Such, at least, was the earlier economy of the Irish village or 
tribe, but long before the fifteenth century disintegration had 
set in. In presence of a constant condition of internal warfare, 
and the devastating fury of plundering Danes, 1 the tribal 2 de- 
velopment had been arrested, the personal rights of the humbler 
members were obliterated, and the masses were degrading into 
mere retainers and dependants of the greater chiefs or kings. 
From some legal tracts 8 written probably about the fourteenth 
century we may gather a rough outline of the altered position of 
the various members of an Irish community, from the " crumb- 
fox," 4 who "has nothing but what he cranches," up to the 
" king of kings," 5 with his Brehon or judge, his rhymers, harpers, 
fluteplayers, and hornblowers, "coshering" 6 or living at free 
quarters on the food-rents 7 supplied by the tenants and sub- 
tenants, in their wattle-huts. 8 He has his bodyguard of hire- 
lings, set free for this service from the dungeon or the gallows, 
and others to watch the bodyguard, whose record is too black 
to be trusted. He never travels out alone, nor handles " clod- 
mallet," shovel, or spade, but lives in a "dun" 9 or stone fort, an 
a mound, surrounded with his mercenaries. 10 The Sunday is 
spent in drunkenness, 11 for " he is not a lawful chief who does not 
distribute ale 12 every Sunday." If this were the ideal of the head 

1 For the nose-tax, see LYNCH, in., 291. - ANCIENT LAWS, iv. $ xiv.; 
ill., xxxiv. 3 Hid., iv., 298-369. 4 Ibid., IV., 355. s Ibid., iv., 331 ; 
BELLESHEIM, i., 43. 6 WARE, 22, 32. ? See the claims of MacNamara 
and O'Brien in TRANSACTIONS OF IRISH ACADEMY, xv., 39-48, and O'Reilly 
in BOOK OF RIGHTS, xx. 8 ANCIENT LAWS, iv., ccvi. It was from these 
that the natives were said to have been called " Creaughts. " STORY, 16 ; 
FOUR MASTERS, in., 811 ; GILBERT, IRISH CONFEDERATION, i., 163; 
J. DAVIES, DISCOVERIE, 99, 128 ; or " Creetes." SPENSER, 425, 449, 455. 
9 For specimens, see M. STOKES, 150. 10 ANCIENT LAWS, iv. , 337. 
11 Ibid., iv., 335, 341. In 1354, a Papal collector could get no money out 
of the Irish, for they "never saved anything, but lived riotously." BAG- 
WELL, i., 62; DENTON, 204. ia Ale was the usual drink. ANCIENT 
LAWS, II., Hi, 35, 203, 229, 243 ; in., xlviii, 21. See the story of Sir 
Robert Savage, of the Ards, in 1360. DUBLIN ST. MARY'S, n., 393; 
SAVAGES OF THE ARDS, 139. 



154 The "Wild Irish? [CHAP. XLVI. 

king or "king of kings," we may well guess the oppressions 
that would be exercised by the little * kings, the " king of hills," 
the "king of companies," the tanist, the flaith, and all the petty 
ranks of privileged plunderers. What chance of escape or legal 
redress at the hands of judges guided by the maxim that "the 
king is higher than the people?''' 2 Outside the law, again, 
stood the mass of churls or serfs, without land or legal rights, 
shut out from assemblies, forbidden to take oaths, or tender 
evidence. Ground between the exactions of their own chiefs 
and the onset of the " rebel English," they had no choice but 
to take service as kernes, and live themselves by plunder, or toil 
on with their dirt and their swine-sties, in slavish and hopeless 
degradation. 

The question has been treated from both sides with all de- 
grees of exaggeration. It has been asserted that " all who have 
spoken of the Irish since the days of the first Norman settlers, 
in the twelfth century, have no other foundation than the au- 
thority of Giraldus," who is stigmatised as the "most savage 
enemy of the people of Ireland," 3 an "impostor," a "jealous 
foreigner," 4 an "arrant calumniator," 5 whose works are a 
"nuisance," 6 an "absurd collection of old women's, 7 sailors'* 
and soldiers' stories," which " every stranger of good discern- 
ment should distrust," and we are asked to believe 9 that " all the 

1 ANCIENT LAWS, iv., cxvii. 2 Ibid., iv., 333. 3 LYNCH, in., 207. 
* Ibid., in., 229. s Ibid., n., 143. 6 Ibid., i., 371. 7 MACGEOGHEGAN, 
12, 13. 8 GIRALDUS (v. , 170), believed, on the authority of some sailors, 
that there were islands in the west of Connaught where the people wore no- 
clothes, and had never seen bread or cheese, but lived on fish, flesh, and 
milk, and knew nothing of Lent or baptism, or the divisions of the week, 
month, or year. If there is any truth in the story it must refer to some very 
unapproachable island indeed, or the sailors must have been out in their 
latitude. For the divisions of the year amongst the Irish, see BOOK OF 
RIGHTS, XLVIII.-LV. For the general accuracy of GIRALDUS, see letter of 
LINGARD (October 2gth, 1848) in LYNCH, IL, 529. BELLESHEIM, i., 408, 
as might be expected, charges him with Einseitigkeit. 9 LYNCH, I. , 223, 
where the translator has improved upon his original. In II., 125, he 
despatches Spenser as Hibernis injuriosissimus. 



1405.] Catnbrensis Eversus. 155 

blemishes of the Irish character are the spawn of English bar- 
barism," and that the Norman invaders became " civilized by 
their intercourse with the natives whose manners they assumed, 
and thereby lost that ferocity of disposition which is the attri- 
bute of the inhabitants of Great Britain." But the plain state- 
ments of writers who actually saw what they relate cannot be 
set aside at the bidding of patriotic Irish religionists, smarting 
under the irritation of seventeenth century wrongs, and wedded 
to a fanciful theory that their country was once an Eden of 
Saints, till it was defiled 1 by contact with the vile tyranny of the 
English. This cannot be true, for, half-a-century before Henry 
II. 's Anglo-Normans set foot in the country, Primate Mael- 
Maedhog 2 or Malachy O'Morgair, 3 when Bishop of Connor, 
had described his flock, in the north of Ireland, as "beasts 
rather than men, profligate in their morals, brutish in their 
habits, barbarous in their laws, and filthy in their lives," * 
though all this time eminent Irish missionaries were founding 
monasteries 5 to evangelize the degenerate Germans in Ratisbon, 

1 WARBURTON, i., 268. 2 LOCH CE, i., 143. 3 COTTON, in., 10, 247 ; 
BELLES., i., 350. * ST. BERNARD, i., 671. BELLES., i., 353, 360. 
Malachy died in 1148. s LYNCH, n., 408, 429; ALZOG, u. 385 ; BELLES., 
i-. 339-346, 586 ; M. STOKES, 30-50. By the beginning of the fifteenth cen- 
tury these monasteries had become hopelessly degraded and corrupt. They 
had no books and no vestments. In some the mitre and Abbot's staff had 
been pawned. They took to wine-selling, drinking, and the grossest forms of 
viciousness. In 1412, four monks went from Ireland to Nuremberg, but as 
soon as they arrived they declared openly that they had not come to practise 
mortification but to be merry. ULSTEK JOUR. OF ARCH., VIL, 227, 295, 305. 
For drinking capacities of the Irish clergy when their day's work was done, 
see GIRALDUS, v., 172. The description in NIEM., 501, from his LIBER 
DE REGIONIBUS ORBIS, written circ. 1400, shows the character of the Irish 
clergy in his day : Clerus humilis cultu ornatuque vestium, oeremoniis 
paucis et sollennitatibus nullis ad divinum cultum peragendum, non 
liberalibus artibus aut aliis scientiis imbutus. Clerks and laymen drink 
warm beer together, and no one was thought happy unless drunk. No one 
would believe if they had not seen it, how much both men and women can 
drink at a time till they fall drunk on the ground. Bishops and priests 
have concubines openly. He gives the same character in this respect to the 
clergy of Gascony, Spain, and Portugal. He blames the Bishops, Abbots 



156 The "Wild Irish." [CHAP. XLVI. 

Constance, Nuremberg, Erfurt, Wiirzburg, Eichstadt, and 
Vienna. In H55, 1 Pope Breakspeare, who had legates in 
Ireland and must have known the condition of the country, 
described the Irish as an ignorant and barbarous people. His 
successor, Pope Alexander III., 2 both in his letters and in his 
official bull, calls them " a barbarous nation, Christian only in 
name," and, in 1172, the synod of Cashel 8 was called to deal 
with a condition of moral depravity that cannot by any possi- 
bility have arisen all at once. 

How then is it possible to explain the curious paradox that 
the English settlers should be conscious of the low and degraded 
condition of the Irish natives, yet generation after generation of 
them threw off allegiance to their own King and adopted Irish 
ways? The explanation is doubtless two-fold. On the one 
hand, their own distant government proved powerless to protect 
them. On the other, the altering conditions of Irish tenure 
offered just the field for energetic Englishmen to occupy the 
place of some petty chieftain,* and lord it over a degraded and 

and clergy of Italy for being stingy and giving nothing to the poor, they 

take invitations but give no entertainment in return. He says that the 

Greek priests are drunken liars as he knew from actual personal experience. 

In P. PLO., xxiii., 221, a mansed priest from the " March of Ireland," says : 

" I count conscience no more, by so I catch silver, 

Than I do to drink a draught of good ale." 

i LYNCH, n., 413, 443. For doubts as to authenticity of this Bull, see 
BELLESHEIM, I., 369-378. For previous letters of Gregory VII., and 
Anselm, 1083, 1093, see BELLESHEIM, i., 319, 321,. 2 LYNCH, n., 
468. In 1395, when the Irish chiefs were asked about their religion in 
Dublin, they seemed displeased, but they said they believed in God and the 
Trinity, and held to the Roman Pope. FROIS., iv., 431 (JOHNES). 3 GiRAL- 
DUS, v., 280 ; LYNCH, n., 473 ; BELLESHEIM, i., 382 ; LINGARD, n., 186. 
For the practice of selling their wives, as well as deserting them, see letter 
of Gregory VII.; LYNCH, IL, 586 ; BAGWELL, i., 33. 4 GIRALD., v., 408; 
LYNCH, I. , 229. In Lower Connaught a "degenerate" descendant of the 
Norman marcher, Guillaume Fitz Aldelm de Burgh (GiRALD. , v. , 337 ; GIL- 
BERT, 126, 184), passed for an Irish chieftain under the name of Mac William 
Burk (LocH CE, n., 13; GILBERT, 260; DAVIES, 120). In CAL. ROT. 
HIB., 157 (Kilkenny, May nth, 1400), Thomas, son of Edmund de Burgo 
mil. is appointed deputy for Sir John Stanley in Connaught. 



1404.] Archbishop Cotton. 157 

submissive peasantry. Under them the " coshery " and " food- 
rents " and " bonaughts " ' became " coign 2 and livery," and 
the serfs and lower freemen took service with them as " gallow- 
glasses and kernes." Surrounded with these quick-witted and 
agile thieves, they could defy the English power and plunder 
any rivals that might stand in their way. 

On April 27th, 1404^ a few weeks after the appointment of 
the Earl of Ormonde, died John Colton, Archbishop of Armagh, 
at an advanced age. His career is another striking instance of 
the attractions offered by the church in those days to a versatile 
genius in the paths of learning, piety, soldiering, 4 diplomacy, 
and statecraft. Colton was a Norfolk man, with no advan- 
tage of birth or prospects. He was born at Terrington, in the 
Marshland near Lynn, in the early part of the fourteenth 
century, and was seemingly trained for the church from the 
outset. About 1343, he became chaplain to William Bateman, 
Bishop of Norwich, the founder of Trinity Hall at Cambridge. 
A few years after this, Edmund Gonville, the wealthy Rector of 
Terrington, 5 and Commissioner of the Marsh-lands, founded 
his hall 6 at Cambridge for twenty scholars in dialectics, and 

i DAVIES, ii., 114 ; MACGEOGHEGAN, 322. 2 Though " coinmhe " as 
a genuine Irish word for food and lodging occurs long before the landing of 
the Normans. LYNCH, n., 530. 3 HoLiNS.,74. WAKE, ANNALS, 65, 
PRELATES, p. 15, says May 1st, but the custody of the temporalities was 
granted April 28th, 1404, occasione mortis Johannis ultimi Archiepiscopi 
ibidem. CAL. ROT. HlB., 178. The year is also proved by a deed of his 
successor, Nicholas Fleming, in COLTON, 39. In LOCH CE, n., 89, the 
name is Irished into Coltunach. 4 As late as 1398, Colton was sent to 
Rome on secret affairs of the King. DEVON, 268. s He was presented to 
this living in 1 342,- and died in 1351. STEVENSON, 15. He was previously 
Rector of Rushworth (now Rusford), near Thetford, where he founded a 
college, circ. 1342. BLOMEFIELD, i., 194; MONAST., vi., 1385. For his 
letters written from Rushworth, see HIST. MSS., 1 2th REPORT, 9, 376. 
6 WILLIS & CLARK, i., xvii, xliii.; FULLER, UNIV. CANTAB., 78; MUL- 
LINGER, i., 239. He meant to call it the Hall of the Annunciation of the 
Blessed Virgin. It is called Gonvile Hall in the Bishop of Ely's REGISTER 
in 1397. T. BAKER, i., 42; C. H. COOPER, MEMORIALS, i., 73. 



158 The " Wild Irish." [HAP. XLVI. 

made Colton the first Warden (i348). x Here he employed him- 
self for five years, getting a name as " a good and learned man 2 
above the ordinary," and he afterwards turned his learning to 
.account in writing treatises 8 on the Papal Schism. According 
to one account he became Rector of Terrington * on Gonville's 
death, but there is no certainty about this. 3 Something how- 
ever tempted him across to Ireland, where he became Vicar of 
Tallaght, 6 near Dublin. Here he took very practical means of 
asserting his Christianity amongst the wild Irish. When they 
attacked and burned the town of Athy, he put himself at the 
head of a motley force, including 26 knights, all of whose 
expenses he paid, and with these he rode at them, 7 slaughtered 
them, scattered them, and stayed twelve days on their ground. 
Bands from Wicklow appeared at Carrickmines ; Colton again 
went for them at great expense and personal risk, staying at one 
time eight days, at another a month. Newcastle was in danger 
and almost abandoned ; Colton with 36 followers held it against 
the O'Byrnes, losing his horse in one of the frays. Such services 
did not long remain unrewarded. In 1373, he was Treasurer of 
Ireland, and in 1374, he was made Dean of St. Patrick's, holding 
at the same time a prebend in the cathedral at York, 8 and 
constantly crossing and re-crossing on public business to 
England, or occasionally to Rome. 9 In 1379, he was made 
Chancellor of Ireland, and in 1381, he accompanied the Lord 
Lieutenant, Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, to Athlone, to 
try and make an impression on the O'Briens, O'Connors, and 

i FULLER, UNIV. CANTAB., 79; R. PARKER, SKELETOS, 213, 219. 

2 LELAND, quoted in FULLER, IL, 134. See BALE, 531 ; PITS, 587. 

3 BALE, 531 ; LEL. COLL., in., 49; TANNER, 192; BELLESHEIM, i., 592. 
He may perhaps be the " Cowtonus " quoted in WYCLIFFE, DE BENE- 
DICTA INCARNATIONS (HARRIS, 57, 239), as an abbreviator of Duns Scotus. 

4 PARKER, 78; LELAND, v., 219. s BLOMEFIELD, ix., 95. 6 W. M. 
MASON, 125. 7 GOWER, CONF. AM., 119. Cf. " ridingtime," WORCES- 
TER, 443. Bot out sal ride a chivauche. LANGTOFT, u. , 460. 8 LE 
NEVE, in., 179. 9 MACGEOGHEGAN, 348. 



1404.] Col toii! s Constitutions, 159 

Barretts of Munster. From Athlone they made their way to 
Cork, where the Lord Lieutenant died almost suddenly. His 
armed retainers withdrew, and the Chancellor found himself 
defenceless in mid-winter, cut off from all communication with 
Dublin, except by a stormy voyage on a dangerous sea. 1 He 
pulled himself together however, collected as many bishops as 
he could, and others of the settlers from the neighbourhood, to 
meet in St. Peter's Church at Cork, 2 and there called upon 
them to elect a governor for the country till a new lieutenant 
should arrive. All agreed that " a man of valour and an ex- 
perienced soldier from England " was wanted to deal with the 
emergency, and when the Earls of Desmond and Ormonde had 
declined the task, the meeting with one voice forced Colton to 
accept. He took up their mandate, led them out against the 
enemy, captured a chief of the Barretts, and saved Cork from 
destruction. In 1381, he was made Archbishop of Armagh, 
but we may be sure that this " clerk nought clerklike " 8 did not 
spend a mellow age in pastoral care for his flock. In 1393,* he 
was cited before the council for seizing land and tenements by 
" fraud and collusion " in the King's name, and then keeping 
all the profits to himself. The case was proved and he was 
made to refund the money, but this did not disqualify him 
from being continued as Primate of Ireland. In 1401, 6 he 
crossed with the Archbishop of Dublin as a deputation to 
London, but the rest of his days he spent at Drogheda, 6 and 
was buried in St. Peter's Church in that town. Some of his 
"constitutions" 7 as Archbishop of Armagh are curiosities in their 
way. Like his predecessor he fulminated 8 against laymen or 

1 LYNCH, n., 119. 2 MASON, 127. 3 WYNT., in., 2950. GRAVES, 
104. 5 Vol. I. ,219. 6 GILBERT, 275. 7 Extant in S WAYNE'S REGISTER; 
COTTON, FASTI, in., 16. 8 Sub nomine Cayf alias Cloghir. For explana- 
tion of this curious phrase, see COLTON, xvi. ; also ORD. PRIV. Co., n.. 50, 
lour caifs norys et lour enfauntz. From ANCIENT LAWS, iv. , 63, it appears 
that by Irish law, the head of the tribe claimed his share in the earnings of 
a harlot. 



160 The " Wild Irish." [CHAP. XLVI. 

clerks in his diocese who kept women for hire, and he urged 
his suffragans to preach peace and labour for peace between the 
English and Irish, though the prayers must have come tardily 
from him after spending so many years in hostings and raids 
against the natives. He urged them to observe the feasts of 
Patrick, Bridget, Columba, Ronan, Fechin, and other saints in 
the Irish calendar. He prohibited the game called " galbarey," 
a kind of hurling then popular in the North of Ireland, on 
Easter Monday and Tuesday, as causing mortal sins, wounds, 
and homicides ; and he tried to stop hunting and sport on 
Good Friday, 1 especially the chase for hares, 8 whose blood was 
supposed to have a special medicinal value if caught on that day. 
In i395, 3 John Dongan, Bishop of Derry, was translated to 
the bishopric of Down, and for six years no one was appointed to 
succeed him. During the vacancy, rents fell into arrears, and the 
rights of the church were encroached upon by the O'Donnells, 4 
O'Doghertys, O'Kanes, O'Gormleys, Mc.Gilligans, and O'Neills. 
To add to the confusion, the Archdeacon and Chapter of Derry 
refused to recognise the Primate as their superior, or to admit 



1 COLTON, xvn. For dies Parasceves. see YORK MANUAL, 109, 156; 
SHARPE, n.,448; OLIVER, 280; WALS. , n. , 282 ; RYM., VIIL, 755 ; ix., 
291 ; ACTA SANCTORUM, October 8th, p. 452 ; CATHOL., 168 ; MARTENE, 
MON. RIT., 409 ; WYCLIFFE, SERMONS, iv., 311, 436 ; DE BLASPHEMIA, 
162, 252; Du CANGE s.v.; MIRROURE OF OURE LADY, XVIIL; TRAIS., 
284 ; HAMPSON, MEDII ^Evi CALENDARIUM, n., 301 ; RIPON MEM., in., 
212, 226, 244; BOUILLONS, 527; RAYNALDI, XVIL, 292; DUGDALE, 
WARWICKSHIRE, 192; RATISBON, 2130; HIST. MSS., 2ND REPT., 139; 
FANT, L, 146, April i8th, 1426; ROCK, in., 139; HOLT, 40. PAT., 7 
H. IV., I, 16, and 2, 21, records pardons granted ob reverentiam Dei et 
diei Parasceves. In SHARPE, L, 305 (1323), it seems to be the same as. 
Maundy Thursday. Cf. ISSUE ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., November 8th, 
1408, where ;33 6s. 8d. was distributed to the poor from the King's bounty. 
For "goode Fryday," see P. PLO., xil., 254; xv., 132, 142. " Le jour 
de bone Vendredy. " Q. R. WARDROBE, 6 8 8 ; " les bons Vendredys, les 
Vendredys a ovez." Q. R. ARMY, f , m. 27. 2 For superstition as to- 
hares, see HARRISON, L, 143. In Scotland there was a close time for 
hares, tempore nivis. ACTS PARL. SCOT., L, 214. 3 COTTON, in., 200. 
* COLTON, 49. 



139 7-] Coltoris Visitation. 161 

his claim 1 to interfere in their affairs. Colton must now have 
been eighty years of age, but the fire and fight that had forced 
him into Ireland's battlefield was quick within him yet. Late 
in the autumn of 1397, he resolved to make a visitation of the 
diocese of Derry and assert his claims in person, cost what it 
might. Accompanied by Maurice O'Corry (Dean of Armagh), 
Nicholas O'Lucheran (Abbot of the great Abbey of St. Peter 
and St. Paul, at Armagh), 2 a canon, a crozier-bearer, various 
rectors, monks, servants, and many others, he started on his 
perilous journey. They took with them a notary, Richard 
Kenmore, 3 a clerk from the diocese of Meath, who kept a diary 
of their proceedings, recording the events of their progress with 
punctilious accuracy; though his account would have had greater 
interest for us now, had he given more of his own impressions of 
the country and its people. However, as a scrupulous official, 
he has left us an authentic record which is of priceless 
value as a solitary survival 4 in the literary blank of those 
far-off and troubled days. 

The party left Termonmaguirk, near Omagh, with an escort, 
on Monday, October 8th, 1397. They crossed Mullaghearn 
and came down on the village of Cappagh. Here they ap- 
proached the vicar and the erenagh, 5 a man of importance, who 
figures frequently in the record as the holder of Termon lands, 
i.e., land free from taxation but held subject to the condition of 

1 As to the shadowy nature of these claims, or the very existence of 
Bishops of Derry at all, prior to 1279, see ULSTER JOURNAL OF ARCHAEO- 
LOGY, i., 68. 2 BELLESHEIM, i., 77. 3 COLTON, 61 ; COTTON, in., 313. 
4 "To his (GiRALDUs') industry we are indebted for all that is known of 
the state of Ireland during the whole of the Middle Ayes." BREWER, 
Preface to GIRALDUS, i., xl. s Air einnech. ANCIENT LAWS, iv., ccxxv. 
He was equal in sanctity to a bishop. Ibid., I., 58, 59; in., 37. In 
ibid., II., 223, if a bridge is built, tbe mason can claim the thigh steak of 
a beast from the erenagh for dressing the stone. See WARE, Ch. xvn., 
p. 42; ULSTER JOURNAL OF ARCH., i., 74; BELLESHEIM, i., 276, 584. 
Cf. the ceconomi in Wales, whose encroachments in the parish are lamented 
by GIRALDUS, vi., 120. 

M 



1 62 The " Wild Irish." [CHAP. XLVI. 

contributing to the support of the church. Finding on enquiry 
that they were now within the diocese of Derry they explained 
the purpose of their journey, adding that the Archbishop had 
come to assert his rights. Cappagh was too small a place to 
accommodate them for the night, so they passed on to Ardstraw, 
on the river Mourne, the vicar sending with them a fat mart 1 
for their supper. At Ardstraw they were hospitably received, 
getting bread, butter, milk, and flesh, straw for their cattle, and 
fuel and houseroom for themselves, with a special guard to pro- 
tect them. On the next day the Archbishop purged 2 the 
churchyard, which had been polluted with some of the murder- 
ous blood-drawing which forms the staple history of the time. 
He blessed salt, ashes, wine and water, in the church, the town 
freely supplied seven horses to carry the baggage, and the party 
moved on to Urney near Strabane. Next morning they were 
early up and, after mass, got on their way down the Finn valley. 
They halted at mid-day at Leckpatrick, where the inhabitants 
were quite willing to forward their baggage free, but as their 
horses were out grazing, and the party could not wait till they 
were caught, the villagers agreed to pay money to the Urney 
people if they would continue their horses a stage further on the 
road. So they passed on and came in sight of Derry. They 
crossed the Foyle in boats, were met by the Dean (William 
Mc.Cathmaill) and rested for the night (October loth) in 
St. Columba's Abbey, known as the Black Cell, an offshoot of 
St. Patrick's Abbey at Armagh. October nth and i2th were 
spent in the Abbey deciding disputes which had arisen amongst 
the inmates, and on the next day (October i3th) the clergy were 

1 In STANLEY LEGISLATION, page 86, the price of a "merte" for the 
Lieutenant is put down at 35. 4d. BRAND, i., 314 ; JAMI'ESON, s. v. 2 For 
similar cases in the diocese of Exeter, see STAFF. REG., 6, 8, 14, 23, 24, 
38, 63, 78, 103, 106, 304, and passim; also YORK MANUAL, 119; RYM., 
iv., 455 ; HIST. MSS., 2ND KEPT., 135 ; GIBBONS, ELY REC., 396. 



1 397-] Derry. 163 

cited to appear in the cathedral. The Bishop of Raphoe (Cor- 
nelius or Conchobhar Mc.Cormaic) was present with his Dean. 
The Dean of Derry was also there, but the Archdeacon and 
the ten Canons (who formed the Cathedral Chapter at Derry), 
were conspicuous by their absence, and were straightway de- 
clared to be "contumacious." The next day was Sunday, 
and the Archbishop crossed the river to Clooney, where a great 
crowd had assembled. An altar was extemporized in front of 
St. Brecan's Church, with decent trappings, and the Archbishop 
celebrated mass in the open air " in presence of thousands of 
the population." 1 The party then took leave of Derry and 
passed on to Dermot O'Kane. Here the Archbishop's services 
were called in to adjudicate on certain claims brought by wives 
of Irish chieftains, as to alleged breaches of the marriage law. 
The chieftains were present with bands of followers, and both 
sides appear to have submitted humbly to the English-bred 
Archbishop's decision as final and binding. Thence they moved 
to Banagher, where they were again entertained with the usual 
village hospitality. The next day (October i6th), an excursion 
was made to the neighbouring Priory of Dungiven. Returning 
to Banagher, the Archbishop was gratified to receive the abso- 
lute and unconditional submission, on oath, of the contumacious 
Archdeacon and Canons of Derry. The Dean and the Arch- 
deacon each presented a horse, and in making their submission 
they only prayed that their revenues might not be granted out 
to some powerful layman to farm. The object of the journey 
was thus fully accomplished, and the victory of the representa- 
tive of English supremacy is all the more striking when we look 
over the names of the contumacious clerics : O'Kane, Mac 
Heyge, Mc.Glachlyn, O'Morrissy, Mc.Calmer, O'Kinlay, Doyle, 

1 COLTON, 30. The whole population of Ireland at the close of the 
twelfth century is estimated at about 900,000. LYNCH, u., 764. 



1 64 The " Wild Irish." [CHAP. XLVI. 

O'Fenaghty, O'Cassidy, all of genuine Irish extraction. After 
settling one or two disputes between natives, and excommunica- 
ting the laymen who had usurped illegal rights in the diocese, 
the Archbishop and his party left Banagher on October lyth, 
the Dean and the Archdeacon of Derry accompanying them 
two miles on their road. They crossed the Sperrin mountains, 
where roads were quite unknown, and followed the course of 
the Glenelly till they found themselves in their own diocese 
again, at Desertcreat, in the present county of Tyrone, where 
the notary's record abruptly leaves them. It is significant how- 
ever that the practical results of the visitation are summed up 
in the appointment of certain ecclesiastics to represent the 
Archbishop as collectors of rents, and an elaborate schedule * is 
affixed in which the rent-roll of the diocese is set out with 
business-like detail. 

The Archbishop and his officials had been ten days 
"amongst the Irish," 2 and the ease with which they moved 
from place to place, the kindness and deference with which 
they were everywhere received, prove conclusively that if the 
account of the Frenchman 3 who accompanied King Richard II. 
in his hosting against the Irish in Waterford, Kilkenny, and 
Carlow is correct, the same cannot be true of the whole of the 
country. In distant Derry, far " out of the world's eye,' M where 
the tribes were reputed to be "more warlike 3 and more trucu- 
lent " than in the South, there are good roads, the people traffic 
with coined money, 6 they plough their land, grow wheat, 7 rear 

1 Dated Derry, October 8th, 1397* showing that their visit was to some 
extent pre-arranged. 2 Inter Hibernicos. 3 Vol. I., 219. 4 SPENSER, 410. 
s GIRALD., v., 340, 350. 6 In 1851, about fifty coins, temp. II. IV. and 
VI., were found at Grey Abbey, Co. Down. ULSTER JOURN. OF ARCH., 
i., 167. In the TRIPARTITE LIFE OF ST. PATRICK, compiled about the 
eleventh century, there is no trace of coined money. STOKES, I., cli. For 
mints at Downpatrick and Carrickfergus, see NUM. CHRON., N. S., III., 149. 
For Danish coinage at Dublin, see NUM. CHRON., 3rd S., n., 308; in., 
32. For Anglo-Saxon coins in Meath, see ibid., v., 129. ? COLTON, 39. 



1 39 7.] Thomond. 165 

cattle, swine, garrons, and nags, they have scarlet cloth and 
grey cloth, they distil whiskey l in " corkans " and great brass 
pans, they are hospitable and devout even where they have to 
deal with a red-hot partisan of English rule, coming to enforce 
claims upon them that their leaders refuse to admit, after a 
quarter of a century spent in acts of bloodshed against their 
nation in the name of a government which they hated. It is 
true that the Archbishop was accompanied by the Abbot of 
Armagh, who would come well credentialled to his brethren 
the Austin Canons of Derry and Dungiven, that the civilising 
Christianity of Patrick and Columba had struck deeper root 
among the Scots of the north than in the south, and that these 
distant parts had kept their primitive customs 2 uncorrupted by 
contact with greedy adventurers from England. 

These momentary lifts of the curtain which shrouds the 
" wild Irish " of the North are a startling proof of the miscon- 
ceptions that blinded the eyes of English statesmen and writers. 
To them the " mere Irishman" was a felon. 8 To murder 4 him 
was no crime in English law, and even if he begged for 
naturalisation 5 his prayer was generally refused. Moreover, 
such scanty light as we find thrown here and there upon the 
life of the Irish in the Western parts of the island, reveals a 
condition of things similar to that which we find in the North. 

1 COLTON, 51. In 1405, the Irish annals record the earliest known 
instance of an Irish chief killing himself with drinking too heavily of whiskey 
(usque-baugh or uisce-betha, aqua vitse) LOCH OB, n., 113 ; the hero thus 
immortalized being the heir of the MacRaghnaills or Reynolds of County 
Leitrim. WRIGHT (l., 219) is wrong in supposing this to be the first 
mention of whiskey. See ULSTER JOURN. OF ARCH^EOL., vi., 283 ; vn., 
33. For the process of distilling, and the sovereign virtues of this " queen 
and mother of medicines," see RED BOOK OF OSSORY in HIST. MSS., IOTH 
REPT., Pt. v., p. 254. In 1417, the REGISTER OF EXETER COLLEGE, 
Oxford, has i6d. pro aqua vitas et zuccara. BOASE, EXON., 10. In KING- 
STON'S COMPOTUS, 1390-91, is an entry: pro aqua ardenti, bought at 
Konigsberg. HIRSCH, n., 791. 2 O'CoNOR, i., 75. 3 DUBLIN ST. MARY'S, 
i., 275. * J. DAVIES, 65 ; LYNCH, i., 215, 221. s j. DAVIES, 72. 



1 66 The "Wild Irish." [CHAP. XLVI. 

An examination of some original Irish deeds executed about 
this time in Limerick * and the district of Thomond or North 
Munster, exhibits very much the same level of civilisation 
as in Derry. The Brehons commit their decisions to writing, 
and base their judgments on appeals to written law. The 
people traffic with English nobles, 8 groats, and pence, and cast 
accounts in marks and shillings. They will away their land at 
death and seem reasonably clad, the women wearing gowns, 
shirts, and barries. 3 

St. Patrick's Hole, 4 or " The Purgatory," 5 on the island in 
Lough Derg, in County Donegal, was in those days a famous 
place of pilgrimage, and every now and then some English or 
foreign dare-devil would enter it to hold a night's communion 6 
with the dead. But though the feat is always spoken of as 
perilous, the danger consisted in facing the horrors reputed to 
be working underground, rather than in venturing amongst 
treacherous half-savage tribes in the surrounding country. All 
that was wanted was a passport properly vised in Dublin, and 
the adventurer found his journey ordinarily secure. In the 
winter of 1353, a lusty 7 young Hungarian noble, living in 
Apulia, named George Grissafary, arrived at Lough Derg with 
a letter 8 from the great Archbishop, Richard Fitzralph, the 

1 TRANSACTIONS OF IRISH ACADEMY, xv., 32. - RUDING, i., 480. 

3 "Barread." Cf. "barrow-coat," in PATERSON'S DIALECTS OF ANTRIM ; 
and " barra-cwoat " in ARCH^EOL. CAMBR., Ser. v., i., 7, January, 1884. 

4 FROIS. , iv. , 177 (JOHNES) ; STOW, CHRON., 310. 5 MATT. PAR., n., 
192-203 ; MIGNE, PATROLOGIA, 180, pp. 971-1003. For a transcript from 
BARBERINI MS., 270, in the Vatican, now in the Record Office (TRANSCR. 
FOR. REC., 158, pp. 174-182), see HARDY, SYLLABUS, in., L. It contains 
the account of Gilbert, a monk of Louth in Lincolnshire, afterwards Abbot 
of Basingwerk (circ. 1196), and is the original authority for the story of 
Owayne Miles. BURTON (MELSA), i., 139-149 ; HARL. MS., 273, f. 191 ; 
BELLESHEIM, i., 580. For account by Marie de France, see SANTANDER 
LASERNA, 6 ; LEGRAND D'AUSSY, v., 93 ; MERAY, i., 282. 6 In Hibernia 
ubi vident mortuos. WYCLIFFE, DE EUCHARISTIA, 185. For Wycliffe's 
protest against it, see BUDDENSIEG, I., 148. 7 Homo robustus et cordatus. 
* It is dated at his manor of Rivernieschnie, February 22nd, 1353. 



1 35 3-] & Patrick's Purgatory. 167 

island monastery being an offshoot of the Abbey at Armagh. 
George was then only twenty-four years of age, but he had 
already killed 260 men in various encounters, and after visiting 
the shrine of St. James at Compostella, he was advised to enter 
the Irish Hole l at the ends of the earth. On his arrival, he 
fasted for fifteen days on bread and water. Then for five 
mornings in succession he lay on a bier in the chancel of the 
Priory church, covered with a black cloth, while the bells tolled 
and the monks chanted the office for the dead over him with 
censer, cross, and holy water. Machamatery, the king of the 
district, with his nobles, then came to see him enter. They 
crossed to the little island where the Hole was covered with 
three large stones weighing 700 or 800 Ib. apiece. These had 
not been moved for the last thirty years, but George lifted them 
off with ease. Dressed in three white tunics, without girdle, 
hood, or sandals, he stood a step or two down, so that half of 
his body was still above ground. He then tied a St. Patrick's 
cross to his left hand, and they lost sight of him as he sang : 
" Christ, have mercy on me a sinner ! " All that follows is his 
own account authenticated by the Prior twenty-four hours after- 
wards, though not committed to writing in its present form 2 till 
more than a century later. He found himself on a winding stair 
made like a creeping vine, of firm and solid steps, such as you 
have in a belfry, but more than two miles deep ! After he had 
gone down about a mile he prayed, and immediately he saw a 
great light like the sun rising, which increased in brightness till 
he got to the bottom step. Here he came to a small hole, and 
beyond was a field of clean earth without grass, trees, or stones. 

1 Puteum seu senscla (spehmcam ?) putealem et profundam valde qua 
descenditur ad purgatorium S. Patricii. 2 See extracts from Vatican MS., 
5802, m. 8, written in 1474, in TBANSCR. FOR. REC., 158, p. 137; also 
BELLESHEIM, i., 581, from monastery at Melk, or Molk, on the Danube 
near Vienna. 



1 68 The "Wild Irish." [CHAP. XLVI. 

Crossing this he saw a very white chapel with two doors, before 
which he prostrated himself, till three old men came out. They 
had white robes and white beards down to their waists, and 
they were all so much alike that you could not tell one from 
the other. They led him in and whispered in his ear what he 
would meet on his journey, but told him always to turn his 
cross to the demons. He then seemed to be filled with heavenly 
food which flowed like honey through all his limbs. The old 
men vanished, and he went on to another field and saw 3,000 
demons in the shapes of different horrible animals, lions, bears, 
and wolves, breathing a nasty sulphurous fire through their 
mouths, noses, eyes, and ears. They began to puzzle him with 
logical syllogisms about the Incarnation, but he bafHed them 
all by the virtue of faith, or by the shrewdness l of his distinc- 
tions, till all the objections of the devils were burst up by his 
school theology. 2 He then passed to the gates of hell and 
saw divers souls being tortured in purgatory. Then St. Michael 
appeared and took him to Paradise, and showed him all the 
joys of the Blessed. Then all melted away, and Michael took 
him back in an instant to St. Patrick's chapel, where King 
Machamatery and the Prior found the two of them talking 
together. Michael made the sign of the cross, gave them all 
his blessing like a bishop, and vanished, leaving a very nice 
smell 3 to refresh them with wonderful suavity. Then they 
began to snip off pieces of George's garments as relics, and 
would have perhaps cut off all his hair and sent him away 
naked, if King Machamatery had not forcibly stopped them. 

In the winter of 1397, a Spaniard, Raymond 4 Viscount of 
Perilhos 5 came to Drogheda 6 to consult Archbishop Colton, on 

1 Distinctionis acumine. 2 Derumpta ex theologia scholastica. 3 Odor 
valde placabilis. 4 T. WRIGHT, 136; O'SULLIVAN, HIST. CATH., 14; 
LYNCH, i., 150; BELLESHEIM, L, 581, calls him chamberlain to the King 
of France. * For la Perilhos Hall at Oxford, see LYTE, 141. 6 GILBERT, 276. 



1 39 7-] Voyage de St. Patrice. 169 

his way to the Purgatory. Colton strongly urged him not to try 
the "perilous risks," 1 but the Spaniard went forward with un- 
shaken determination. He returned loaded with presents and 
delighted with the friendliness of the native chiefs who claimed 
affinity 2 with the Spaniards by a long-standing tradition. The 
journey was likewise performed in perfect safety by an English- 
man, William Staunton, 3 in 1409, and a Hungarian, Lawrence 
Rathold, 4 in 1411. In I4i4, 5 the French traveller, Gilbert 
de Lannoy, after visiting Spain, Prussia, Russia, and Lettowe, 
came to England, intending to make the voyage de St. Patrice, 
but he was detained a prisoner in England and we have 
therefore missed all chance of a description from his practised 
and observant pen. 

1 RYM., vi., 107 ; vni., 14. 2 SPENSER, 344, 346, 353. 3 LYNCH, i., 
150. 4 For account by James Yong, see WARE, IRISH WRITERS, i., xi, 
22; ROYAL MS. (Brit. Mus.), 10 B. ix., 36 b; TRIN. COLL., DUEL., E, 
3, 31 ; LAMBETH, 633 ; DUBLIN ST. MARY'S, i., xxviii.; DEP. KEEP. 36TH 
REPT., 224; GIRALD., i., 63. For YONG'S translation of the PRIVITY OF 
PRIVITIES (Secreta Secretorum) in 1419-1422, for James Butler, fourth Earl 
of Ormonde, now in Bodl. Lib., see GILBERT, MSS., 117. 5 LANNOY, 31. 
For the visit of Conrad von Scharnachthal in 1446, see ARCH^EOL. JOURN., 
xvi. , 360. 



CHAPTER XLVII. 

USK. 

IMMEDIATELY after the success at Grosmont an order was 
issued (dated March 24th, 1405 l ) appointing the Prince of Wales 
Lieutenant of North Wales for a year. He was to command the 
army originally intended to serve under the King himself, and 
the number of archers was to be raised, at the end of June,, 
from 2650 to 3000. The Duke of York was of course relieved 
of all command. The King was to lead a smaller force of 144 
men-at-arms and 720 archers, bound to serve for a whole year, 
and besides this 356 men-at-arms and 1780 archers were to be 
distributed as garrisons in the castles of Carmarthen, 2 Newcastle- 
in-Emlyn, Cardigan, 3 Brecknock, Radnor, Abergavenny and 
Hay, while Oswestry* and Chepstow were to be defended 
against the attacks of the Welsh. On May 2nd, 1405^ orders 
were given to send guns and stonebows 6 into Wales, and the 
King had already left Windsor to take up his command. We 
trace him at Oxford 7 (April 25th and 26th, 1405), at Woodstock 
(April 27th), and at Chipping Norton (April 29th). His tents 
and pavilions were sent down to Worcester 8 where he had 
arrived by May 4th, 9 but before he could advance further 
another decisive blow had been struck at the Welsh. 

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 29. 2 Under Thomas Roche, PAT., 6 H. IV., 29. 
August 3ist, 1405. 3 Under Sir Thomas Beaufort. 4 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 
18, 19. s Ibid., 2, 26 d. 6 See CONGREVE, s.v. BALISTA; also VIOLLET- 
LE-Duc, ARCHITECTURE, s.v. ENGIN, v., 249. For the portable stone- 
bow (arc-d-perre), see LIB. ALB., L, 278. ^ Due. LANG. REG., XL, 15. 
8 L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., 12, i, APP. C. VESP., F., 
xiii., 20 (17), has a letter from John Prophete, the King's Secretary, dated 
at Worcester, May 3rd, desiring payment of ^100 due to him for salary. 
The year should be 1405, not 1406 as in Catalogue. 9 Due. LANG. REG., 
XL, 15, Pt. 3, m. 5, shows that he was at Worcester, May 4th, 6th, 9th,. 
and loth, 1405. 



1405.] Mynnyd-y-Pwl-Melyn. 171 

The Prince had not yet gone to his command in North 
Wales but had advanced from Hereford southwards, where he 
came up with a large band of Welshmen near Usk. 1 The Eng- 
lish attacked, 2 and in spite of the courage of the Welsh, and 
their skilful 3 use of pikes and bows, 1500 of them were killed 
or captured. Owen's younger 4 brother Tudor was amongst the 
killed, and from the resemblance it was believed by the English 
that they had despatched the dreaded leader himself, but on 
examining the body it was found not to have the wart over the 
eyebrow which was known to be Owen's distinctive body-mark 
and the rebel chief was still at large. Among the prisoners was 
Griffith, 5 one of Owen's sons, and towards the end of October, 
1405^ the English had the good fortune also to secure the per- 
sons of John Hanmer, 7 Griffith Yonge the Chancellor, and 

1 CARTE (n., 665) quoting ELLIS, names the place Mynydh Pwlwellin, 
which he thinks is " near Grosmont," probably guessing from RYM., vni., 
390. See also BRIDGEMAN, 263; WILLIAMS, APP. 114. PENNANT (i., 
370) gives Mynnyd-y-Pwll-Melyn, and places it in Brecknockshire. See 
also CAMBRO-BRITON, m., 24. IOLO MS., quoted in HIST. TRADITIONS, 
iv., 30, calls it " Pwl Melyn mountain near Usk." STOTHARD supposes 
the Earl of Warwick to have been present in the engagement. 2 ANN., 
399) gives May 5th ; OTTERBOURNE (251) has March i5th. 3 HISTORICAL, 
TRADITIONS, iv. , 29. 4 Three years his junior. SCROPE AND GROSVENOR, 
I., 260; BRIDGEMAN, 250, 263. Called Clindon Tider in LUSSAN, iv. , 
no, 189, 193. 5 RYM., VIIL, 484; DEVON, 305, 312; MONSTR., n., 55. 
RAMSAY, i., 85, thinks that he was captured at Grosmont. For another 
son, named Meredith, see p. 15 ; RYM., ix., 330; WILLIS, ST. ASAPH, i., 
77 ; BRIDGEMAN, 262. For four of his illegitimate children, see PENNANT, 
I., 331. In COTHI, 392, is a reference to Gwenlliant, a daughter of Owen, 
who married Philip ap Rhys, of Cennarth, or Kennarth, near St. Harmon's, 
in Radnorshire. DICT. NAT. BIOG., xxi., 434; LEWIS, s.v. From 
VINCENT'S COLLECTIONS in the College of Arms (T. ELLIS in BRIDGEMAN, 
262), Owen's sons were Griffith, Madoc, Meredith, Thomas, and John. 
His daughters were Isabel (married Adam ap Jorwerth Dhu), Alice (mar- 
ried Sir John Skidmere, or Scudamore, of Kentchurch, Co. Hereford, or 
Holm Lacy, according to PENNANT, I., 331), Janet (married Sir John Croft, 
of Croft Castle, p. 89), Margaret (married Roger Monington, of Monington, 
Co. Hereford), and one who married Edmund Mortimer (Vol. I., p. 344). 
When IOLO GOCH says that Owen's children " came in pairs " (PENNANT, 
i., 330), he surely cannot mean that they " were introduced in pairs to the 
venerable stranger," as CAMBRO-BRITON, i., 459. 6 ANN., 400; OTTER- 
BOURNE, 251. 7 Vol. I., p. 447. Called Hanimer or Hannimer in YEAR 
BOOK, 49 Ed. III., HIL., pp. 6, 7, 9. 



172 Usk. [CHAP. XLVII. 

Owen's relative and secretary named Owen ap Griffith ap 
Richard. 1 These were all sent to London and lodged in the 
Tower, 2 suitable payment being provided for their maintenance 
during their stay. 

The King in the meantime had written to the council from 
Worcester, on May 8th, 1405, desiring information as to the 
arrangements for meeting all necessary demands. The council 
replied that they had arranged for full payment of the King's 
forces for three months, as well as providing 1,000 for the 
expenses of the Royal Household. But this was all that they 
could do, and the garrisons in the castles had to be put off with 
promises based upon the next quarterly receipts, which were 
not claimable till next Midsummer Day* (June 24th, 1405). In 
the case of Brecknock and Radnor, Lord Grey, of Codnor, had 
advanced wages for the troops 5 to the amount of 556, taking 
jewels and gold vessels in pledge, and before many weeks were 
out, he sent the usual dunning protest 6 that the receivers would 
not pay him, that he could not find the money himself nor get 
his goods and harness across from Carmarthen to Brecknock, 
that the expense was unbearable, and that if he did not get paid 
at once he must beg the King to hold him excused from further 
service. Before leaving Worcester, the King issued proclama- 
tions 7 to the Sheriffs of Yorkshire, Lincolnshire, Derby, and 
Nottingham, requiring them to arrest all persons who were 
found to be spreading rumours of disaster. Then in pursuance 
of his declared intention to enter Wales, he moved on to Here- 
ford, where he made his headquarters from the i4th to the 23rd 

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 304; DEVON, 306. 2 EuL., in., 402; RYM., 
viii., 484; EXCH. ROLLS SCOT., iv., cci., from ISSUE ROLL, 8 II. IV., 
MICH. 3 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 259. CALIG., D. iv., has a heading dated 
May 8th, Henry IV. to Privy Council. 4 Vol. I., p, 478 ; DEP. KEEP. 
2ND REPT., APP. ii., 182. 5 Eighty men-at-arms and 400 archers. ROT. 
VIAG., 18. 6 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 277. 7 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 7, dated 
Worcester, May Qth, 1405. 



1405.] Hereford. 173 

of May. 1 But there was a general lukewarmness and great 
unwillingness to join the expedition, and the sheriffs of the 
neighbouring counties were ordered to arrest deserters 2 and 
imprison them on their return to their homes. Moreover, the 
danger was now subsiding in South Wales and the Prince 
hastened to his command at Chester, where he had called a 
council to meet on May 27th, 1405. 

All further question, however, of serious operations was 
promptly settled by the arrival of intelligence which forced the 
King to quit Hereford abruptly on the 23rd of May. He left 
William Beauchamp, 3 Lord of Abergavenny, as his Lieutenant 
in South Wales, and on May 24th, 4 he was back again at 
Worcester, and after a stay of three days he sped on to the post 
of danger in the North. The Prince of Wales likewise gave up 
his proposed council at Chester. His presence was required 
elsewhere for more stirring work. On Thursday, 5 May 28th, 
1405, he was at Warrington, on the following day at Preston, 
and on May 3oth at Skipton, moving forward by forced marches 
to join his father at York. 

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 18, 19, though GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 17, has a docu- 
ment dated from Worcester on May 22nd. See LANG. REC. CHANCERY 
Misc., 1-4 H. IV., m. 13, and Due. LANG. REC., XL, 15, Pt. 3, mm. 3, 
46, for documents dated at Hereford, May 1 5th, 2Oth, 22nd, 23rd. 2 ROT. 
VIAG., 18, May I4th, 1405. 3 For his will dated April 25th, 1408, see 
GENEAL., v., 214. He died May 8th, 1411. DUGD., i., 239. In CLAUS., 
12 H. IV., 5, 20, July 6th and 2Oth, he is referred to as dead. 4 Due. 
LANG. REG., XL, 15, Pt. 3, 5, has a document dated Worcester, May 24th, 
1405 ; also PRIV. SEAL, 7193, May 26th, 1405. 5 BEAMONT, i., 228, quo- 
ting ADLINGTON PAPERS (i.e., MS. account of the Legh Family, RENAUD, 
87; EABWAKER, IL, 235, 237; CROSTOST, NOOKS AND CORNERS, 301), 
shows that Sir Robert Legh, of Adlington, was to join the Prince at War- 
rington with 100 men. See HALL, NANTWICH, 88, from HARL. MS., 
1988, f. 135, for Kingsley and Minshull. 



CHAPTER XLVIII. 
LORD BARDOLPH. 

ONE of the Barons who should have joined the King at 
Worcester, was Thomas, Lord Bardolph of Wormegay, 1 in the 
Marshland near Lynn. He was the fifth Baron in direct 
descent from an old family originally settled in Essex, where 
he still had possessions in the marshes on the east coast and 
had doubtless helped to stir up the recent sedition. But his 
ancestors had likewise secured by marriage large estates 8 in 
Norfolk, Suffolk, Lincoln, Sussex, Oxford, 3 Bucks, and other 
counties. He was born in December, 1368,* at the manor of 
Birling, 5 near Cuckmere Haven, on the grassy downs behind 
Beachy Head. In 1382, he married Avise, 6 daughter of Sir 
Ralph Cromwell, of Tattershall, near Horncastle, in Lincoln- 
shire. He was connected with the Mortimer family by his 
mother's second marriage with Sir Thomas Mortimer, 7 a partisan 
of the Duke of Gloucester, who had been declared a traitor by 
the Parliament, in I397, 8 and had fled to Ireland, where he 
died in 1402? Lord Bardolph was now thirty-six years of age, 
in the full prime of his strength, famed for his manly 10 form, his 
feats of arms and powerful physique, a member of the council, 
and closely connected by personal and family interest with the 

1 Wormiga. GASC., 229; or Wyrmegeye. See will of Lord William 
Bardolph, dated September I2th, 1384, in TEST. VET., i., 116; or 1385, 
in STAPLETON, cxxn. 2 INQ. p. MORT., in., 286, 4 H. IV., 39. 3 PAT., 
7 H. IV., i., 25, 26. 4 STAPLETON, cxxvm. s Ibidem, CXL.; SUSSEX 
ARCH^OL. COLL., XL, 151. 6 Called Avicia in STAPLETON, cxxm., 
CXLIX.; PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 18 ; GLAUS., 8 H. IV., 17; 9 H. IV., n ; 
INQ. P. MORT., iv., 57 ; but Amicia ibid., m., 53 ; iv., 465 ; PAT. 6 H. 
IV., 2, 7, August nth, 1405 ; GLAUS., 13 H. IV., 38. 7 TEST. VET., i., 
162 ; not Roger, as DUGDALE, i., 683. 8 ROT. PAUL., in., 380. 9 STAPLE- 
TON, CXLII. I0 ANN., 402. 



1405.] Thomas, Lord Bardolph. 175 

Earl of Northumberland. 1 His mother, in her will, 2 directed 
that the Earl should superintend the arrangements for her 
funeral; his daughter, Ann, 3 then fourteen years of age, was 
married to Sir William Clifford,* who was the Earl's right-hand 
man, and there can be little doubt that he was one of those 
who were prepared for a rising in the winter of 1404, as soon 
as they should have secured the person of the young Earl of 
March. Previously to the events with which we are now 
concerned he is said to have been convicted 5 of treason and 
pardoned, possibly in connection with the rising in 1403. 

At Henry's first landing in Yorkshire he appears to have 
been one of his steady supporters, more perhaps under the 
influence of the Percies than from genuine personal attachment. 
In the Great Council held February Qth, i4oo, 6 at a supremely 
critical moment in the opening of Henry's career, he volun- 
teered to help him against the French or the Scots, in his own 
person, "without wages or reward." On May 24th, 14007 his 
services were acknowledged by a continuation of a grant of 
manors in Yorkshire, Surrey, and Oxford ; he was with the 
King's army which invaded Scotland in August, i4oo, 8 and he 
appears as a member of the council, advising on the weightiest 
affairs, even down to the opening of the year I405. 9 At the 

1 buGDALE, I., 683. 2 Dated January gth, 1403. TEST. VET., i., 162. 
3 PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 16; GLAUS., 14 H. IV., 6; INQ. P. MORT., in., 327; 
AD QUOD DAMN., 359 ; STAPLE-TON, CXLIX. She afterwards married Sir 
Reginald Cobham of Starborough, and her monument is still in Lingfield 
Church. SURREY ARCH^OL. COLL., IL, 146, 150; MANNING AND 
BRAY, IL, 353. Lord Bardolph's other daughter, Joan, became the wife of 
Sir William Phelip, of Dennington in Suffolk. PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 9 
(June 28th, 1409) ; GLAUS., 10 H. IV., 23 (February nth, 1409) ; STAPLE- 
TON, CLV. 4 Vol. I., p. 450. In GLAUS., 10 H. IV., 27 d., Sir William 
<le Clifford de com. Lincoln was present in the Chancery on November I5th, 
1408. 5 CHRON. GILES, 42. 6 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 106 ; Vol. I., p. 124. 
7 DUGDALE, i., 683; STAPLETON, CXLII. 8 Q.R. ARMY, *|, APP. G. 
9 ORD. PRIV. Co., I., 245. Ibid., IL, 98, contains his summons to a Great 
Council without date, referred by Sir H. Nicholas to 1405, but this is 
probably too late, for Sir John Dabridgecourt is in the list, and he was 
killed at Shrewsbury, July 2 1st, 1403. 



176 Lord Bardolph. [CHAP. XLVIII. 

meetings * in London and St. Albans he had led the party who 
were opposed to granting funds, and on receiving his summons 
to meet the King at Worcester and proceed with him against 
the Welsh he disregarded the order and secretly went north- 
wards to join the Earl of Northumberland. 

That scheming old kingmaker had learnt neither wisdom nor 
candour from his former failures. It would seem as though King 
Henry was personally 2 devoted to him. The remembrance of 
his obligations to him in the past, the pious drops that he had 
shed over Hotspur's corpse at Shrewsbury, and the longing for 
some real friendships in a court charged full with treason, appear 
to have blinded him to the dictates of prudence, and driven him 
into the toils of his faithless " Mattathias " 8 once again. On the 
1 6th of November, 1404,* he returned the castles of Berwick 
and Jedburgh to the Earl's keeping, and the close of the year 
brought no abatement of his confidence. 5 Like the Duke 
of York and others who proved themselves utterly unworthy to 
be trusted, the Earl was made a leading member of several of 
those county commissions which were appointed in October, 
I404, 6 with large powers to repress " travellingmen " and keep 
the peace in the counties. He was summoned to take his place 
at a council which would meet at Westminster, on January 
2ist, 1405. The summons reached him at Warkworth on the 

1 ANN. , 402. 2 FONBLANQUE, I. , 177, thinks that Henry made the Percies 
" the unconscious instruments of his unscrupulous designs," in 1399. In 1405, 
he thinks " it was an easy matter for designing men to work upon the mind of 
the old Earl, as by his desolate hearth he brooded over the past." Ibid., 
i., 233. 3 Cf. CHRON. DE LANEBCOST, 347, 350. See also POL. SONGS, 
CAMD. Soc., p. 75. Deus dat in fine seculi novum Mathathiam et cum 
suis filiis zelans zelum legis : of Simon de Montfort, written after the battle 
of Lewes. Cf. KNIGHTON, 2445, where Simon de Montfort, struggling for 
the liberties of his country, is called "Simon Machabaeus." Add the in- 
scription on the tomb of Baldwin (son of Godfrey of Boulogne), at Jerusa- 
lem. " Rex Baldwinus alter Judas Machabaeus, spes patrioe, vigor eccleshe, 
virtus utriusque." (HIST. DES CKOISADES, i., 429, u., 441.) 4 Vol. II., 
p. 57. SORD. PRIV. Co.,i.,244. 6 PAT.,6 H. IV., i.,35 d, Oct. nth, 1404. 



1405.] " Vostre Mathathias" 177 

3rd of January, and on the i2th of January 1 he replied in his 
old playful name excusing himself on account of his recent 
arrival in Northumberland, his advanced age, and his poor 
health, which could not endure so long a journey in the winter. 
He finished his letter with a prayer that heaven would grant an 
honoured life and joy and health to his most dread Lord and 
Sovereign. He continued his dissimulation as late as March 
22nd, 1405," when he attended a council at Westminster. On 
leaving London he betook himself to the North where he was 
joined by emissaries 8 from the Welsh, including Bishop Trevor, 
of St. Asaph, and Bifort, Owen's nominee for the vacant see of 
Bangor, to keep him informed as to the prospects in Wales, 
together with the Abbot 4 of the Premonstrants, or White 
Canons, from Welbeck, in Nottinghamshire, who would advise 
and assist him in winning over partisans amongst the disaffected 
clergy in the north of England. The failure of the Duke of 
York's plot, the recapture of the Mortimer boys, and the disas- 
trous defeat of the Welsh at Grosmont, must have hastened 
his determination to strike a sharp blow in the North before it 
was too late. By advice of Sir William Clifford the garrisons of 
the recovered castles had been strengthened, and the conspira- 
tors only waited for the King's departure for Wales and the 
arrival of Lord Bardolph from London. The Earl received his 
summons 5 to attend the council, at Easter (April ipth), but it 
is needless to say that he did not heed it, and before Lord 
Bardolph could arrive the rising had begun. 

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., u., 103; FONBLANQUE, i., 234. 3 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 
250, not 120, as Vol. II., p. 54. Amongst the members present are 
" Messires les Dues." It is difficult to say who can be meant. Except the 
Prince of Wales, who was Duke of Lancaster, Cornwall, and Aquitaine, the 
only living Duke was the Duke of York, who was at that time a prisoner. 
3 SCOTICHROX., ii., 441. 4 In GLAUS., 9 II. IV., 12 d, John, Abbot of 
Welbeck, comes before the Prior of Newstead at Welbeck on April 2nd, 
1408, to acknowledge a debt. 5 HARD., 362. 

N 



178 Lord Bardolph. [CHAP. XLVIII. 

After the close of the Great Council, reports had come in 
of disturbances in Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland 
and Yorkshire. Disloyal emissaries 1 were passing night and 
day from town to town, spreading rumours of disaster and 
rousing the people to rebel. On April 7th, 1405,2 Sir William 
Gascoigne and Sir Henry Fitzhugh were despatched from St. 
Albans to enquire and report, and there can be little doubt as 
to the tidings they brought back. Early in May, 1405, Robert 
Waterton was sent to the Earl of Northumberland at Wark- 
worth, bearing a message in the King's name. But the Earl was 
now fully compromised. He seized the envoy (May 6th, 1405*) 
and threw him into prison. The Earl of Westmoreland was 
staying in Sir Ralph Viner's * castle. Four hundred armed men 
were hastily collected to surround the approaches and seize him 
in the night, but he got wind of their purpose and escaped 
in the darkness. Prince John was perilously isolated at Ber- 
wick, and sent word to London of his danger. Hereupon the 
Council ordered two of their most discreet 5 and trusted members 
to proceed to the North without delay. These were the Ex- 
Treasurer, 8 Lord de Roos, and Sir William Gascoigne, the 
Chief Justice of the King's Bench. 

1 ANN., 402 ; GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 7. 2 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 28. 3 R OT . 
PARL., in., 605, 607. In PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 6, this date is referred to as 
the beginning of the treason. 4 ANN. , 400. The name does not occur in 
the rolls of Bishops Skirlawe and Langley, calendared in DEP. KEEP. 33RD 
KEPT., and the only reference that I can find to it is in the CHRONICLE OF 
ALNWICK (HARL. MS., 692, Art. 12, fol. 195-203, printed in ARCH/EOL. 
yELiAN., in., I., 44), where Sir Ralph de Viners is one of thirteen knights 
who dined with the Earl of Northumberland (then Sir Henry Percy) in 
1376, when upwards of 200 persons dined (in two relays) in the refectory of 
Alnwick Abbey, and 1,020 in the cloisters. The name is certainly Vyner 
in the C. C. C. MS., but it may be meant for Sir Ralph Eure, otherwise 
Ewerye, Ewere, Evers, Iver, Yver, Yuere, Yvers, &c. Q. R. ARMY, \ , 
App. G.; WILLS AND INVENTORIES, i., no, 234, 254; ROT. SCOT., IL, 
173 ; RYM., VIIL, 384. The castle would then probably be Witton on the 
Wear, above Bishop Auckland, which was fortified about this time. DEP. 
KEEP. 33RD REPT., 91 ; SURTEES, i., Ivii. s QRD. PRIV. Co., i., 262. 
6 Vol. IL, p. 112. Appointed September 9th, 1403. DUGDALE, CHRON. 
SER.; KAL. AND INV. } IIL, 364; ROT. SCOT., in., 172; RYM., vni., 364. 



CHAPTER XLIX. 

JUDGE GASCOIGNE. 

THE two were intimate 1 friends, and both were Yorkshiremen 
of influence and position in their native county. 

The former, William, seventh Baron de Roos, Lord of the 
castles of Belvoir and Helmsley (or Hamlake), was descended 
from a long line of statesmen and warriors who ruled 3 in the 
wooded shelters of the Hambledon Hills in right of their 
descent from the family of Walter Spec, 8 founder of the great 
Cistercian Abbey at Rievaux. In the delicate negotiations with 
the captains of the northern castles, in the previous summer, 
Lord de Roos had proceeded to Berwick * at great trouble and 
expense, had secured " certain bonds " made between Hotspur 
and his Scottish prisoners and brought them safely to the King 
at Pontefract. He had just resigned office as Treasurer of 
England, receiving an annuity of 100 marks 5 per annum. 

1 See DUGDALE, ST. PAUL'S, 354; BARONAGE, i., 550, for document 
dated at Helmsley, April I2th, 1409, in which Sir William Gascoigne and 
his brother Richard are parties to a deed whereby Beatrice, mother of Lord 
de Roos, founds a chantry in St. Paul's for the soul of her second husband, 
Thomas, fifth Lord de Roos, who died in 1384. See ARCH/EOLOGIA, L. 
518; PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 13. For his will, proved August igth, I384J 
see GIBBONS, 30. 2 For manors belonging to Mary, wife of John de 
Roos (died 1393), see INQ. p. MORT., in., 182. She was sister to 
Henry, Earl of Northumberland. ARCH^OL. INST. , 1846; NOTES OF 
MSS., 12. 3 " L'Espec," LEFROY, 7 ; " Especk," MONAST., v., 280; 
or " Spec," as he signs himself in RYM., i., 10 (edition 1816) ; T. SMITH' 
152. * DEVON, 300; ROT. SCOT., n., 172 a, July 9th, 1404. s p AT . } 5 
H. IV., i, 18 (December i8th, 1404); ISSUE ROLL, 12 H, IV., MICH., 
February 24th, 1411. On November 3Oth, 1406, he claims to be cousin and 
heir to Thomas de Roos, of Domseby (Dunsby ?), Lincolnshire, deceased. 
Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 8i ni . At Michaelmas. 1408, he is Steward 

and Master Forester of Pickering Forest, and Constable of the castle. 

LANC. REC., xxv., A. 20. On November i5th, 1408, he was present in 
the Chancery at Westminster. GLAUS., 10 H. IV., 27 d. In December, 



180 Judge Gascoigne. [CHAP. XLIX. 

Sir William Gascoigne, or Gascon, 1 was a commoner. His 
grandfather, William Gascoigne, 2 was a Yorkshire merchant 
living, in the reign of Edward I., at Kirkby Overblow, on the 
hillside overlooking Wharfedale. He purchased lands in the 
neighbouring district of Harewood. William Gascoigne the 
judge was the eldest of a family of eight, five of them sons and 
three daughters. He was bom about 1350 in his father's 
manor house, at Gowkthorpe, 3 or Gawthorpe, " an old building 
with four rooms all wainscotted and coloured like walnut-tree." * 
The young Yorkshireman is said to have been educated at the 
university of Cambridge, though this is more than doubtful. 
He studied law as a member of the Society of Gray's Inn, 5 in 
London, where the buildings were so cramped that the " young 
gentlemen" 8 had to "lodge double," or sleep two in a bed. 7 

1411, he was appointed a member of the Council, with a salary of ^100 per 
annum. ISSUE ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH., October 27th, 1412. See his 
will dated February 22nd, 1412, in TEST. VET., I., 181 ; TEST. EBOR., i., 
357 ; GIBBONS, 136. He died September 1st, 1414, and was buried in the 
Priory at Belvoir. DUGDALE, i., 552. For his monument in alabaster, 
now in Bottesford Church, see NICHOLS, IT., I., 29, 98. 

1 His son's name is so spelt in GILD OF CORPUS CHRISTI, YORK, 14. 
His nephew spells the name Gascoygne or Gascoyn. GASC. , (Hearne) II. , 
529. For 20 different ways of spelling the name, see THOKESBY, 181 ; 
CAMPBELL, CH. JUST., i., 121. This is outdone by the Lindsays, where 
the family biographer records 88 different ways of spelling the name. 
LIVES OF THE LINDSAYS, i., 413. 2 FOSTER, Vol. I., s.v. Memoirs of 
the family, communicated to the BIOGRAPHIA BRITANNICA, in., 2137, "by 
a descendant thereof," claim a very distinguished and remote origin ; but 
they had the good fortune to have " a celebrated antiquary " amongst them 
in the seventeenth century, who busied himself with "emendations and 
enlargements of Pedigrees." In REC. ROLL, 14 H. IV. MICH., November 
3rd, 1412, John Gascoigne is a collector of subsidy in York city. In ibid., 
December loth, 1412, Robert Gascoigne is late escheator of Yorkshire. 
3 So called in his will dated December I5th, 1419. TEST. EBOR., i., 394. 
For Gowk (cuckoo), see BRAND, I. , 121. 4 So described in 1656, when it 
was put up for sale with Harewood Manor. WHITAKEB, 167. 5 Where 
his arms may be seen in the west window of the hall, figured in DUGDALE, 
ORIGINES, 308. In HARL. MS., 1912, is a list put together in 1676 by 
a butler of the house, where Gascoigne's name appears as one of the 
"readers," or senior officers of the Society. Foss, ill., 383, calls the list 
"apocryphal." 6 DUGDALE, ORIG., 271-292; STOW, CHRON., 1076. 
7 HOLT, 70. 



1405.] Year Books. 181 

Here he would exercise his ingenuity or his memory by the 
usual eight years course of study and training. At the opening 
of each term cases were propounded, pleadings were got up by 
the students and " mooted nl or " bolted " in presence of the 
Society in the dining hall, each aspirant being bound under 
penalty to take his part in the argument without book or note. 
In 1367, he married a Yorkshire wife, Elizabeth, daughter of 
Alexander Mowbray, 2 of Kirklington, near Bedale, and before 
the close of the reign of Edward III. his name appears as 
an " apprentice of the law " in the Year Books, 8 or official 
reports, made up by authorized clerks at the public expense. 
In these were entered short summaries of the pleadings and 
decisions in all cases of interest where difficult issues were 
raised. In 1374,* an action was brought against a surgeon, 
J. Mortimer, in Thames Street, London, to recover damages 
sustained in some clumsy leechcraft, 6 done on a man's hand. 
Gascoigne appeared for the surgeon, and argued : first, that 
his client never bargained to heal the wound at all, as was 
frequently 6 the custom in those days ; and secondly, that the writ 
was bad, in-as-much as it made no mention of the place where 
the alleged bargain was entered into. Gascoigne's name does 
not occur again before the death of Edward III., but in the reign 

1 " In our law-universities at five years we deserved the title of moot- 
men, that is of those who could then like children begin to word it." 
LOND. AND MIDDLX. ARCH^OL. Soc. , v., 235. For " motyng at barre" 
and "motehalle," see PIERS PLO., v., 132, 148, 163. 2 GOUGH, in., 37. 
3 BLACKSTONE, i., 71. 4 YEAR BOOK, HIL., 48 Ed. III., 6. For the 
Magistri Sirurgici, see LIB. ALB., I., cix. 5 P. PLO., vn., 8 1 ; xix., 138 ; 
xxiii., 173 ; SMITH, 322. 6 See the action at Nottingham in 1436 against 
William Wawne, who bargained to cure a man's wife, and charged nd., 
which was prepaid ; but he mixed some stuff which almost killed the poor 
woman when she drank it, and the husband claimed 2os. damages. NOTT. 
REC., II., 156; see ibidem, 316. In 1411, Boniface Ferrer (MART., 
ANEC. , II., 1469) says that doctors exaggerate the complaints of their 
patients according to the fatness of their purses. Cf. Fals leches Thei 
asken hure huyre er they hit have deserved. P. PLO., IV. , 303. For an 
order (dated August 4th, 1404,) allowing only authorized persons to prac- 
tise, see ORDOXNANCES, ix., 26. 



1 82 Judge Gascoigne. [CHAP. XLIX. 

of Richard II. 1 he rose rapidly to eminence. In I386, 2 he was 
employed as counsel for the Abbot of Whitby in a dispute with 
the neighbouring burgesses. Before 1391,* he had attained the 
degree of a sergeant-at-law and was retained as one of the 
council* of Henry, as Earl of Derby, at a fixed fee of 203. per 
annum, with 265. 8d. as extras. None but sergeants could 
count (narrare)? or plead 6 at bar for pence and pounds, and the 
dignity was only conferred on " the discreetest persons " chosen 
from amongst the apprentices 7 of the law, in batches of seven or 
eight at a time as vacancies occurred, by the Chief Justice of 
Common Pleas 8 with the assent of all the judges of the land. 
It was usually a stepping-stone to the bench, or at least it was 
understood that no one, be he never so cunning and skilful in 
the laws of the realm, stood any chance of becoming a judge 
without having first served as a sergeant-at-law. None were 
eligible but those who had served at least sixteen years 9 in the 
" general study of the law," but so highly was the position rated 
in the fifteenth century, that it was believed that there was " no 
man of law 10 throughout the world which by reason of his office 
gaineth so much as one of these Serjeants." 

The ceremony of installation was burdened with suitable 
circumstance, and the poor men were kept feasting, kneeling, 
curtseying, posturing, and processioning about London " for the 
space of seven days." The pageantry is attractive enough to 

1 Foss, iv., 164, quoting RICHARD BELLEWE'S REPORTS. 2 WHITBY 
CHARTULARY, n., 504. 3 Foss, 290, following DUGD., CHRON. SER., 55 
(who quotes LIB. 21 R. II., m. l), wrongly supposes that he was first 
appointed a serjeant in 1397. 4 Due. LANG. REG., xxviu., 3, 4, APP. A. 
5 LIB. CUST., 281 ; LIB. ALB., i, 570. For narrator or conteur, see LIB. 
ALB., 21, 530. 6 That serven at barre 

To plede for penyes and poundes the lawe. 

P. PLO., i., 160 ; iv., 451 ; x., 45. 

7 ROT. PARL., iv., 107. 8 Formerly they had exclusive audience in the 
Court of Common Pleas. BALLANTYNE, 166. 9 Or by another reckoning 
thirty years from their first beginning as scholars. LOND. AXD MIDDLX. 
ARCH^OL. Soc. , v. , 235. I0 FORTESCUE, Ch. L. p. , 377 ; DUGD. , ORIG. ,112. 



1405.] Sergeants-at-Law. 183 

read about, the " new blue gowns 1 close afore with whole sleeves," 
the white silk coifs * fitting close to the head like a nightcap, the 
medley-coats, 8 and the hoods of murrey* and russet furred 5 with 
white budge. 8 But all this pomp and bobance 7 was dearly 
bought, for each candidate had to spend at least 400 marks 
(266 135. 4d.) out of his own pocket, some 40 of which went 
in buying gold rings to be given away as " tokens " to every 
person, of whatever rank, who took part in the ceremonies. 
One of Gascoigne's successors, Sir John Fortescue, who was 
made a sergeant in 1429,8 speaks feelingly on the subject, for 
" the rings which he then gave stood him in 50." Moreover, 
the sergeants-at-law were liable to be called upon to advance 
loans 9 to the King like wealthy abbots and traders in time of need. 

1 For the ceremony in 1521, see DUGD., ORIG., 114. For 1552 and 
1559, see MACHYN, 26, 195. 2 They cared for no coyffes that men of court 
usyn. RICH. REDELES, in., 320. See PLANCHE, i., 120; STRUTT, 
DRESS, PL Ixxx.; BLOXAM, 197; KNIGHT, n., 163. Also brasses, e.g., 
William Yelverton, at Rougham, near Lynn, GOUGH, in., 230 ; Sir John 
Gassy (died May 23rd, 1400, GENEAL., vn., 208), at Deerhurst, near 
Tewkesbury, GARDINER, 298; GOUGH, in., 349; LYSONS, GLOUCESTER- 
SHIRE VIEWS, PI. xvii. (called an inscription on a marble stone in ATKYNS, 
387); Sir Hugh Holes (1415), at Watford, HAINES, I., xc.; Judge John 
Martyn (1436), at Graveney, BOUTELL, BRASSES, 44 ; Thomas Rolf (1436), 
at Gosfield, Essex, ibid., 46. 3 CHAUCER, PROL., 330; LONDON AND 
MIDDLX. ARCH^EOL. Soc., v., 241, 250. For motley, see ANN., 191 ; 
ARCH^EOLOGIA, xxxix., 359, 1863 (not 1846, as ANTIQUARY, XIL, 35); 
PLANCHE, i., 426. For " a long gown of ray," see LYDGATE in SKEAT, 
2 5 374> 375- 4 i- e "> deep crimson or maroon. ARCH^OLOGIA, xxxix., 
368. 5 FORTESCUE, Ch. LI., p. 380 ; GASCOIGNE, 201. Cf. " ij doctorys 
arayd with pellys aftyr the olde gyse and furryd cappys on here hedys."- 
Cov. MYST., 246; also "ray tabardys furryd with ray hodys aboute here 
neckys furryd. Ibid., 247. 6 HIST. MSS., 2ND REPT., 140 ; LOND. AND 
MIDDLX. ARCH^EOL. Soc., v., 99; PLANCHE, i., 63 ; S. W. BECK, 34; 
HOLT, 75, 91. For fur' Bog' alb'., I capuc' Boget alb'., see L. T. R. EN- 
ROLLED WARDROBE Accrs., 11, m. 12, APP. C. In Q. R. WARDROBE, 
*|, APP. B., i fur' Boug' costs 35. 4d.; i fur' agnell', 2s. 7 WILLS OF 
KINGS, 84; CHAUCER, WIF OF BATH, 6151; MONSTR., in., 389; 
GOLDEN LEGEND, ST. ELIZABETH, CCCXXXVIL; PROMPT., PARV., s.v., 
CRAKYNGE. Cf. haultain et boubensier. PISAN, n., 153 ; de grant 
bobans. DESCHAMPS, vi., 26; orgeuil et bobance. Ibidem, v., 167. 
8 Foss, iv., 309; though twelve years elapsed before he was made a King's 
sergeant (1441), FORTESCUE, 5, 7. For the distinction, see LONDON AND 
MIDDLX. ARCH^EOL. Soc., v., 238. ' ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 202; KAL. 
AND INV., IL, 63. 



184 Judge Gascoignc. [CHAP. XLIX. 

These were the busy days of his life. The forenoon would 
be spent from eight o'clock 1 till eleven in attendance at the 
courts. He would then repair to the Paradise 8 or Parvis 8 at 
St. Paul's, where each sergeant had a pillar 4 alloted to him in 
the nave on the north side as his recognised rendezvous for 
advising with clients. 5 The centre aisle in the nave, known 
afterwards as Paul's Walk, 6 was the great meeting place at mid- 
day for hiring 7 and gossip, tables 8 for scribes were provided 
there " for the accommodation of the public," who were repre- 
sented by a " waltzing, 9 jangling, brawling, fighting, and bar- 
gaining " throng of bookhawkers, 10 beggars, budgetmakers, and 
busy idlers, who played palm 11 or tennis in the church, or pelted 
rooks and pigeons within the great walled 12 cemetery 13 outside. 

1 FORTESCUE, 380. 2 For Hell and Paradise at Westminster, see 
DEVON, LXVIII. 2 In PROMPT. PARV., n., 385, Parvyce = Parlatorium. 
See the quotations in MENAGE ; also TOWNELEY MYST., 200 ; COLLIER, 
II., 211, from "Mind, Will, and Understanding," temp. H. VI., printed 
as "Wisdom" in NEW SHAKESPEARE Soc., 1882, pp. 137-168. For a 
priest's parvise and porch in St. Giles' Church, Edinburgh, see WALCOTT, 
133; also PETRI in MURATORI, xxiv., 975; ante frontispicium Basilicae 
Sancti Petri videlicet in Paradiso supra ubi venduntur sudarii, and ibid., 
1004, where it is certainly outside the church. In 1406, a heretic was 
"preached" at the parvis of Notre Dame in Paris. Juv.,438. See also ibid., 
447 ; ACAD. DE BELGIQUE, n., XL, 570; BAYE, i., 231 ; ST. DENYS, in., 
728 ; iv., 58, 288 ; la ruelle de parvis. G. METZ, 56. For the parvis at 
Oxford, see MUN. ACAD., 242, 684. It is defined as a "cloister, paved 
platform, or other open space, immediately adjoining a church." LYTE, 
305 ; " a church porch or portico." R. MORRIS, PROL. TO CANTERBURY 
TALES, 128. The derivation "a parvis pueris," is guess-work. SHROP- 
SHIRE ARCH^EOL. Soc., i., 443 ; WALCOTT, CHURCH ARRANGEMENT, 182. 
4 DUGDALE, ORIG., 117; MACHYN, 27, 195. 5 Soy en ala a Powles 
pur conseil. YEAR BOOK, 12 H. IV., 21. 6 EARLE, 116 ; LONGMAN, 44; 
W. S. SIMPSON, GLEANINGS, 268. ? " i bought him in Paul's." Hy. 
IV., Pt. II., I, 2, 48, with Halliwell's note. In 1407, the bargain for 
letting the house from which the Duke of Orleans was assassinated, was 
struck with a broker in the church of St. Mary in Paris. ECOLE DBS 
CHARTES, F. i., 243, 244. 8 W. S. SIMPSON, STATUTES, 78. 9 SERES 
in ANTIQUARY, xn., 29. IO MATT. PARIS, v., 172. For the practice of 
teaching schools close to the church, see FABRIC ROLLS, 250. " T. SMITH, 
387; GROCERS' ARCH., 124. " W. S. SIMPSON, DOCUMENTS, LXV.; 
CHAPTERS, 62 ; GLEANINGS, 257 ; MILMAN, 83, For the mur de la 
chanoinerie de Seint Poul, see LIB. CUST., 149. In 1321, the mayor 
brought an action for encroachment against the Dean and Chapter, in con- 
nection with this enclosure. LIB. CUST., I., 338. 13 For the "cymitory 
or londe spirituelle," see T. SMITH, 390, 393 ; WYCLIFFE, DE ECCLESIA, 
236; RYMER, iv., 955. 



1405.] The Parvis at Paul's. 185 

In the seventeenth 1 and eighteenth centuries the notion of 
transacting business in the church seems to have shocked the 
legal mind, and an explanation was forthcoming either that the 
sergeants were brought to a pillar " for their private devotions," 
or that there was " some Inn of Court in the neighbourhood of 
St. Paul's Church." But there is no need for any such 
hypothesis. In the fifteenth century, the inside 8 of "Poules,"' 
like that of York Minster, 4 Westminster Abbey, 5 Exeter Cathe- 
dral, 6 and probably every large church in the country was a 
common market, 7 with all its accompaniments of noise and filth. 
As a sergeant-at-law, Gascoigne might be called upon to do 
the work of an assize judge 8 on circuit, or attend in Parliament 

I WHITELOCK (1648) and REEVES (1787) in ARCH^OL., xxxn., 433. 
2 ,See Bishop Braybrooke's letter (1385) in CONC., ill., 194 ; SIMPSON, 78. 
WEEVER (373) gives a fragment of a notice (legible in 1631) on the south 
door, letting out vigorously against the "godless uncleanness" that offended 
the eyes and the nose of passers through St. Paul's. See also NOTES AND 
QUERIES, 7th S., v., 429 ; STAVELEY, 159 ; ANTIQUARIAN REPERTORY, 
i., 74. 3 YEAR BOOK, 7 H. IV., TRIN., 19 b. 4 FABR. ROLLS, 244, where 
in 1409, complaint is made of vicars chatting and gossiping and using " much 
confabulation " (273) in the choir at the time of Divine Service, men and 
buys playing and making a noise in the church during mass, dogs and others 
*' doing dirtinesses and usefulnesses," officials playing ball in the close, and 
mulierculce slipping in in the evening twilight. On high festivals there was 
a regular fair in the church, causing " notorious and immense discredit to 
the discipline of the Gospel." For the fray in York Minster, where Richard 
Hemingburgh was wounded by Lord Richard Scrope, of Bolton, and 
his men, see TEST. EBOR, n., 185. For pollution of churches, see 
CONC., in., 325 ; RYM., iv., 455 ; RAINE, NORTHERN REGISTERS, 398. 
5 For affray in 1378, see MONAST., i., 275. 6 YEAR BOOK, 8 H, IV., 
MICH., 4. 7 For beggars in churches showing sham wounds and carrying 
babies in their arms, et font tel presse qu' a peine y puet 1'en oir messe ne 
avoir sa devocion, see DESCHAMPS, vi., 231, 237, 279; VIL, 52. For fair 
in a church in Devonshire, see STAFF. REG., 85. Cf. "that cheaping and 
fairs be not used on the Sunday and in the holy church." WYCLIFFE, 280; 
DE ECCLESIA, 236 ; APOL., 50. For dancing, wrestling, and games in 
New College Chapel at Oxford, see A. CLARK, 158. For order issued in 
1405 by the Bishop of Nantes, forbidding players and jesters from dancing 
or exhibiting in the churches or cemeteries in his diocese, see MART. ANEC., 
iv., 993. For " hogges bringing karen " (i.e., carrion) into the Black 
Friars Church at Shrewsbury, see OWEN AND BLAKEWAY, n., 449. See 
the curious passage in GOWER, CONF. AM., 302 : 

In chirches and in minsters eke, 

They gon the women for to seke, &c. 
8 ISSUE ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., October igth, 1408. 



1 86 Judge Gascoigne. [CHAP. XLIX. 

as a Receiver of Petitions. No busier life could then be spent, 
and it is with regret that we must admit that with all the 
opportunities of the last nineteen years of his life, spent in the 
learned leisure of a judgeship, he has left us no word of record 
of the stirring times in which he played his part, and that we 
know no more of him at first hand than can be gleaned from 
pleadings clothed in the mongrel French of the Year Books. 
From the beginning of his career he had been retained as a 
feed member of the Council of Henry as Earl of Derby, and 
on October 3rd, I398, 1 he was one of the lawyers appointed to 
represent him and sue in his name, if required, during his exile. 
In the same year he appears as trustee for some property under 
a codicil to the will of John of Gaunt. 2 In the Parliament of 
1399, he was nominated as counsel for the Commons, to watch 
their interests in the intricate legal technicalities involved in the 
wholesale repeal 3 of the statutes passed in 1397. These impor- 
tant positions of trust paved the way for his final promotion, 
and on November i5th, 1400,* he was made Chief Justice of 
the King's Bench on the resignation of Sir Walter Clopton. 5 
He had now some smack 6 of age in him, some relish of the 
saltness of time, and henceforward his active service should be 
drawing to an end. After eleven o'clock his time would be his 
own, and he could " pause 7 and bestow the residue of the day 

1 RYM., viii., 49, 2 TEST. EBOR., i., 238. 3 Vol. I., 63 ; ARCH^OL., 
xx., App. vi., p. 280. 4 Vol. I., 173 ; YEAR BOOK, i H. IV., MICH., i., 
not 1401, as DUGUALE, CHRON. SER., 54, quoting PAT., 2 II. IV., i, 28. 
The mistake is repeated in TYLER, i., 371, and TEST. EBOR,, i,, 391. 
FULLER (n., 505) gives November I, 1399, from original de ipso anno, 
bundello n., rot. 52. In ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH. (Nov. 2Oth, 1405), 
he receives ^40 per annum as Chief Justice of the King's Bench, plus ;i2O 
per annum ; also ibid., 10 H. IV., MICH. (October I9th, 1408), where he 
has an additional 20 per annum as an Assize Judge. 5 His will was ad- 
ministered at Lambeth, dated January 24th, 1400 (? 1401), GENEAL., vn., 
208, though by INQ. POST. MORT., in., 335 (13 H. IV., 14), he would be 
supposed to be living till 1411. Foss, 171. 6 H. IV., Pt. IL, I, 2, 91. 
7 FORTESCUE, Oh. LI., an ideal picture. 



1405.] " Now her so besy a man as he iher nas" 187 

in the study of his pleas, 1 terms, registers, 9 or statutes, in 
reading of Holy Scripture, or in using other kind of contempla- 
tion at his pleasure." In i4Oi, 8 when the Judges of the Court 
of Common Pleas could not agree, the last word was left to 
Gascoigne, who was on the bench with them at the time. The 
question had reference to an action brought by an abbot against 
a vicar for damage done to a house. The vicar contended that 
the building was not a house, but a chapel attached to his 
"vikery"* which he claimed as his own freehold property. 
The court thereupon fell to discussing what constitutes a free- 
hold in such a case. What they all said we do not know, but 
Gascoigne's argument at least appears to have the touchstone 
of common sense. " If a vicar takes my offerings, he must not 
make this a reason for damaging my house and my chapel." 

In 1402, a case came before him in which one of the 
members of the suite, that accompanied the lady Blanche to 
Cologne, claimed protection on the ground that he was 
employed on a royal journey and on royal business. Gascoigne 
decided that the claim was valid, " for nothing can be of more 
profit to the realm than to make alliance with another realm." 5 
In 1405," he gave an important decision that in matters relating 
to the Duchy of Lancaster, or any such Duchy, the King could 
be sued "like any common person." Henceforth, however, his 
name occurs but seldom in the Year Books 7 in squabbles about 
housebreaking, kidnapping, tree-cutting, cattle-lifting, advow- 

1 GIBBONS, 101. 2 His " Great Register" found its way into the pos- 
session of John Dautre, of York, who died in 1459. TEST. EBOR., n., 233. 
3 YEAR BOOK, 2 H. IV., TRIK., p. 24. 4 Or " vicary. "STAFF. REG., 
392. For "vekery" = vicar, see FIFTY EARLY ENGLISH WILLS, 12; P. 
PLO., xxii.. 411. s YEAR BOOK, 3 H. IV., PASCH., n. 6 Ibid., 6 H. 
IV., HIL., 2. ^ e.g., 3 H. IV., HIL., 17, 18; PASCH, 4; TRIN., 4; also 
7 H. IV., passim ; 6 H. IV., HIL., 2, 4, 6, 32, 36. The Editor of REEVES 
(n., 516) is wrong in inferring from this that he lost his judgeship because 
he refused to condemn the Archbishop in 1405. For rolls of Court of 
King's Bench, see KAL. AND INV., i., li. 



i88 Judge Gascoigne. [CHAP. XLIX. 

sons, dilapidations, debts, dowers, damages, perjury, false 
imprisonments, and other such petty storms of life. 

But though his time was no longer taken up with conies and 
barbits, 1 and all the dreary clap-and-j angle 2 of feudal courts, 
yet his work was far from done. On the day after the battle of 
Shrewsbury, July 22nd, I4O3, 3 he was ordered to join the Earl 
of Westmoreland in raising the loyal forces of the North, but 
the submission of the Earl of Northumberland made this part 
of his duties light, and throughout the Patent Rolls for the year 
1405 no name is more conspicuous than his, whether on circuit 
for gaol delivery, for special assize, or special commission. In 
almost every legal enquiry 4 of that eventful year his name 
is foremost as a working member whose presence was indis- 
pensable to form a quorum. In May, 1407^ he was appointed 
to arbitrate between William 6 and Hugh Venables, the brother 
and the son, respectively, of Sir Richard Venables, of Kinder- 
ton, who had been beheaded after the battle of Shrewsbury, and 
his award resulted in an equitable 7 division of the dead man's 
wiches, tofts, advowsons, and other property. A month after- 
wards, viz., June ist, 1407, 8 he received permission to hunt and 
kill game in all or any of the forests, chaces, warrens, and parks, 
belonging to the Duchy of Lancaster, and on April 22nd, 1408, 
when he was about to re-roof the church at Harewood, the 
King granted him six oaks from his park at Rothwellhaigh. 

His name is also associated with a case which curiously illus- 
trates the way in which quarrelsome neighbours used to settle 

1 YEARBOOK, 4 H. IV.,HiL.,9. 2 HOCCL. DE REG., 85, 87. 3R YM ., 
viii., 319. 4 e.g., PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 4, 8, 9 d. s PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 15. 

6 He was appointed Constable of Chester, November i8th, 1399. DEP. 
KEEP., 36th KEPT., 14, 193, 224, 274, 430, 491. By 1404, he had married 
Blanche, widow of Sir Hugh Browe. Ibid., 492. In 1408, he appears as a 
robber defying the King's officers in Staffordshire. ROT. PARL., in., 631. 

7 ORMRKOD, in., 191. 8 Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 77'", showing that 
by this time all trace of any royal displeasure in connection with Archbishop 
Scrope's case had quite disappeared. 9 Ibid., XI. , 16, II5" 1 . 



141 1.] A Love-Day. 189 

their differences in Old England. In 141 1, 1 a dispute arose 
between Robert Tirwhit, 2 a newly appointed Justice of the 
King's Bench, and the tenants of William, Lord de Roos, 
about a right of pasture and turf-graving on some lands con- 
nected with the Belvoir estates, at Melton Ross, near Wrawby, 
in Lincolnshire. It was agreed to submit the case to the 
arbitration of Gascoigne, who appointed a "love day" 3 for a 
peaceful conference at Melton Ross, when the principal dis- 
putants should meet him on the disputed property, attended 
each by two friends. Lord Roos came with two of his friends, 
as agreed, but Judge Tirwhit had 500* armed followers in 
ambush, denying that he had ever consented to the arbi- 
tration. The love-day accordingly broke down, but such a 

1 ROT. PARL., in., 649 ; Foss, iv., 368. 2 He was a native of Kettleby, 
near Wrawby, had been a member of the council of the Duchy of Lancaster, 
and was made a King's Sergeant on Henry's accession in 1399 (ORD. PRIV. 
Co., I., 203), and a Judge of the King's Bench in April, 1408. Due. 
LANC. REC., xxvm., 4, 6, App. A; not 1409, as Foss, iv., 367 (665). 

3 Cf. quadam die amoris, at Honiton, August 3ist, 1392. FACSIMILES, I., 
xxxviii.; "day of love." HIST. MSS., IITH REFT., in., 214; PROMPT. 
PAJK.V., 315; WYCLIFFE, 172; P. PLO., iv., 196; XIL, 17. 

But helle is full of such discorde, 

That there may be no love-day. GOWER, CONF. AM., 47. 

4 For a similar case in 1406, see ROT. PARL., in., 561, where Sir John 
Cockayne, Chief Baron of the Exchequer and one of the Judges of Common 
Pleas, brought 200 armed men to take forcible possession of the Manor of 
Baddesley Ensor, in Warwickshire, in consequence of a dispute with Gas- 
coigne, Allerthorpe, and others. For Lawrence Allerthorpe, see Vol. I., 
p. 173. He was one of the Barons of the Exchequer (Foss, iv., 143), a 
stagiary of St. Paul's (ARCH.EOLOGIA, L. 517 ; PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 17, Jan. 
1 6th, July 2ist, 1406), and held prebends in Hereford and York. LE NEVE, 
I., 529; II., 372; ill., 219. From April I3th, 1396, to April 27th, 1397, 
he was rector of Charleton, in Devonshire, on the presentation of Thomas, 
Lord Berkeley. He was also rector of Brantingham, near Hull (STAFF. 
REG., 3 ; GIBBONS, LINCOLN W T ILLS, 76), Dean of the Collegiate Church 
of St. Mary, at Stafford (MoNAST. ANGL., vi., 1438), and of the King's 
Free Chapel at Wolverhampton, where he left great dilapidations for his 
successor. PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 14; PAT., n H. IV., 2, 25; GLAUS., 7 
H. IV., 5. For plenary indulgence granted by Boniface IX., found in his 
tomb at St. Paul's, see DUGDALE, ST. PAUL'S, 57 ; WEEVER, 366. For a 
letter from him to the Prior of St. John of Jerusalem, see ALL SOULS MS., 
182, in PECKHAM REG., I., liii. He is called Ailthorp in GESTA ABB. S. 
ALBANI, m., 476. 



190 Judge Gascoignt. [CHAP. XLIX. 

breach of faith, on the part of a Justice specially appointed to 
keep the King's peace in the county, could not be lightly 
passed over, and after a little pressure the offender was required 
to submit himself publicly to the King's decision. At the joint 
expense of the two disputants Gascoigne repaired again to 
Wrawby, where Tirwhit had to produce two tuns of Gascon wine, 
two fat oxen, and twelve fat sheep. He had then publicly to 
apologize to Lord Roos, in presence of the tenants, and offer to 
pay him five hundred marks. The apology was to be accepted 
and the money refused, but the good things were to be con- 
sumed by the tenants in a regular English jollification. 1 

About the middle of May, 1405, Gascoigne started with 
Lord de Roos for the North, with orders from the council to 
await instructions from the King as occasion should require. 
Messengers were at the same time sent to Worcester to warn 
the King of his danger, and inform him of the steps taken so 
far to meet it. In view of his "great need of money for his 
own person," 2 they took to him 400 to be disposed of at his 
own will and pleasure. On May 22nd, 1405," proclamations 
were issued announcing that the rebels in the North were 
preparing to burn, slay, and commit unheard-of atrocities, and 
that the King intended to put them down, "even by force if 
necessary." Levies were called out in the eastern and midland 
counties. The air was big with rumour. All England rang 
with preparations. Great deeds were pending, and direful 
portents were at hand to herald them. In Suffolk, a mighty 
monster from the sea, with crested head and jagged teeth, and 
a prodigious tail, had found its way far up the river Stour. It 
slew a shepherd and devoured his sheep or, at least, was 

1 For a loveday on a smaller scale, with a goose, a pottle of wine, and 
bread and cheese, see MUN. ACAD., 713. 2 ORD. PEIV. Co., i., 262. 
3 ROT. VIAG., 1 8. 



1405.] The Dragon of Sudbury. 191 

believed to have done so amongst the weavers of Sudbury, who 
did not need incitements to exaggeration and parable after the 
fall of Archbishop Scrope. The tenants of Sir Richard Walde- 
grave, 1 at Bures, shot at the monster, from both banks of the 
river, but their arrows rebounded from its armoured sides with 
a clattering like plates of brass. The whole country-side turned 
out to watch for its reappearance, but it slunk away in the 
reedy marsh and was seen again no more. 

1 ANN., 402. See his will, dated April 22nd, 1410, from REG. ARUN- 
DEL, f. 49 a., in TEST. VET., i., 158. I am informed by the Librarian at 
Lambeth, that the year is 1410, as GENEAL., vi., 225, not 140x3, as WEE- 
VEB, 757, or 1401, as COLLINS, iv., 234 ; MANNING, 12. The inscription 
given in WEEVER is no longer to be found at Bures. The Vicar informs 
me that when the church was restored in 1865, " some old stones nearly 
illegible were removed from the aisle and placed under the. organ ! " The 
LONDON SUBSIDY ROLL of January, 1412, has Ricardus Waldegrave and 
Ricardus Walgrave, Kt. ARCH^EOL. JOURN., XLIV., 60, 74. 



CHAPTER L. 
ARCHBISHOP SCROPE. 

No plot against King Henry had ever made headway among 
the people without the secret or open connivance of the clergy, 
and one of the leaders of the present northern conspiracy in 
the interest of the Percies, was Richard Scrope, 1 Archbishop of 
York. His kindred claimed to have come "of noble and 
generous blood of gentlemen, and of old ancestry." 2 They 
had certainly risen to wealth and prominence in Yorkshire, 
owing to the success attained by a pushing pair of brothers of 
this name, as apprentices of the law, both of whom had filled 
the office of Chief Justice of the King's Bench, in the reigns of 
Edward II. and III. They had bought some lands in York- 
shire, and secured others by fortunate marriages. The son of 
the elder 3 of these was Richard Scrope, First Lord of Bolton. 
He made his name as a valiant soldier 4 under Edward III., and 
became Warden of the Scottish Marches, Treasurer, and twice 
Chancellor of England, under Richard II., being once dis- 
missed 5 from office for his outspoken opposition to the mad 

1 Called Le Scrop or Scrop, in WALS., n., 49 ; Scrob, ibid., i., 417 ; 
Scrubz (temp. Joh\i), SCROPE AND GROSVENOR, n., 66, meaning originally 
a crab (TEST. VET., n., 187), which was their ancient badge. For " Schroff 
and Schroup," see RICH. REDELES, n., 154, with Note, p. 511. In the 
poem on the execution, written in a BOOK OF HOURS lately acquired by 
the Bodleian Library, the name is played upon : 

Scrobem purificat a sorde criminum, 

Et Scopam ordinal sanguinem proprium. 

ATHEN/EUM, 27/8/87, p. 280, and 4/8/88, p. 161. 

2 SCROPE AND GROSV., I., 164. 3 i.e., Sir Henry Scrope, Chief Justice of 
Common Pleas, of King's Bench, and Chief Baron of Exchequer, died Sep- 
tember 7th, 1336. FOSTER, s.v.; Foss, in., 501. 4 SCROPE AND GROSV., 
ii. t 17. 5 WALS., n., 68. 



1405.] Scrope of Bolton. 193 

extravagance of the young King (1382). Following the custom * 
then in full force amongst the rich landowners of the North, he 
obtained the King's permission to crenellate or fortify his manor 
house, at Bolton, in Wensleydale, and spent a sum of money 
which sounds almost fabulous, in building the great grim towers 
which yet frown from the Yoredale hill-side. The specifications 2 
and quantities are still extant in an agreement with the builder, 
John Lewyn. It was eighteen years 3 in building, but the owner 
lived to see it finished, and stocked with a garrison of priests, 
chaplains, and armed retainers, though spending most of the 
later years of his life either in his London 4 house, opposite to 
St. Andrew's, in Holborn, or at the manor of Pishobury, "in 
the South Country," 5 near Sawbridgeworth, in Hertfordshire, 
which he purchased 6 in 1394. Here he made his will, on 
August 2nd, i4oo, 7 at the close of a long and active life. He 
died three years afterwards, May 3oth, 1403, at the age of 
seventy-five, and his body was buried in the Abbey of St. 
Agatha, at Easby, near Richmond, in Swaledale. During the 
later years of his life he had challenged Sir Robert Grosvenor 
to show cause why he had usurped the famous azure bend or, 
claimed as the peculiar bearings in the coat armour of the 

1 CLARK, i. , 170. For views of Bolton, see GROSE, Vol. IV. ; BRITTON, 
ARCHITECT. ANTIQ., iv., 154. 2 SCROPE AND GROSV., IL, 23, dated Sep. 
I4th, 1378, from Archives of Bolton Hall. For building of Fotheringhay 
Church in 1434, see MONAST., vi., 1414. 3 LEL., ITIN., 8, 51. 4 Known as 
Scrope's Inn. STOW, LoND.,425; LOND. AND MIDDLX. ARCH/EOL. Soc., 
v. , 252; afterwards Sergeants' Place. Foss. , IV. , 402. 3 See the will of 
his grandson Richard, third Lord of Bolton (who wished to dispose of it), 
dated Rouen, January 24th, 1420. TEST. EBOR., iv., j. 6 CUSSANS, I., 
79; MONAST. ANG., vr., 1396. 7 TEST. EBOR., i., 272, for full text; 
summary in TEST. VET., i., 156, where the date is 1401. See also GENEAL., 
vi., 127. In this, after legacies to the lame, blind, and bed-rid, he 
leaves 2s. to every prisoner in the gaols of York, Newcastle, Durham, Car- 
lisle, Richmond, and Appleby. For similar custom, see Vol. I., 483; 
STAFF. REG., 381, 394, 408; GIBBONS, 74, 100, 117; WILLS OF KINGS, 
154; TEST. VET., 249; SURREY ARCH^OL. COLL., n., 174; P. PLO., C. 
x., 34; xvii., 322. For his arms in the cloisters at Canterbury, see 

WlLLEMENT, 109. 

O 



194 Archbishop Scrope. [CHAP. L. 

Scropes. Five years were spent (from 1385 to 1390) in 
tousling this knotty tangle, during which the country was 
ransacked for written or oral evidence on both sides, and 
princes, poets, clerks, and oldest inhabitants, of every class, 
brought contributions to bear upon the heraldic puzzle. 

Owing perhaps to the unusual wealth of material, genealogists 
have been specially busy upon the pedigree of this Yorkshire 
family, and the very abundance of the information seems to have 
been the cause of unusual complication and confusion. From 
recent examinations of the wills registered at York fresh light is 
thrown upon the difficulties, and the following may be taken 
as ascertained results : 

The eldest son of Lord Scrope of Bolton was William 
Scrope, 1 Earl of Wiltshire, who lost his life 2 in the revolution of 
1399; but by begging 8 and weeping before the Parliament, his 
father managed to save the property for himself and his other 
children. At his own death in 1403, he left his title and the castle 
at Bolton to his eldest surviving son, Roger, who died six 
months after him, December 3rd, 1403.* Another of his 
sons was the Deputy Lieutenant of Ireland, known as Sir 
Stephen Scrope, 5 of Bentley, 6 from a manor which he held near 
Doncaster. 

Among the many relatives named in the will of Lord Scrope 
of Bolton is Richard, Archbishop of York, whom he calls " my 
most dear father and son." The first and most obvious in- 



1 LEL., ITIN., vin., 49. In MIR. FOR MAG., 305, he is called the 
Bishop's (i.e., Archbishop's) brother. RAINE, YORK, 81, calls him the 
Archbishop's nephew. 2 POL. SONGS, i., 367, 388, 436, 444. 3 R O T. 
PARL., in., 453. 4 TEST. EBOR., i., 328. Will dated September 3rd, 
1403, proved April 3Oth, 1404. FOSTER, in., s.v. s Proved to be a 
brother of the Earl of Wiltshire by ADD. Cn.,8482, printed in OLIVER, 
MONUMENTA, ii., 247. See also ROT. PARL., in., 380; SCROPE AND 
GROSVENOR, 11. , 49. 6 It was a part of the honor of Tickhill. Due. LANC. 
REC., XL, 16, I26" 1 ; TEST. VET., i., 157. 



1405.] Scrape of Masham. 195 

ference l from this would be that Archbishop Scrope was a son 
of the Lord of Bolton. But a closer examination proves be- 
yond doubt that the phrase is not to be taken as a literal 8 
expression of kinship. In the will, the name of the Archbishop 
comes after that of Stephen, and is followed by those of John 
and Henry, every one of whom is styled "my cousin"; one of 
these, Sir John Scrope, in his wills expressly calls the Arch- 
bishop and Stephen Scrope his brothers. This Stephen Scrope 
is the second Lord Scrope of Masham. He made his will 
January yth, 1406,* and in it he makes no mention of the 
Archbishop; but his eldest son, Henry, the third Lord of 
Masham, who was beheaded for conspiracy against Henry V. 
in 1415, refers in his will 5 to the Archbishop as his "uncle." 
Another son of the second Lord of Masham was Stephen Scrope, 
Archdeacon 6 of Richmond and twice Chancellor r of the 
University of Cambridge. He became secretary to the Arch- 
bishop, and owed his ecclesiastical promotion to him. In his 
will 8 he expressly desired to be buried by his side in St. 
Stephen's Chapel, known afterwards as the Scrope Chapel, 9 
the burial place of their family in York Minster, where mass 
was to be said for the souls of his father, his mother, his sisters, 
his brother, and the Archbishop, all of whom were buried there 
side by side. One of the Archbishop's sisters was Isabel, who 
married Sir Robert Plumpton. On her epitaph 10 in Spofforth 

1 As DUGDALE, i., 655 ; WHITAKER, RICHMONDSHIRE, i.,38i ; BALE, 
533. 2 Cf. the will of John of Gaunt, where he names his grandson, John, 
" mon tresame filtz," and in the same sentence he is " filtz de mon filtz." 
WILLS OF KINGS, 158. Cf. aetate fili, dignitate parens. MONTRKUIL, 1388. 
3 TEST. EBOR., I., 339, dated December i8th, 1405. * Ibid., in., 31. 
5 RYM., ix., 279 ; SCROPK AND GROSV., n., 147. 6 TEST. EBOR., in., 33; 
PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 18, June i8th, 1409; ibid., 12 H. IV., 34, Oct., 1410. 
? LE NEVE, in., 599 (1400) ; RYM., ix., 158 (1414) ; GLAUS., 7 H. IV.', 
12, 18. 8 TEST. EBOR., L, 385, dated August 24th, 1418; MKM. OF 
RIPON, ii., 188. 9 TEST. EBOR., IL, 185. I0 Copied in 1613. I have as- 
certained that it has now disappeared. SCROPK AND GROSV., n., 129, 
quoting VINCENT, YORKSHIRE, No. in, f. 30. 



196 Archbishop Scrope. [CHAP. L. 

church she was called the daughter of Sir Henry Scrope (i.e. 
the first Lord of Masham). In I457, 1 Thomas, fifth Lord 
Scrope of Masham, who founded a chantry at York, reckons 
the Archbishop as one of his " uncles," i.e., his father's uncle. 
Remembering that the Scropes of Bolton lie buried at Easby, 
while the body of the Archbishop lies in the spot which became 
the burial place of the Scropes of Masham, there can be no 
doubt that he belongs to the Masham branch, and if the will of 
the first Lord of Masham should ever be found, it is likely that 
it will contain direct evidence that the Archbishop was his son. 

Nothing shows more strikingly the power and influence of 
the family of Scrope than that in one and the same generation 
two cousins, members of the same stock, and living in the same 
valley within twenty miles of each other, should have risen to 
the Baronage and become separate founders of notable houses. 
The explanation is to be found in the fact that the Scropes were 
both a legal and a fighting family. The two lawyers laid the 
foundations of the family wealth. Their sons took service in 
the French, Scottish, and Spanish Wars. Richard, the son of 
the elder, became the first Baron of Bolton ; Henry, the son of 
the younger, became the first Baron of Masham. Both lived to 
a great age, and left grown families of sons and daughters. 

I have thought it necessary to state proofs of the parentage 
of the Archbishop somewhat at length, as uncertainty has long 
hung over the subject, and it is only recently that definite 
evidence has been available. His descent was correctly given 
by the editor of the Scrope and Grosvenor Roll in i832. 2 The 
editor of the first volume of York Wills, 3 published in 1836, 
thought that the Archbishop belonged to the Bolton family, 
but subsequently changed his view 4 on further investigation. 

1 SCROPE AND GROSV., n., 152 ; TEST. EBOR., in., 32. 2 SCROPE AND 
GROSV., ii., 122. 3 TEST. EBOR., i., 272, 276, 338. 4 Ibid. (1865), in., 32. 



M05-] 



Par nobile fratrum." 



197 



More recent enquirers * have returned to the old error 2 in spite 
of the new evidence. 

We may take it then as proved that the Archbishop be- 
longed to the line of Scropes 3 who had their home at Masham. 

1 e.g., Foss, iv., 86; PAULI, v., 36; SCBOPE, HIST. OF CASTLECOMBE; 
FOSTER, s.v. PLUMPTON and SCBOPE; KNIGHT, n., 13 ; LINGABD, in., 
437 ; LAMPLOUGH, 95 ; BEAMONT, in JOUBN. OF HIST. Soc. OF CHESTER, 
Pt. xii., 348 ; DICT. NAT. BIOG., xxvi., 39 ; RAMSAY, i., 5, 87. z Cf. 
HALLE, 25 ; GRAFTON, 429 ; POL. VERG., 435 ; BALE, 533 ; BIONDI, 79; 
DUGDALE, i., 655 ; DBAKE, 106, 438 ; CARTE, n., 663 ; GOUGH, in., 16; 
HUME, II., 290. For a specimen of the confusion of Scrope pedigrees, see 
FLOWERS, VISITATION OF YORKSHIBE, HABL. Soc., xvi., 278, where the 
" Erl of Wylshyre " is the ancestor of the " Archeboshop of York," but 
separated by five generations ; probably meant for Richard Scrope, Bishop 
of Carlisle (1464-1488). 3 The line will stand thus : 



Sir Wm. Scrope 
Bailiff of Richmond 
temp. Ed. I. 


Sir Henry Scope 
Chief Justice 
of King's Bench 
d. 1336. 

Richard 
1st Lord 
of Bolton 
d. 1403. 

1 


Sir Geoffrey Scrope 
Chief Justice 
of King's Bench 
d. 1340. 

Henry 

1st Lord 
of Masham 
d. 1391. 

I 


William 
Earl of 
Wilts, 
d. 1399. 


Roger Stephen Geoffrey Stephen Richard 
2nd Lord Scrope d. 1362. 2nd Lord Arch- 
of Bolton ofBentley of bishop of 
d. 1403. d. 1408. Masham York 
d. 1406. d. 1405. 

1 


John 
d. 1405. 
m. 
Elizabeth 
widow of 
Sir Thomas 
Percy 


1 
Henry 
3rd Lord 
of Masham 
d. 1415. 


Geoffrey Stephen John 
Arch- 4th Lord 
deacon of of Masham 
Richmond d. 1455. 
d. 1418. | 
Thomas 
5th Lord 
of Masham 
d. 1475. 


Henry 


Joan Isabel m. Sir Robt. 
m. Henry b. 1337 1 Plumpton 
Lord d. 1407 
Fitzhugh 
Sir Wm. 
Plumpton 
d. 1405. 





198 Archbishop Scrope. [CHAP. L. 

His grandfather, Geoffrey Scrope, 1 the younger of the wonderful 
pair of brothers, did not limit his renown to the lay robe, the 
courts, and Parliament. He was noted also as a soldier, a 
diplomat, and a fighting champion. He was knighted 2 for his 
prowess in a tournament at Northampton, where he " had great 
praise and bore a great name for his feat." He purchased the 
manor of Masham with the adjoining castle of Clifton-upon- 
Yore, 8 and dying full of honours in 1340, was buried in the 
neighbouring Abbey of Coverham. His eldest son, Henry 
Scrope (the Archbishop's father), was born about 1315. From 
his very boyhood he served an apprenticeship in arms, and he 
spent his whole life in camps. In land fights and sea fights, 
raids, sieges, and tournaments in Scotland, France, Ireland, 
Flanders, Brittany, and Spain, through the long wars of 
Edward III., he served, like his brothers, with a charmed 
life. After the peace of Bretigny he became successively 
Governor of Calais and Warden of the Scottish Marches, and 
as age grew upon him, after spending the best part of his life 
abroad, he lent the mature experience of an active life-time to 
civil duties in council and Parliament at home. 4 He died in 
1391, leaving to his sons much landed property 5 in Hertford- 
shire, Nottinghamshire, and Yorkshire. 

Archbishop Richard Scrope was the third son of this fighting 
father, and he and his brothers inherited the fighting qualities 
of their stock. The eldest of them, Geoffrey, followed the 

1 SCBOPE AND GROSV., ii., 95-104; Foss, in., 493 ; COUCHER BOOK 
OF WHALLEY, IV., 951. For rights over lands at Masham and Upsal, near 
Thirsk, see FISHER, 518. 2 SCBOPE AND GROSVENOR, i., 142, 145. 
3 WHALLEY COUCHER, iv., 100; RYM., v., 798; where his son is called 
Henricus le Scrop, Dominus de Clifton, in 1354. 4 For a letter written by 
his kinsman, the Chancellor Scrope, as to a temporary house for him in 
London till one that he had bought should be ready, see FACSIMILES OF 
NATIONAL MSS., I., xxi. 5 See inquisition printed in SCROPE AND GROSV., 
ii., 138. 



1405-] "In Lettowe hadde he reysed" 199 

popular craze 1 for visiting Prussia when peace was concluded 
with France, and was killed at twenty years of age while serving 
with the Teutonic Knights in one of their Christianizing raids 
amid the swamps and forests of " Lettowe," 2 on the eastern 
shores of the Baltic. His body was carried to Konigsberg and 
buried in the newly-founded cathedral on the island in the 
Pregel, where his memory was marked by a window with the 
bend or placed there by the care of a faithful squire, who also 
had his arms inscribed on a tablet before the altar. The second 
brother, Stephen, succeeded to the title as Lord of Masham on 
his father's death in 1391. As a youth he had served in the 
army of Edward III. before Paris, and when the peace came he 
joined the crusading excursion of the ill-fated Peter I., 8 King of 
Cyprus, and the Knights Hospitallers of Rhodes, who seized 
and pillaged Alexandria, and " wrought woe 4 to full many a 
heathen" for four frightful days in October, 1365. Returning 
to England, he led a less eventful life than most of his family, 
and dying on January 25th, J4o6, 5 was buried by the side of his 
brother Richard in York Minster. The Archbishop's younger 
brothers, John and Henry, had likewise learnt the trade of 
soldiering in France in the reign of Edward III. 

In such an age, a large fighting family " uniformly and 
perseveringly addicted to their own advancement," 6 had scarcely 
occupation for all its sons, and one of them was usually told 

1 GILBERT, 553. 2 SCROPE AND GROSV., i., 146, 188 ; ir., 120, where 
HISTORIA LITUANL*:, i., 329, is quoted for siege of "Pistena." They 
were advancing to attack " Wellon," i.e., either Vilna, or Wielun on the 
Niemen above Tilsit. MALVERN, in HIGDKN, ix., 244, where Le Wylle 
seems to be Willeia below Kovno. Scrope fell during an attack on a 
"castle called Piskre," which may perhaps be on the river Pissa or Bissa, 
a tributary of the Pregel ; or possibly Pister near Welun, in Courland. 
OESTERLEY, 526. 3 SCROPE AND GROSV., i., 124. * CHAUCER, MONK'S 
TALE, 14703. 5 SCROPE AND GROSV., IL, 139, for inquisition before the 
Sheriffs of Kent, Lincoln, and Herts. 6 WHITAKER, RICHMONDSHIRE, 
IL, 99. 



200 Archbishop Scrope. [CHAP. L. 

off 1 to enter the church, and " build up Sion in their blood." 2 
Accordingly, when the eldest son, Geoffrey, was removed by 
death, and the heirdom to the barony was open to the second, 
the third son, Richard, was crowned a clerk 8 to see what a 
golden prelate* could glean in that rich field. He was born 
about 1346, and is said to have been a scholar in Arts at 
Oxford 5 and in Law at Cambridge. 6 On November i6th, 
i375> 7 he was a licentiate in Civil Law and was appointed an 
official to Bishop Arundel of Ely. He was ordained deacon 
in 1376, and made Warden of the Free Chapel in Tickhill 
Castle, 8 though even previous to this he appears to have been 
rector of the church at Ainderby Steeple, 9 near Northallerton, 
through the good offices of the patron, his relative Lord 
Scrope of Bolton. In March, 1377, he was ordained priest 
and held a canonry at York, and in the following year he 
was Chancellor 10 of the University of Cambridge. In 1382, 
he went to Rome, where he was sworn an Auditor of the 
Sacred Palace, 11 in which capacity he would hold a court 
to hear causes referred to the Pope for decision. In 1383, 

1 Cf. Beaufort, Arundel, Courtenay, Stafford, &c. 2 BURY. Ch. ix., p. 
248. 3 For shold no clerk be crowned bote yf ycome were 

Of frankleyns and freemen and of folks ywedded.-P. PLO., vi.,63. 
4 Goldun prelatis are they that are maad only for nobilay of kyn. APOL., 
90; WYCLTFFE, DIALOGUS, 34. For Bysshopes, Abbotes, and Priours 
that have the name of Prelates, see AMUNDESHAM, i.,454; ANGL. SACB.,IL, 
366 ; WYCL., 60. Post Episcopum equitabunt Pnelati si qui erunt. OEREM. 
EPISC., p. 7. See also TEST. EBOR., i., 358 ; MONAST., in., 9. In YORK 
PLAY, 255, 267, Caiaphas says : " ne Bishoppe ne Prelate." Cf. " I am a 
Prelate, a lord in degre." TOWNELEY, 194 ; "now Prelate and now chap- 
laine." CHAUCER, ROM. OF ROSE, fol. 145; " Et hiis qui praelati erant 
Episcopis et Abbatibus." ST. DENYS, iv., 210. 5 ANGL. SACK., n., 369. 

6 Ibid., I., 450 (written by William Whitlocke, Canon of Lichfield, circ. 
1560) ; also BALE, 553 ; HOLINS., n., 542 ; C. H. COOPER, ANN., L, 116. 

7 W. STEVENSON, 23 ; GODWIN, L, 321. He was a Doctor of Laws before 
1382. LEL., COL., i., 253. 8 COOPER, ANN., i., 116; HUNTER, i., 236. 
9 WHITAKER, L, 260, from TORRE'S ARCHDEACONRY OF RICHMOND, 
1719; TEST. EBOR., n., 188. I0 LE NEVE, in., 599; HEYWOOD, 192; 
FULLER, 82. " NIEM, LIB. GANG., 208. For the oath of an Auditor, see 
ibid., 7. 



1405.] "Jubar Ecdesia" 201 

he was made Dean of Chichester, 1 and when the astronomer- 
Bishop, 2 William Rede, died in 1385, the canons of Chichester 
chose him as his successor. 3 But the nomination was set 
aside by the King, and Scrope had to wait another year 
for his promotion. In 1386,* he held the prebend of Church 
Milton, in connection with the cathedral at Lincoln. In the 
same year he was still at Rome, and was appointed a Palace 
Notary 5 on April 28th, 1386. He was at Genoa when that 
"sunbeam 6 of the church," Pope Urban VL, escaped thither 
after hoisting, 7 stripping, torturing, and strangling his unfor- 
tunate cardinals, an Englishman, Adam Easton, 8 of Norwich, 

1 LE NEVE, I., 256. 2 His will was proved November 4th, 1385. DAL- 
LAWAY, I., 55. He built the library at Merton College, Oxford, and left 
100 books to the College. BRODRICK, 15, 211 (where his death is wrongly 
placed in 1376) ; LELAND, in BALE, n., 53 ; GODWIN, n., 87 ; HARRISON, 
i., xlviii.; BOASE, EXON., 4; WOOD, n., 86. 2 MALVERN, in HIGDEN, 
ix., 66. 4 LE NEVE, n., 187; WILLIS, CATHEDRALS, IL, 220. s NIEM, 
LIB. CANC., 212. For notaries, see ERLER, 15, 33. They were bound to 
wear short coats and suitable clothing, and not to frequent taverns. Other 
English lawyers employed in Rome about the same time were John Trefnant 
(afterwards Bishop of Hereford, 1389-1409. GODWIN, II., 70. For his 
monument in Hereford Cathedral, see GOUGH, in., 16. For his will proved 
at Lambeth in 1404, see GENEAL., vi., 224), who became an Auditor 
January 1 7th, 1386, Michael Cages, Andrew Baret, Thomas Walkington, 
William Lardner, John of Lynn, and Simon of England. NIEM, 210, 212. 
6 EuL., in., 341. 7 LENFANT, i., 42, quoting NIEM, Ch. 45 (an eye- 
witness); MILMAN, v., 417; HEFELE, vi., 805; CREIGHTON, i., 81. 
He afterwards had five of them tied in sacks and thrown into the sea 
at Genoa (PLATINA, 272); or if GOBELIN'S information was correct 
(page 310) their throats were cut in prison, and their bodies buried 
at night in a stable. For a defence of Urban, see ERLER, 76. 8 NIEM, 
63. He is called Adam, Bishop of London, in GIANNONE, IL, 226, 
quoting PANVINIO. In GOBELIN, 301, 310, he is called Adam, Car- 
dinalis de Anglia ; CHRISTOPHE, in., 85, 90. He had been an Auditor of 
the Apostolic Palace. NIEM, LIB. CANC., 214. Du PIN, XIL, 37, and 
CHBISTOFERI, 68, 312. 313, call him Cardinal of St. Cecily. He was Dean 
of York, 1381-1385. LE NEVE, in., 123 ; RAINE, LETTERS, 424. He 
died at Rome, August 1 5th, 1398, and in his epitaph (see NOTES AND 
QUERIES, 6th Ser., 7, 416) he is styled Cardinal Priest of St. Cecilia, per- 
petual administrator episcopatus Leondinensis (not Londinensis, as CIACO- 
NIUS, IL , 649), see BALE, 516; HARPSFELD, 525; WALS., n., 197; F. 
WILLIAMS, I. , 422 (whose account of him is of very little value) ; MALVERN, 
in HIGDEN, ix., 50, 221. In PARKKR, 251, he is called Episcopus Here- 
fordensis. GODWIN, IL, 374 (followed by FULLER, I., 449), wrongly makes 



202 Archbishop Scrope. [CHAP. L. 

being the only one amongst them that escaped. He was 
now promoted by Papal Bull (August i8th, I386,) 1 to be 
Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, and was consecrated at 
Genoa on the following day. As Bishop of Lichfield we know 
nothing of his work except a few scrappy references to the 
condition of his cathedral revenues. At his installation 8 he 
took an oath that he would recover the scattered and wasted 
possessions claimed as the property of the see, and would not 
alienate anything belonging to the Bishop's table ; upon which 
King Richard II., who was present, remarked dryly: "Sure 
you have taken a big oath, my lord." Whether he kept it or 
not we do not know, but when he left Lichfield he gave the 
customary sums for keeping his name in memory by means of 
masses to be celebrated in the cathedral after his death. In 
1392,* he was sent as ambassador to Scotland, in company with 
Sir Ralph Percy, to oppose an attempt made against the truce, 
and in 1396,* he went again to Rome in reference to the 
proposed canonization of King Edward II. On both these 

him a native of Hereford, perverted to Hertford in MURRAY'S HANDBOOK 
TO ROME. For his efforts to reform the Benedictines (circ. 1385), see HIST. 
MSS., I2TH KEPT., ix., 394. For his writings, see DICT. NAT. BIOG., 
XVI., 334- He left several books to the Cathedral Library at Norwich, 
which were forwarded in six barrels from Rome, October 3rd, 1407. 
RYM., viii., 501. 

1 LE NEVE, I., 552. BALE, 533, says that he visited both Avignon and 
Rome, and became a " Papal Advocate." WILLIS, I., 39 (see also DRAKE, 
438), thinks that he was Chancellor of England, but this is a confusion with 
Lord Scrope of Bolton. He is called Bishop of Chester (1389), see also 
DUGDALE, i., 381 ; TEST. VET., L, 126; GIBBONS, 29; FASCIC. ZIZAN., 
357 ( I 39 2 )- For other instances where Chester is used as equivalent to 
Lichfield and Coventry, see LIB. ALB., 614 ; LIB. CUST., 686 ; ANN., 227 ; 
SMITH, 232; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 98; in spite of CASSAN, BISHOPS OF 
BATH AND WELLS, 180. In NIEM, LIB. GANG., 32, the bishopric is Lich- 
feldensem alias Coventrensem [seu Cestrensem],the bracketed words having 
been afterwards struck out. Bishop Scrope is said to have baptised Richard 
Beauchamp, son of the Earl of Warwick. Rows, 359. If this is so, the 
infant must have been four years old, or there must have been an error in 
the date of his birth, Jan. 28th, 1382. 2 ANGL. SACR., L, 450; HOFLER, 
ANNA, 103. 3 DEVON, 247. 4 Ibid., 264. 



1405.] "He was a virgine, as he said" 203 

occasions he was amply supplied with public funds. In June, 
1398, he was made Archbishop of York, Primate of England, 1 
and Legate of the Court of Rome, 2 and thus, at fifty years of 
age, he touched the top rung in the ladder of honour. 

Walsingham claims for him an " incomparable knowledge * 
of literature," but his manifesto was drawn up in a peculiarly 
barbarous and illiterate style,* and the industry of Bale could 
find no evidence of his literary skill except an " Invective 5 
against King Henry," which he certainly did not write. He 
was personally popular 6 with all who came in contact with 
him, and was treated l^y King Henry with special honour and 
respect. 7 Moreover, it is something to know that he lived a 
clean life 8 and never broke his continence, which seems to 
have been a rare thing with high ecclesiastics 9 in those days, 
for it is mentioned as a special mark of distinction on the 
authority of his latest confessor at the block, that he died a 
virgin. 10 From his youth up he had been advanced in church 

1 NOTT. REC., ii., 10, where the Archbishop of Canterbury is Primate 
totius Anglise. 2 TEST. EBOR., in., 316, 317, from REG. SCROPE, 206. 

3 WALS., ii., 269. The continuator of STUBBS (in RAINE, HISTORIANS, 
ii., 429) attributes to him several sequences and prayers, but the writer 
lived more than loo years after Scrope's death, and his account is full of 
inaccuracies. LINGARD (in., 437), touches on " the fame of his learning." 

4 ANN., 405. 5 BALE, 533. 6 WALS., n., 269, 271. CARTE (n., 663), 
who draws a fancy picture of him, credits him inter alia with " an obliging 
temper." ^ DRAKE, xcvm. 8 ANN., 403 ; POLITICAL SONGS, n., 116. 
9 Cf. the cases of Henry Beaufort and John Stafford, Bishop of Bath and 
Wells. GASC., 231. In Ireland both bishops and priests had concubines 
openly (NlEM, 501), and at Naples in 1385, every cardinal was said to have 
personam secundam penes se (NlEM, 48, who heard the ladies saying 
videam maritum tuum cardinalem). ERLER, 70. See also STUBBS, m.,372; 
WYCLIFFE, 6, 73. I0 GASC., 229. For virgo sponsus et pastor populi, see 
ATHENAEUM, 4/8/88, p. 161. " Malcome callit the madyne who deyt ane 
virgin." WYNT., in., 333. Cf. MIRROR OF OUR LADY, XLVIII, LII.; 
CATHOL. ANGL., s.v. Madyn; Cov. MYST., 95, 196, 323, 389, 394; P. 
PLO., B. ix., 173; C. XL, 281 ; GIBBONS, 97 ; ANGLIA, vin., 194. "And 
thus his maidenhead he bought." GOWER, CONF. AM., 293. "He was 
a virgin." Ibid., 294. " How that Adam and Eve also virgines comen 
bothe two." Ibid, 407. For stumbling v. virgin bishops, see ANCIENT 
LAWS, iv., ccxvm. 



204 Archbishop Scrap f. [CHAP. L. 

preferment at a time when " they put boys l in churches, pre- 
bends, and dignities," and " rich men's sons 2 got benefices in 
their tender age by covetise and gift of fathers and mothers or 
of kinsmen." At forty he had stepped into a bishopric, when 
there were " three things 3 that made a man a bishop in England, 
viz.: the will of the King, 4 the will of the Pope, and money paid 
in abundance to the court of Rome," and when it was openly 
urged that a bishop was " not bound to preach 5 or do anything 
for the care of men's souls, but only to superintend," from which 
point of view he might be a statesman, 6 a lawyer, a courtier, a 
soldier, 8 or an ambassador, 7 spending his time in London 9 or 

1 GASC. (Hearne), n., 513. Imberbes adhuc adolescentuli vix ferulam 
egressi ad pastorale convolant magisterium. CLAMENGES, 18. See the 
case of Robert Nevil, the fourteenth child of the Earl of Westmoreland, 
who was a clerk at 10 years of age, and held a prebend at York. JONES, 
98 ; STAFF. REG., 143, 231, 262. Henry Beaufort was Bishop of Lincoln 
when he was 22 years of age. EXCERPT. HIST., 155 ; admodum puero. 
ANN., 226. Arundel was Bishop of Ely at 21 years of age. LE NEVE, L, 
330; WILLS OF KINGS, 134; BOASE, EXON., xxxviii. Peter of Luxemburg, 
brother to Count Waleran of St. Pol, afterwards canonized as a saint, was 
made Bishop of Metz in 1384, when he was only 15 years old. BUTLER, 
ii., 19; Cf. VAUGHAN, i., n. 2 PURVEY, REMONSTR., 144. Cfc " Yonge 
childre unable both of lif and kunning presen faste to be prestis." 
WYCLIFFE, 166. 3 GASC., n., 527. 4 WYCLIFFE, DE APOSTASIA, 61. 
5 GASC., IL, 514. "A doumb prelat is an ydol." PURVEY, PROL., 31. 
Cf. WYCLIFFE, SERMONS, n., 205. For scandals in Germany, Spain, &c., 
see HOFLER, RUPR., 382 ; ALZOG, IL, 928. 6 Neither prelatis, neither 
preestis, neither dekenis, shulden han secular officis, that is chauncerie, 
tresorie, prive seal, and othere siche seculer officis in the chekir. PURVEY, 
REMONSTR. , 2. Cf. Thoffice of the chauncellerie, 
Or of the Kinges tresorie, 
Ne for ne write, ne for ne taile, 
To warrant may nought than availe. 

GOWER, CONF. AM., 239. 

7 Cf. the career of Bishops Spenser, Colton, Walden, and Bowet. Roger 
Waldby, a Yorkshireman, was Archbishop of Dublin from 1390 to 1396, 
where he was constantly fighting against the Irish (GRAVES, 41). He was 
then promoted to be Bishop of Chichester and Archbishop of York. Bishop 
Brantingham's pavise and brass gun were kept at Exeter. STAFF. REG., 
414. ? HIST. DUNELM. SCRIPTORES TRES, clxii, clxxxiii. I0 RAINE, 
LETTERS, xiv.; GASC., IL, 514. John Kemp, Archbishop of York from 
1426 to 1452, never lived in his diocese, except for two or three weeks 
together every ten or twelve years. Ibid,, 522. John Caterick, Bishop of 



1405.] " Worldly offis in lordis courtes" 205 

abroad, " recking not how rusty ben his sheep," 1 and leaving 
his work to be done by some poor Irish, Scotch, or " alien " 3 
bishop with a partibus title 3 and an imaginary flock. And so 
it came about that in the next generation a zealous churchman 
declared that he had never known a man promoted to be a 
bishop in the English church who " might, 4 could, or would be 
of any use to men's souls." 

As Archbishop of York we are unable to discover any acts 
on the part of Scrope calling for special gratitude from the 
people of the North. It is true that he did not neglect to 
favour and advance his own kindred, and those who bore his 
family name had reason to bless his memory when he was gone. 
One of his nephews, Archdeacon Stephen Scrope, had to thank 
him for a " burst 5 of preferment " in the diocese of York and 
other means whereby he " reached him out a helping hand," 6 
and one of the very earliest of his recorded acts as Archbishop 
was to procure a dispensation for another of his nephews, Sir 
Henry Scrope, who had got himself into a difficulty by marrying 
a wife 7 within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity. The 

Lichfield, 1415-1419, was absent in remotis (i.e., at the Council of Con- 
stance) all the time. RELIQUARY, January, 1887, p. 54. Henry Chichele 
did not visit his diocese at St. David's till four years after his consecration. 
Bishop Spenser of Norwich had a suffragan, the Bishop of Smyrna. 
BLOMEFIELD, IL, 372. 

1 HOCCL., DE REG., 52; MORLEY, vr., 129; CLAMENGES, 17; SCHWAB, 
88. 2 STAFF. REG., 308 ; WALCOTT, WYKEHAM, 121 ; KIRBY, vr. 3 F or 
titular bishops in partibus, see WYCLIFFE, 225 ; A.LZOG, n. , 350. e.g., Chris- 
topolis, Gallipoli, Hebron, Selymbria, Sultania, Nazareth, Nineveh, Neph- 
talym, &c. , all of whom were about at this time. STAFF. REG., 305, 308, 
332 ; STUBBS, 145 ; JONES, 96 ; P. PLO., xvni., 189-261. For Bishops of 
Ardagh, Whitherne, &c., see TEST. EBOR., in., 314 ; STAFF. REG., 6, 165. 
ISSUE ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH. (October 25th, 1412), and PAT., 14 H. IV., 
IO (January 8th, 1413), show payment of ^40 per annum since March l8th, 
1400, to William, Bishop of Tournai, " because he has not wherewith to 
maintain himself." 4 GASC., n., 537. s TEST. EBOR., in., 33. 6 Ibid., 
I., 385. 7 Called Philippa, widow of Sir John de Wros (not Roos, as 
TEST. EBOR., in., 316), corrected to Devereux in BURTON, 274; called 
Deveros in ROT. PARL., in., 221, and RYM., vn., 566. She died Nov. 
1 9th, 1406. SCROPE AND GROSV., IT., 140. She was a daughter of Sir Guy 



206 Archbishop Scrope. [CHAP. L. 

Archbishop used his influence, and the matter was got over at 
a small family meeting in the manor chapel at Turnham Hall, 1 
on the Ouse, below Selby (July nth, 1398), at which the 
marriage was legalised and all stain removed from the children 
that should afterwards bear the family name. 

When Richard Scrope became Archbishop of York, the 
Minster was still a splendid, incongruous, unsightly fragment. 
The vast nave, the transepts, and the chapter-house were 
finished as we see them now, and it had been the dream of 
one of his predecessors, John Thoresby, to complete the work 
by widening and lengthening the choir till it should equal the 
dimensions of the nave, and thus rival the giant church of 
St. Paul 2 in London. As the new walls rose, the munificence * 
of Archbishop Thoresby seemed to expand, but he only lived 
to see the extreme eastern portion completed, and at his death 
in 1372, the great Lady Chapel or Presbytery was separated 
from the transepts and the nave by the roofless remains of an 
earlier church, while in the centre stood the old Norman bell- 
tower, dwarfed out of knowledge by four great excrescences 
looking to the four cardinal points of the compass. Under 
his successors the work hung fire, Archbishops Nevil and 
Arundel being too much occupied with political intrigues. 
But now after thirty-six years delay, the Scropes, Percies/ 

de Brian; her sister Elizabeth was the wife of Robert Lovell. TEST. 
EBOR., in., 35; BANKS, i., 138. In DUGDALE, BARONAGE, i., 551, the 
wife of John, sixth Baron de Roos, is called Mary, and this agrees with his 
will dated February 25th, 1393, in GIBBONS, 71, and with INQ. p. MORT., 
in., 171, 196, proving that the two are not the same. 

1 Which then belonged to the family of Roos. GIBBONS, 70 ; TEST. 
EBOR., ii., 120; INQ. P. MORT., n., 151, 176, 319; in., 61. 2 The ex- 
treme length of Old St. Paul's was believed to be 690 feet, and the breadth 
1 30 feet. SIMPSON, Doc. , 45 ; CHRON. LOND. , 1 74. LONGMAN, 29, supposes 
this to have been 100 feet too long. See also SIMPSON, Doc., 192 ; CHAP- 
TERS, 77 ; GARDINER, 591. 3 See his gifts in money amounting to over 
2,600 in thirteen years, in FABR. ROLLS, xiv.; not .2,400, as WILLIS, 

in ARCHyEOL. INST., 1846. 4 MONAST. ANGL., VI., 1190. 



1405.] York Minster. 207 

Vavasours, 1 and other great northern families, were bestirring 
themselves to complete the work on Thoresby's plan. Already 
vast stores of iron, lead, glass, copper, and sand were collecting ; 
the precinct echoed* with the sound of the chip-axe* and 
blocker ; the staith on the Ouse known as Saint Leonard's 4 
landings, was alive with schuts, 5 cog-boats, 6 crayers, 7 and 
lighters 8 bringing timber, lime, and stone from the forests 
and quarries of Stapleton, 9 Spofforth, Topcliffe, and Tadcaster. 
A rate was levied on the owners of property in York, fines 
were appropriated, gifts 10 and offerings were gathered both 
within and without the churches. Some paid for a carpenter, 11 
others for the freightage of a shipful of stone. 12 Sometimes a 
workman left his bronze pulleys 13 for the new work, and there 
is scarcely a will of any man or woman enrolled at that time in 
the Registry at York which does not contain some legacy M for 
the fabric of the glorious church of St. Peter. 15 So great indeed 
had the obligation become, that one of Scrope's successors 
gave orders 16 that no priest should give absolution unless the 
penitent paid something towards the building fund of the 
church. 

1 TEST. EBOR., i., 361. 2 For builders at work on a fifteenth century 
church, see BAKROIS, 100; BASTARD, vi., from a miniature by Jean 
Foucquet, temp. Louis XL, in BIBL. NAT. MS., Fr. 6891. 3 FABR. ROLLS, 
207; TEST. EBOR., i., 347. For specimen, see CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 
Plate xxi., 80; SHARPE, n., 144. 4 DRAKE, App. xvi. s Or shouts, 
SHARPE, i., 440, 480, 611 ; n., 133, 167. 6 PROMPT. PARV., 86. 7 SHARPE, 
IL, 233. s Ibid., 343. 9 i.e., near Knottingley. See Due. LANG., XL, 
15, 25 b., for document dated York, July I7th, 1400, exempting the Dean 
and Chapter of York from toll on the Aire for stone carried from quarry at 
at Stapleton to York for new works. I0 CONG. , ill., 226. " i.e., a worker 
in timber, a mason, or housebuilder. YEAR BOOK, II H. IV., MICH., p. 33. 
12 FABR. ROLLS, 207; TEST. EBOR., i., 327. I3 Polys de ere. TEST. 
EBOR., i., 347. ** Ibid., i., 327, 337, 342, 345, 349, 351, 353, 361, &c. 
J 5 RAINE, YORK, 152, 155, calls St. William the patron saint of the cathe- 
dral. l6 GASC., pp. I, 123. For similar cases of pressure, see ibid., i, 2, 
II. For indulgences issued to help in the building of St. Paul's, see LONG- 
MAN, II. For Salisbury, see SARUM STAT. (1319), p. 49. For Lincoln, 



208 Archbishop Scrope. [CHAP. L. 

It has not been shown that Archbishop Scrope personally 
gave large sums to further the work, but during the seven years 
of his tenure we have one record of a gift of *j i6s. od. 1 from 
him to pay for one cementer * or mason for a year. Neverthe- 
less by every means the work went on, and by the year 1405, 
the roof, 8 the walls, and the outer fabric of the church were 
practically finished. Whether Scrope had much actually to do 
with the work may be doubted. A political bishop would have 
other things to do, and all the time that he was archbishop he 
had a " suffragany," * William Northbridge, 5 Bishop of Pharos, 8 
to ordain and confirm for him, to hallow 7 chapels, church- 
yards, altars, vessels, and vestments, to prove 8 wills and sign 
quittances, and so set him free for the pursuit of higher game 
as occasion offered. As Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield he 
had been frequently abroad, but as Archbishop of York he 
appears to have spent all his time in England, and a little 
incident throwing light on the relations between him and the 
citizens is found in a volume 9 of memoranda belonging to the 
Corporation of York. About 1403, he laid claim to the person 

see GIRALD., vii., 217. For Ripon, see RIPON MEM., i., 98, 114; u., 82, 
153, 164, 1 66. For London Guildhall, see Vol. II., p. in, note 7. For 
other instances, see OWEN AND BLAKEWAY, n., 452-455; FABR. ROLLS, 
237; ATJNGIER, 422; MUN. ACALX, 573; WILLIS AND CLARK, n., 123, 
185. By false Pardon making Men to give their needy Liflode to their 
Cathedral Churches that have no need. LEWIS, 37. 

1 FABR. ROLLS, 24, which seems to be all we have to justify the praise 
bestowed on him for "munificence." 2 SHARPE, I., 85. 3 WILLIS, in 
ARCH^OL. INST. (1846), p. 43, thinks that the choir would be roofed in 
1400. 4 TEST. EBOR., in., 316, 319. A glance at FABR. ROLLS, 237-242, 
and TEST. EBOR., in., 325, will show that the suffragan Bishops in York 
often held also the little Irish see of Dromore in County Down. For com- 
mission to a suffragan Bishop for Lichfield in 1398, see OWEN AND BLAKE- 
WAY, i., 314. s STUBBS, REG., 144. 6 FABR. ROLLS, 237 ; BURTON, 397. 
7 AUNGIER, 283 ; WYCLIFFE, 97 ; DIALOGUS, 50. In CONG., in., 343, 
the Bishop's fee for consecrating a church is five marks ; in KNIGHTON, 
2661, it is 405. 8 WYCLIFFE, 277 ; SERMONS, i., 269. 9 HIST. MSS., 
IST REPT., 109. 



1405.] "A bond-bore man" 209 

of one William of Wistowe, as his bond-churl, 1 or naif, 2 born 
within his liberty, near Cawood. 3 The Archbishop may have 
been straining some antiquated claim 4 by which, if proved, 
Wistowe would have been bound to the soil and debarred from 
admission to the freedom of the City of York, where he had 
wealthy 5 and influential relations. The Mayor and others 
proceeded to the Archbishop's room in the Palace, 6 within the 
Cathedral close, to "protest personally and openly" that Wis- 
towe was not a " bond-bore man." 7 They seem to have gained 
their point, for he afterwards became a monk 8 at Fountains. 
When Henry landed in Yorkshire, supported by the Per- 
cies and Nevils, Archbishop Scrope raised no voice against the 
usurpation. On the contrary, he was a leading member of the 
Commission for dethroning Richard, he obtained the renuncia- 
tion 9 from the fallen King personally in the Tower, read it 

1 ROT. PAUL., iv., 58 b. For bondman, see P. PLO., vn., 201 ; ix., 
42; xx., 37; xxi., 109; HIST. MSS., IITH KEPT., App. in., v. 2 For 
nativi (naifs, niefs, or neyfs), see GLANVIL, 37; DENTON, 15, 39; GENEAL., 
N. S., v., 48; STUBBS. i.,426; ROGERS, i., 69; EARWAKER, i., 44; 
DURHAM HALMOTE, 123, 131, 137, 185; MONTGOMERY COLL., i. , 303; 
YEAR BOOK, n H. IV., HIL., 48 a; TEST. EBOR., i., 350; CHANDLER, 
vui.; PROCEEDINGS IN CHANCERY, TEMP. ELIZABETH, i., xxiii. That 
"neif" is not exclusively feminine (as supposed in SHARPE, n., 33) is. 
proved by YEAR BOOK, 30 Ed. I., 201. In GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 29, February 
6th, 1408, Thomas More (clerk), manumits ab omni vinculo servitutis Hugh 
Strok and son and daughter nativos meos manerii mei de Berlhaughe in 
Stradbrok, allowing them to live where they like. 

For may no cheril a chartre make ne hus catel selle 
Withoute leve of the lord no law wolde it graunte. 

PIERS PLO., xin., 61. 

3 DRAKE, 218. 4 STAT., I., 2 (i R. II., c. 6.) s See the will of his aunt, 
Isabel, wife of Alan Hamerton, who died in 1406, and founded two chan- 
tries at York. TEST. EBOR., n., 22. 6 For its position, see RAINE, YORK, 
156. PAT., 14 H. IV., 7, January 26th, 1413, refers to an escape from the 
Archbishop's prison, within his palace at York. 7 ROT. PARL. , iv. , 57 b, 
58 a. 8 In 1378, Bishop Arundel of Ely, grants a license to Laurence 
Lessy, his nativus, to take holy orders. GIBBONS, ELY REC. , 393. See also 
ibid., 398, and Due. LANC. REC., XL, 14, 153. 9 R OT> p ARL>5 m ., 424. 
It is curious that MILMAN (v., 525) should have been so. far misled by a 
theory as to suppose that "the two Primates (Canterbury and York) were 
on adverse sides in the revolution which dispossessed Richard II. of his 
throne." 



210 Archbishop Scrope. [CHAP. L. 

to the Parliament at Westminster, conducted Henry to the 
vacant throne, and helped l to place the crown upon his head. 
When the new King was at York, in the summer of 1400,2 the 
Archbishop did all he could to assist him in raising money for 
his expedition against the Scots, but his interest went less with 
Bolingbroke than with the Percies and, so far as he dared, he 
lent his influence to all their plots and intrigues. His elder 
sister, Isabel, was married to Sir Robert Plumpton, a wealthy 
tenant of the Percies, near Spofforth; in 1402, his brother John 
married Elizabeth, the widow of Sir Thomas Percy, 8 second son 
of the Earl of Northumberland, and from this time he must be 
regarded as a pronounced partisan. When the Friars were 
sowing disaffection and preparing the ground for rebellion, 
he ostentatiously displayed his sympathy with the seditious 
teachings of " the Prophecy " by giving emphasis to the miracles 
wrought at the grave of its reputed author at Bridlington. 4 
When the Earl of Northumberland and his son were gathering 
their forces for rebellion in 1403, they relied upon the " good 
advice and counsel of Master Richard Scrope "; in their defiance 
at Shrewsbury they claimed 5 the Archbishop as having certified 
the justice of their cause, and had the tide of battle been 
reversed, there is little doubt that he would have blessed the 
rebel forces on their overthrow of the usurper whom he had 
just helped to enthrone. As it was, he left the fallen Earl to 

1 ANN., 281. See the picture (temp. Hy. VI.) in STKUTT, REGAL 
ANTIQ., 63, 75, from copy of FROISSART, in ROY. LIB., 18, E, 2. HOLT 
(p. vii.) supposes one of the figures in HARL. MS., 1319, f. 57, to be a 
portrait of him. 2 Vol. L, 135 ; RAINE, YORK, 80. 3 He died about 1388. 
HODGSON, ii., ii., 43 ; COLLINS, PEERAGE, n., 226; or 1386. TEST. 
EBOR., L, 338. VINCENT, 610, shows that he was dead in 1388 (n R. II.), 
from PLACITA COB.AM REGE, 15 R. II., 22 ; ESCHEAT., 15 R. II., 2, 179, 
PASCH.; FINES, 15 R. II., 2. 4 ANN., 388. Two of the lines in the 
Prophecy were afterwards supposed to be applicable to the Archbishop's 
death, though one of them (PoL. SONGS, I., 156) referred to the death of a 
certain magister hospitalariorum at Crecy. The other (if it corresponds 
with ibid., 149) referred to the Duke of Brittany. 5 HARDYNG, 353. 



1405.] Oblations. 211 

his fate, and when the King came to York to accept his sur- 
render, the Archbishop celebrated High Mass * with great state 
in the Minster, and accepted as his perquisite the customary 
gold noble (6s. 8d.) offered at the altar by the man whom he 
would gladly have seen destroyed. In the Parliament at 
Coventry 2 in October, 1404, he joined the Archbishop of 
Canterbury in protesting against the proposed confiscation of 
the wealth of the Church. On the i9th of March, 1405^ he 
issued his summons for the Northern Convocation to meet in 
the Minster at York, though succeeding events prevented the 
meeting from taking place till the following year. As late as 
Easter 4 (April ipth), 1405, he had attended a council in 
London, and supported the efforts of Lord Bardolph in refusing 
any more money grants on the old bad footing, and then on 
the departure of the King for Wales, he started for the North 
with the Earl Marshal and Lord Bardolph to " turn insurrection 
to religion," 5 and try his hand at open revolt. 

1 See the curious account in FABRIC ROLLS, 191, dated Aug. igth, 1403 
(probably an error for August loth, as given in BROWNE, 202), of the King's 
visit to York (August 8th to i3th ; see Vol. I., 367 ; Q. R. WARDROBE, 
6 4 8 , App. B), and how the Archbishop handed the money publicly to the 
Dean, but afterwards privately took it for himself. For similar claim of 
the Bishop and Canons at Salisbury (1392), see SABUM STAT., 90. The 
King's daily offering in church is entered at one great penny (7d. ) per day, but 
on fourteen special days he offered gold (i.e., 6s. 8d. ). See Q. R. WARD- 
ROBE, 8 4 8 , App. B. On these occasions the preacher, who was some Bachelor, 
Master, or Doctor in Theology, received 405. as his fee. In 1403, the total 
royal oblations under all these heads, including 2d. per day to 24 poor 
men, and 200 given to the poor at the Maundy=^489 i6s. gd. , out of a 
total expenditure of ^22,472 195. 3id. Q. R. WARDROBE, * 4 8 > App. B. 
On Palm Sunday, 1428, the King of Scotland gave 155. to the offertory at 
Linlithgow. EXCH. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., 450. 2 ANN., 392. 3 CONG., in., 
303. 4 HARD., 362. 5 HY. IV., Part n., i., i, 201. 



CHAPTER LI. 
SHIPTON MOOR. 

THE disaffected among the clergy were fully astir. The Bishop 
of St. Asaph, the anti-Bishop of Bangor, the Dean of Bangor, 
the Abbot of Welbeck, were already with the Earl of Northum- 
berland, and the Archbishop now enrolled himself on the side 
of those who would parcel out the kingdom in order to ad- 
vance their family interests l and gratify the ranklings of private 
revenge. Adherents of the Earl of Northumberland were 
sounded either by direct intercourse 2 or through the agents of 
the chief conspirators, and the weight of the Archbishop's name 
and character was used with such effect that many, who were 
at first approached with caution, were converted into eager 
partisans for the success of the conspiracy. A strong force was 
collected, articles were drawn up and secretly copied, and all 
being ready, the citizens of York were startled to find a singular 
document fastened to the minster doors 3 and city gates, 4 and 
posted about in their streets and public thoroughfares. 

In this manifesto, certain persons whose names are left blank, 
stated that they desired reforms under various heads, and urged 
that all estates should be at liberty to choose representatives 
and send them to a Parliament which should meet in London, 
to consider such measures of reform as might avert impending 
calamities. These suggested measures were grouped in three 
short clauses : 

1 EUL., in., 405. 2 ANN., 403. 3 Super monasteriorum januas. ANN., 
403. Cf. POL. SONGS, I., 292, where St. Paul's is called monasterium 
Pauli. RAINE, YORK, 81, translates it "every monastery and parish 
church." 4 EUL., m., 406. 



1405.] The Manifesto. 213 

1. A general reform of government in the direction 
of truth and justice, in view of the intolerable burdens 
thrown upon the clergy, and the wrongs done to all 
classes. 

2. To protect from ruin the unnamed champions who 
were exposing themselves to risk and their property to 
confiscation. 

3. To consider the over-legislation which was pressing 
down gentles, merchants, and commons alike, to punish 
the wilful waste of money taken from the general body of 
the country for the benefit of a few, and that the money 
thus mis-appropriated should be restored. 

The framers of the manifesto then declared that they were 
working for the peace, prosperity, unity, and tranquillity of the 
kingdom, they pledged themselves to resist foreign enemies and 
to protect trade, and they added that, if these reforms were 
carried out, they had promises from the rebels in Wales that 
they would consent, with glad hearts, 1 to cease from rebellion 
and submit to English rule. They then called upon all who 
should read or hear to show their good will by helping forward 
these plans, and so save themselves, the conspirators, and the 
country. 

The document was drawn up in English, but we have two 
independent translations of it into Latin, in one of which the 
chronicler 2 expressly says that he had seen the original. He 
claims to have translated it almost word for word, and to have 
given the naked sense without any colouring, but we could 
have spared his apologies if he had just given us the rudeness 3 

I ANN., 405, translating from the document, has cordenti et hillari. 
WALS., ii., 423, has Iseto corde. 2 ANN., 405 ; WALS., IL, 422 ; EUL., 
in., 405; CHRON. GILES, 44. 3 Cf. "rewde endytyng." CHAUCER, 
ASTROLABE, 2; MERRYWEATHER, 191; LYDG ATE, TEMPLE OF GLAS, Ixiv. 
" O lewde boke, with thy foule rudenesse." CUCKOW AND NIGHTINGALE, 
291, in ANGLIA, in., 258. 



214 Shipton Moor. [CHAP. LI. 

to the very letter. Looked at by itself, the pronouncement is an 
unmistakeably clever paper in spite of its barbarous style. It is 
a revival of the intrigues of the late reign, an attempt at a new 
Commission of Regency, with a fresh list of appellants or self- 
constituted champions of the public cause. Undoubtedly the 
country was overburdened, trade was insecure, and the court 
was extravagant, and here was a bid for popularity in reversing 
and revolutionizing all in favour of peace, retrenchment, and 
reform. But when the new champions cry out that a Parlia- 
ment ought to sit to deal with grievances, we cannot forget that 
four months had not elapsed since the close of the Illiterate 1 
Parliament at Coventry, where the knife of retrenchment had 
been set in deep and firm, and the simple readers of this mani- 
festo on the church doors at York could not have known that 
those who claimed to speak in the name of the unity of the 
country and promised the speedy submission of the Welsh, 
would within a year put their names to a treaty for slicing 
England into three, and leave the Welshmen to scramble for 
part of the plunder. 

We have extant, however, a manifesto 2 of a totally different 
character, which is commonly considered 3 to have been drawn 
up by the Archbishop, and to represent the grounds which led 
to his ill-fated efforts and tragic death. But the document 
contains no mention of the Archbishop by name except in the 
heading, where the whole affair is assigned to the year 1399. 
It cannot have been the original affixed to the church doors, 

1 HOOK, iv., 486 (following COKE, 4 INST., 48), calls it the "Lack- 
learning Parliament," and thinks that the lawyers were excluded "to please 
the lower orders." Foss (iv., 128) thinks that "the lawyers were not 
favourites with the King." 2 ANGL. SACK., u., 362. Fox (i., 676) has 
summarized the articles from SCALA MUNDI, but he translates exaruit 
(exarsit?) caristia by " charity is waxed cold." The words seem to refer to 
the scarcity in 1401. See also KNIGHT, ii., 17. 3 RAMSAY, i., 87, appears 
to accept it without question. 



1405.] Defenders of the Commonwealth. 215 

for no church door 1 would have held it, unless it had been 
written in so small a hand as to have been invisible without 
prolonged attention. It professes to be a declaration for writing 
and intimating grievances z to the whole country on the part of 
certain persons styling themselves Proctors and Defenders of 
the Commonwealth, acting with St. George's banner 3 displayed 
by virtue of their oaths taken at Rome and Oxford in presence 
of many prelates and nobles. A perusal of the contents of this 
lengthy tract leads to the conclusion that we have here in some 
form an expansion of the famous " quarrel " 4 sent to the King by 
the Percies on the battlefield of Shrewsbury. The two are based 
upon the same original and, in places, contain exactly the same 
language. Each is an arraignment of Henry for perjury in 
returning to England, imprisoning Richard, seizing the throne, 
imposing taxes, beheading laymen, and hanging clerks, but the 
present document omits 5 all interest in the fate of Mortimer, 
and brings down the story a little further than the battlefield of 
Shrewsbury, referring not only to the death of Huntingdon, 
Salisbury, Clarendon, and others, but recording the " quite 
recent " (novissime) exhumation and insult offered to the corpse 
of Hotspur, and pointing to the known intentions of the King 
to " confound and extinguish more nobles within a little," unless 
his malice were checked. It is saturated with the grievances of 
ecclesiastics, without any mention of their crimes. The King 

1 For a facsimile of a fifteenth century poster, see COI.DINGHAM 
CORBDCE., p. viii. The letters are a good inch long, with wide spaces 
between each word and line. Yet see MARTENE, COLL., vn., 826-840, for 
a paper fastened to the church doors in Pisa in July, 1408, extending over 
fourteen columns of close modern-printed folio ; also the bull of Urban V., 
posted on the cathedral door at Avignon in 1362, which covers seven pages 
in ST. DENYS, iv., 534-548. The church doors were the usual resort of the 
anonymous lampooner. BAYE, u., 288. 2 ANGL. SACK., n., 367. 
3 GOWER, CONF. AM., 120, 223. * Vol. I., 358; HARD., 352. 5 Though 
RAPIN (in., 394) seems to include this old article in his summary, and 
GUTHKIE (ii., 420) does the same. 



2i 6 Shipton Moor. [CHAP. LI. 

had not spared the shaven crown, the holy garments, or the 
consecrated hands. He had approved the confirmation of the 
Statutes against Provisors passed in the Parliament at Win- 
chester, 1 in 1393, whereby the Pope was debarred from that 
" full and free disposition of all English benefices " which he 
ought to have 2 from the plenitude of his power. It laments 
the injustice done to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, 3 
because knights, esquires, and merchants choose any occupation 
for their sons rather than let them study for the church, and it 
inveighs against bishops, abbots, and priors for selling benefices 
to boys and uneducated persons, often their own natural sons or 
partners in their excesses, in return for a half or a third of the 
yearly income. Next follows a wail of desperation over the 
condition of the " unhappy and enthralled " clergy, and the 
" more unhappy and most wretched " people forced to be always 
paying under threats and penalties. Yet for all this, Wales, 
Ireland, and Aquitaine are lost, and the country is divided 
against itself. Then after all this heavy indictment, and a pro- 
test that they were not going to hurt anybody, the champions 
of " the Church of Rome, England, Wales, and Ireland, King 
Richard and his heirs, the clergy, the people, and all England," 
compressed their intentions under three heads : 

1. They meant to raise " the just and true " heir to 
be King, and have him crowned ; 

2. To bring Irish, Welsh, and all enemies of the 
country to perpetual peace; 

1 RAPIN (in., 394) supposes this to refer to some parliament held at 
Winchester in Henry's reign. 2 Yet see letter of R. II. to Pope Boniface 
IX. (1397), telling him that he may do as he likes with foreign benefices, 
but must not "dip his hand into our pot." CONC. , in., 232. In YEAR 
BOOK, 4 H. IV., MICH., 8, the Pope is "le Romaine Euesq'." 3 Echoing 
the complaint of the Convocation of Canterbury in 1399 (CoNC., in., 242), 
against the working of the Statutes of Provisors, 25 Ed. III. and 13 R. II. 
(Vol. I., p. 37). See also the complaint made by the Doctors of Oxford 
and Cambridge, '"'that they could not now accept benefices by Papal Pro- 
vision as they used." STAFF. REG., 311. 



1 405 ] " Derives from Heaven his quarrel and his cause" 217 

3. To free the country from all exactions, extortions, 
and unjust payments ; 

and all who would help these pious schemes were promised 
the blessing of God, the pardon of sin, and eternal life, with 
curses and excommunication for those who went the other way. 

Whatever conclusions may be arrived at as to the date or 
authorship of this manifesto, it is clear that in the three essential 
particulars with which it concludes, it does not correspond with 
the clauses of the paper which we know to have been fastened 
to the minster doors at York. From the mention of the " just 
and true heir," it is possible that it may have been put together 
in preparation for the Duke of York's plot to seize the King 
and proclaim the Earl of March in the winter of 1404, but 
looking to the charge of condemning bishops to death before a 
secular tribunal, upon which much stress is laid, and the fre- 
quent mention of the King's excommunication, which does not 
occur in the Shrewsbury document, it seems clear that we have 
here a paper composed subsequently to Scrope's death, and 
probably circulated in the year 1407, in preparation for the 
events which culminated in the disaster on Bramham Moor. 
The second and third clauses are the merest dream of an 
Arcadian simplicity, and taken in connection with the fustian 
and verbiage * with which the articles are stuffed, they lead to 
the belief that the tract is not the composition of a practical 
politician at all, but an elaborate outburst of academical in- 
dignation compiled by some disappointed student pining for 
preferment in the seclusion of a university. 

We have yet another account of the Archbishop's reasons 
for demanding a reform set forward in the year after his death 
by the Earl of Northumberland, 2 Sir Edmund Mortimer, and 

1 It sounds a little queer to read of " the afore-mentioned Jesus Christ," 
&c. ANGL. SACK., n., 363. 2 Ibid., n., 369; GASCOIGNE, 229-231. 
COLLIER, i., 622. 



2i 8 Shipton Moor. [CHAP. LI. 

Lord Bardolph, for the information of their sympathizers, in the 
hope of stirring them again into revolt. They tell us that the 
Archbishop advised the King to repent and make satisfaction 
for his perjury in forcing Richard to resign his crown, but the 
advice (if really given) must have sounded strange in the mouth 
of one of the leading Commissioners who had received the 
crown from the captive King, and sealed the renunciation deed 
with the sanction of the Parliament. They tell us that the 
Archbishop now wished the crown to be restored to the right 
line, that lords should be tried by their peers, that taxes should 
be lightened, and that "certain wise men " should be appointed 
to take the place of greedy foreigners and hungry adventurers 
who would say anything to please the King, that sheriffs should 
be elected without the pressure of official interference, and that 
all estates should be free to speak their mind in Parliament. 
But in all this there is nothing new. Every adherent of the 
Percies at Shrewsbury was pledged to the same vague cry. It 
only proves that the Archbishop's sympathies were now set 
against the King, that he threw himself into the conflict this 
time without disguise, and, as he said, " rode with the crowd." l 
When the articles appeared on the church doors, he donned 
his jack 2 and went amongst the citizens of York crozier in 
hand, cheering, exhorting, and threatening. All who should 
fall in the sacred cause were assured of pardon for their sins 
and full remission. The minster pulpit echoed to the battle 
call. The Archbishop preached for the articles. Let the people 
insist that Parliaments should be free, that the members should 
be the elected representatives of the boroughs and counties, not 
the nominees of the King. Let those who knew the law 3 be 
summoned " in their wisdom," and let the Parliament be held 

1 GASC., 226. 2 ANN., 405. 3 Referring to the exclusion of lawyers at 
Coventry. EUL., HI., 406. 



1405.] " But you misuse the reverence of your place" 219 

in London, where abuses could be probed, not in some petty 
upland town, where the court could carry all its own way. 
Copies of the articles were sent also to the curates 1 of the 
neighbouring villages, with orders to have them preached there 
likewise. Seeing the gathering without and the enthusiasm 
within the walls, the waverers were silenced and all York de- 
clared for the articles. The Archbishop, the Earl Marshal, and 
Sir William Plumpton 2 (a nephew of the Archbishop's), who 
had long been busy fomenting disturbance, 3 put themselves at 
the head of a motley following of priests, monks, peasants, and 
townsmen, and set out to try their fortunes in the field. 

The " priestly rout " * was furnished with such arms as they 
could get. Before them went a banner 5 with the five sacred 
wounds displayed, and as they moved along their numbers 
swelled to 8,000 fighting-men 6 "or thereabouts." No time 
was to be lost. It was known that the Earl of Westmoreland 
had escaped the snare, and that he and Prince John were 
moving a strong force down from the Scottish border. A 
band of 7,000 or 8,000 rebels 7 was collecting from Cleveland, 
Northallerton, and Topcliffe, to join the Archbishop's force 
from York. Their leaders were all North Yorkshire knights, 
viz.: Sir Ralph Hastings, 8 of Slingsby and Allerston, near 
Pickering ; Sir John Fauconberg, a member of a house that 

Ds-.tr, 3, 

1 CHRON. GifcES, 44.- For "curatour," a general name for parson or 
parish priest, see P. PLO., xxn., 412; xxin., 280, 326; WYCLIFFE, 143, 
509. 2 BALE, 533, and HALLE, wrongly name him Robert Plymton. 3 POL. 
VERG., xxi., p. 554, in PLUMPTON CORRDCE., p. xxiv. Turbse ponti- 
ficali. WALS., n., 269 ; ANN., 405 ; EUL., in., 406. Cf. HIST. DUNELM. 
SCRIPT. TRES, CLXXXV., for the muster on Gilesgate Moor, near Durham, 
March 24th, 1400, where 64 parsons turned out, each with a little handful 
of hobblers, lances, and archers. 5 DRAKE, 107, 439 ; WILLS OF KINGS, 
146. 6 DRAKE, App. xcviii. 7 ROT. PARL., in., 604. 8 HARD., 363. 
He had also, through his mother, estates in Beverley and Holderness. INQ. 
p. MORT., in., 310; COLLINS, vi., 648; PAT., 7 H. IV., i., 36; ibidem, 
2,32. 



220 Shipton Moor. [CHAP. LI. 

had great estates in Cleveland and Holderness, 1 and heir to the 
castle of Skelton, as descended from the historic Yorkshire 
family of Bruce ; 2 Sir John Fitzrandolph, 3 from Spennithorne, 
near Middleham, in Wensleydale ; and Sir John Colvil, 4 of Dale- 
town, in Ryedale, and ArnclirTe, near Stokesley, where a frag- 
ment of the new Charthouse 5 of Mount Grace of Ingleby still 
shows the Archbishop's arms worked in stone over the entrance 
to one of the cells in a corner of the cloisters. Robert Takell, 6 
Prior of Warter, near Pocklington, joined the muster with his 
canons and his tenants, as did Geoffrey Wymeswold, 7 Prior of 
the Gilbertines at Old Malton. Takell is called in the register 
of his priory a "good and religious man," 8 but no mention is 

1 " Ffaucumbergge. " PAT., 7 H. IV., I, 15 ; or Fauconbridge. ROT. 
VIAG., 17, shows that DUGDALE (n., 4) is more correct than was supposed 
"by the writer in NOTES AND QUERIES (Ser. I., VIIL, 156). For Sir Thomas 
Fauconberg, an idiot, see CLAUS., 8 H. IV., 16, December 24th, 1406. For 
will of Sir Walter Fauconberg, dated Snaith, August 23rd, 1415, see GIB- 
BONS, 120. 2 RYM., VIIL, 573. 3 CLAUS., 8 H. IV., 15, records that he 
rose against the King on May 1st, 1405. INQ. AD QUOD DAMN., 355 ; 
ROT. PARL., in., 604; CLAUS., 8 H. IV., 15. ROT. VIAG., 17, has 
" Ffithrandolf." The name appears in HARD., 363 (followed by RAMSAY, 
i., 92), as Ruthyn or Griffith. See also HALLE, 25, and PENNANT, i., 371 
(followed by THOMAS, 134), who assumes that he was a Welshman. 4 PAT., 
7 H. IV.. i, 33 d.; CLAUS., 7 H. IV., 14 ; KIRKBY, 98 ; USK, 62 ; ORD, 
457 ; FOSTER, 164, 200. "Colevile of the Dale." Hy. IV., Part II., 4, 
3, 3. For his mother's will, see TEST. EBOR., I., 135. She was a daughter 
of Sir John Fauconberg. 5 ORD, 462. The Priory was founded iu 1397, 
by Thomas Holland, Duke of Surrey, whose headless body was brought 
there from Cirencester for burial (WILLS OF KINGS, 196) through the good 
offices of Lucy, his brother's widow, July nth, 1412. PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 
12; PRIV. SEAL, 655/7269 (where Cirencester is called Surcetre). After 
his death, the progress of the building hung fire, the Prior fearing the 
" malignity and indisposition of the time," many claimants being ready to 
snap up any forfeited estates. The work was resumed in 1440, and forms 
the most modern of the purely monastic foundations in the country. 
MONAST., vi., 24; LEFROY, 48. For the " Chartress " in London, see 
SHARPE, n., 170, 178, 228. 6 See his pardon, dated August loth, 1405, in 
PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 2 ; also for John Elton, Canon of W T arter. ^ Spelt 
Wymmideswold in PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 10. In CLAUS., 10 H. IV., 28, 
October 23rd, 1408, William Wymeswold is attorney for Margaret, wife of 
the late Stephen le Scrop, Lord of Masham, the Archbishop's brother. In 
NICOLAS, AGINCOURT, 13, William Wymundeswold appears in the retinue 
of the Earl of Huntingdon. 8 MONAST. , vi. , 299. 



1405.] Topcliffe. 221 

made of his fighting instincts. He was one of those who ran 
away and managed to survive the disaster, together with quite a 
flock of chaplains, 1 clerks, curates, and friars, including Simon 
Wenslaw, 2 parson of Colne, in the hills of Lancashire. 

The Cleveland force marched southward towards York, 
supporting themselves as best they might by robbing, 3 wrecking, 
and slaughtering wherever their requisitions were refused. But 
haste again made waste. They had been forced prematurely 
into the field and had to halt at Topcliffe, on the Swale, to 
await the expected arrival of the Earl of Northumberland.* 
Here they were attacked and dispersed, and the four knights 
fell prisoners into the hands of the royal troops. 

The Earl of Westmoreland had marched southward with 
the utmost speed to check the head of the rising, and by a 
rapid move had wedged himself between the two rebel forces, 
ready to strike at both before they could combine. He had 
with him Prince John, who was placed under his charge, and 
he was supported by an old and experienced negociator, Sir 
Ralph Ewere, 5 of Witton, and the Archbishop's fiery nephew, 6 
Sir Henry Fitzhugh, Lord of Ravenswath, near Richmond, a 
" very noble and very valiant knight," 7 whose great after-career 

1 PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 23. 2 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 6, dated August nth, 
1405, records his fine ( loos. ) and pardon. 3 ROT. PARL., in., 604. 
4 HARD., 362. 5 For an account of him, see SCROPE AND GROSVENOR, n., 
315. He had property at Old Malton through his marriage with Catharine 
Ayton. TEST. EBOR., m , 222. In PAT., 12 H. IV., 3, 12 (1411), he is 
Lieutenant of the Constable of England. 6 His mother was Joan, the Arch- 
bishop's sister. In the will of Richard, Lord Scrope of Bolton, he is called 
" consanguineo meo " (TEST. EBOR., I., 277), and he was supervisor of the 
will of his son, Roger Scrope, Lord of Bolton. Ibid., I., 330. He was 
born in 1364. WHITAKER, RICHMONDSHIRE, i., 124; PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 
14 d. He is called Lord Fitzhugh in his wife's will, dated September 27th, 
1427. ANTIQ. REPERT., m., 353; WILLS AND INV., i., 74; WHITAKER, 
I., 126. He died January nth, 1425, and was buried at Jervaulx. For 
his will dated December 27th, 1424, see DUGDALE, I., 404. His third son, 
Robert, was a fellow of Exeter College, Oxford, in 1400, and became 
Bishop of London in 1431. BOASE, EXON., 14; GODWIN, I., 188. ^ GALE, 
App. 59 ; WHITAKER, I., 125, from a family history (temp. H. VI). 



222 Shipton Moor. [CHAP. LI. 

showed him " so much endowed with sense, nurture, and 
courtesy, that he deserved the right to be claimed father of 
nobility and gentleness." With them was also Sir Robert 
Umfraville, 1 famed for his " sapience and very gentleness, his 
liberal heart and knightly governance," 2 though these great 
qualities did not save them from committing an act of the 
basest treachery when the chance fell in their way. 

The Earl of Westmoreland had planted his force on the 
sloping ground 8 called Shipton Moor,* about six miles to the 
north-west of York, on the fringe of the wooded and boggy 
plain known as the Royal Forest 5 of Galtres. 6 The Earl had 
long been officially responsible 7 for the charge of the forest, 
which stretched northwards between the Ouse and the Foss, 
from the gates of York to Aldborough and Sheriff Hutton, 8 
where he had lately strengthened the fortifications of Bertram 
de Bulmer's castle. The greater part of the wood had been 
felled, 9 the colliers were busy stubbing 10 up the stovens " and 

1 OTT., 255. 2 HARD., Pref., xi. 3 In declivo quasi montis loco. 
ANN., 405. i.e., possibly the Cross Lanes just beyond the sixth milestone 
on the highroad from York to Easingwold. 4 " Apud Schaptonmore," or 
" Shupton-sur-le-more." ROT. PARL., in., 605; RYM., vin., 545; 
GENEAL., in., 109. " Yorkesmore. " HARD., 362. " Yorkeswolde."- 
HALLE, 25. s OLD YORKSHIRE, 2nd Ser., 164. For "forest," i.e., a pre- 
serve for game, but not necessarily wooded, see DENTON, 169. PAT., 6 
H. IV., 2, 20, where Sir John Elton is appointed Steward of the Forest of 
Galtrise for life, vice Sir Thomas Coleville, defunctus. Cf. Galterys. 
TEST. EBOR., m.,63; Gauters. OTT., 256; Galtrys. FABR. ROLLS, 5 ; 
GLAUS., 8 H. IV., 15 d. " That wode that hatte Caltres an Englische."- 
TREVISA, in HIGDEN, n., 67. See also DENTON, 137. For " Gaultree 
forest," see Hy. IV., Part II., 4, i, 2. ? Vol. I., p. 27 ; REC. ROLL, 9 
H. IV., PASCH., July 5, 1408; also ibid., 10 H. IV., MICH., November 
26th, 1408. 8 CAMDEN, 589. 9 HIGDEN, IL, 69. " Whereof four miles 
or more was low medowes and morisch ground ful of carres, the Residew 
by better ground but not very high." LEL. ITIN., I., 57. I0 Due. LANC. 
REC., XL, 15, 63' (April 1st, 1404), has order forbidding Roger Leche to 
have any " stubbes " of wood for fuel. Cf. un tiele cheisne appelle stubbe. 
Ibid., XL, 14, 65 ; CATHOL., 369. " PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 12 (January 28th, 
1408), grants to William Meryng all dead roots called "Slovenes," in our 
forest of Galtresse, jam succisos et succidend.; he may dig and make them 
in carbones, and carry them away, see HALLIWELL, s.v.; BOSWOKTH, s.v. 
stofn. 



1405.] "'Tis Gaultree Forest, ari t shall please your grace" 223 

carting them away for " coals," i the wolves 2 and wild boars 
had become extinct, and the swampy wilderness that had long 
been the terror of travellers, 8 was already transformed into rich 
grass land, or assarted * to tilth 5 and earing. 6 

The Earl had already sent a detachment to deal with the 
gathering at Topcliffe when he saw the Archbishop's force 
advancing from the walls of York. He had the best of the 
ground but the worst of the numbers, and both sides seemed to 
shrink from beginning the fray. For three days 7 the two bands 
confronted each other with banners spread. At length, on May 
29th, 8 the Earl sent to ask the reason for such show of war. 
The Archbishop replied that he was working, not for war, but 
for general peace, but that he could not approach the King in 
safety unless he came munited 9 with men. He handed to 
the messenger a scroll of the articles 10 and bade him show 
them to those who sent him. 

It seemed as though for the moment the fortunes of the 
dynasty were in the hands of the Earl of Westmoreland. 11 A 
borderer, a Nevil, a kinsman of the Percies, lord 12 in his own 

1 For " colyers that bryngeth colys (i.e., charcoal) to town," see RICART, 
84; LIB. ALB., i., xxxv.; PROMPT. PARV., 87. For Robert Doyly, of 
Coventry, " colyere," see PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 10. 2 MARTENE, ANEC., u., 
1248. For the disappearance of wolves from North Yorkshire, see MONAST., 
vi., 614 : DRAKE, 332 ; DENTON, 162 ; P. PLO., x., 226. On Jan. 23rd, 
1410, five large wolves were killed in the Pope's gardens at Rome. PETRI, 
1023. 3 NORTH, 101 ; RAINE,YORK, 183,200. 4 Forassartum, see WRIGHT, 

COURTHAND, 7; DENTON, I., 138; DUCANGE, S.V. S GoWER, CONF. 

AM., 239, 268. 6 Ibidem, 231. ^ ANN., 407. 8 ROT. PARL., m., 605. 
9 WALS., u., 269; STOW, CHRON., 332. I0 TRUSSEL, 85. "He was 
created Earl, September 29th, 1397. NICOLAS, n., 685; DOYLE, in., 630. 
12 For account of his manors, see SWALLOW, 45. His brother, Thomas 
Nevil, was Lord of Annandale and the castle of Lochinaben, while his son- 
in-law, Sir Thomas Gray, of Heton, was Lord of Wark Castle, near Car- 
ham, on the Tweed (p. 59). SWALLOW, Table II.; RAINE, N. DURHAM, 
327. Wark was " the only chief succour, relief, and defence of all the quar- 
ter of the border of England between the Tweed and the Till." SURVEY 
OF 1543, in HODGSON, in., 2, 179. For account of Wark, see BATES, 
ARCH^OL. ^ELIAN., xiv., 331. 



224 Shipton Moor. [CHAP. LI. 

right of the great castles of Brancepeth, Raby, 1 Penrith, Sheriff 
Hutton, and Middleham, 2 and charged for the time being with 
the custody of Richmond, Roxburgh, 3 and Carlisle, 4 he might 
have lowered his standard and taken his troops over, carrying 
the young Prince a captive into the rebel camp. But family 
hatreds 5 were the King's salvation, and Ralph Nevil again 
stood firm to the side which the Percies abandoned. To the 
messenger he professed to be much struck with the Archbishop's 
" pious and sacred " proposal, and urged a conference that he 
might learn more of the suggested plans of reform. The leaders 
should meet on open ground in front of their forces with a few 
attendants only at their side. The Earl Marshal, who had a 
special grudge 6 against the Earl of Westmoreland, was sus- 
picious, but the Archbishop would not mistrust his old friend 
and neighbour. Base treachery could not be hinted against 
such worthy and righteous knights ; and so the Earl Marshal's 
young scruples were overcome, the Archbishop put on his iron 
corslet, and the two advanced to the selected ground attended 



1 For Raby, see LEL. ITIN., i., 72 ; GROSE. Vol. I.; STATELY HOMES, 
I., 242. It was built by the Earl's father, John Nevil (died October I7th, 
1389, SURTEES, iv., 159), who married (circ. 1334) Maud, daughter of 
Henry Percy, second Lord of Alnwick. COLLINS, IL, 245. 2 PAT., 6 H. 
IV., I, I, contains grants to him in Coverdale, dated February 25th, 1405. 
3 ISSUE ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., July 5th, 1408. Granted to him for ten 
years from March i6th, 1402 (RoT. SCOT., n., 161). On November I2th, 
1408, the custody of Roxburgh for the remainder of the term was granted to 
his eldest son, Sir John Nevil, with a further extension of four years (ibid., 
n., 189, 190 ; DEVON, 310). 4 His name is on the town bell at Carlisle. 
There is still preserved at Carlisle a letter dated by him from Sheriff Hutton, 
September i8th, to the Mayor, asking for immediate prepayment of " our 
ferme " of ;8o, by bearer, Sir Richard Drax ; also sundry acquittances, 
dated 4, 6, 7, n, 12, 13 H. IV. CUMB. AND WEST. ANTIQ. Soc., vn., 242. 
In REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., July 5th, 1408, he has the farm of the 
towns of Appleby and Carlisle, and marriage of the heir of Miles Stapleton. 
5 For feud between Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, see ANN., 
400. Odium et ingratitudinem in se et suos ssepius expertus fuerat. Some- 
thing may be due, perhaps, to the influence of his wife, Joan Beaufort, who 
was half-sister to the King. 6 ANGL. SACK., IL, 370. 



1405.] "Lefs drink together friendly and embrace" 225 

by Sir William Plumpton, Sir William Lamplugh, 1 a Cumber- 
land knight, 2 and Sir Robert Pershay or Percy, 8 of Ryton, near 
Pickering. The Earl of Westmoreland was awaiting them with 
-Prince John and Sir Ralph Ewere. On each side there was 
as equal number of armed attendants, while the armies stood 
off at a distance and " waited the end." 

The little company met and bowed and ordered the articles 
to be read. They were piously and justly framed, said the Earl 
of Westmoreland, and no sane man could help but support 
them. For himself, he would do his utmost to secure their 
carrying out, and induce the King to accept them if he could. 
Then followed hand-shaking, congratulations, and chat. " But 
look," said the Earl, " now that our task is done and you have 
talked us over, let us drink together in the open that all may 
see that we are friendly and agreed." The cups were set and 



1 ROT. PARL., in., 604 ; HARD., 363 ; ANN., 406. EUL., in., 406, has 
unus miles de eorum consilio principalis. Not John, as RAINE, YORK, 82. 
2 See DUGDALE'S Visitation, 1665, in NICHOLSON AND BURN, CUMBER- 
LAND, ii., 37; HUTCHINSON, ii., 95; also HARL. Soc., vn., 26, from 
Visitation of 1615. Though the name occurs in FLOWER'S VISITATION OF 
YORKSHIRE (1564), HARL. Soc., xvi., 181. 3 INQ. p. MORT., in., 179; 
iv., 464 ; TEST. EBOR., L, 54, 334 ; HARL. Soc., xvi., 238. FOR. ROLL, 
7 H. IV., refers to Potto near Stokesley, and Kirby Misperton near 
Pickering, as lately belonging to Sir Robert, son and heir of Sir William 
Percy. He also possessed Levisham and Wrelton, near Pickering. 
GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 36. See FOSTER, YORKS. VISITATION, 186. Due. 
LANC. REC., XL, 15, 68', has order (dated June 28th, 1405) allowing 
Robert Percy, bachelor, to cut 50 acres of his own wood in the forest of 
Pickering. Sir Robert Pershay was imprisoned in Windsor Castle from 
September 3oth, 1405, to May 2ist, 1406. ROGERS, in., 675. His pardon 
is dated February 1 7th, 1406, in PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 8 ; 10 H. IV., L, 27 ; 
GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 36. In 1406, he was one of the Collectors for the North 
Riding (PIPE ROLL, 7 H. IV.), and had recovered his old office of Forester 
of Pickering Lythe. PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 30; GLAUS., ii H. IV., 34. He 
died February, 1426. TEST. EBOR., r., 412; INQ. p. MORT., iv., 109 
(5 H. VI.). Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 70'", 78'", has appointment of 
William, Lord de Roos, to be Constable of Pickering Castle and Master 
Forester of Pickering Forest. 

Q 



226 Shipton Moor. [CHAP. LI. 

the little drinking-party began. Sir Henry Fitzhugh * was sent 
over to the rebel army announcing that the leaders were in 
agreement, and that all cause for hostile feeling was removed. 
It was the Archbishop's wish that they should not await his 
return, as he would sup with the Earl of Westmoreland that 
night. Knowing that the leaders had fraternized together, 
though they could not actually see them owing to a slight 
rise 8 in the intervening ground, and feeling already the incon- 
venience of a three nights' absence from their homes, many of 
the York men slipped away in groups to resume their ordinary 
occupations. Many also of those who had been brought up 
from the Midlands and the Eastern counties by the Earl 
Marshal had joined the expedition with much reluctance; 8 
few only were left to watch over the safety of their leaders ; 
"as the Bishop's men voided the other party increased";* 
and so, when the rank and file began to mix, these few were 
speedily disarmed, and the Archbishop, the Earl Marshal, and 
the three knights submitted helplessly to be detained, under a 
promise of future indemnity after conference with the King. 
The many improbabilities in the accounts given in con- 
temporary writers were first insisted upon by Guthrie. 6 He 
preferred the view 6 which lays stress upon the fact, that the 
Archbishop and his party surrendered of their own accord, 

1 There is a gap for the name in ANN., 407, but Fitzhugh seems to fit 

the case : Dominus consanguineus Proesulis. WALS. , n. , 270, has 

miles emittitur de parte praesulis. EUL. , in. , 406, has quidam miles suus, 
i.e., of the party of the Earl of Westmoreland. In CHRON. GILES, 45, he 
is miles quidam. 2 Terrse tumor mirabilis (EuL., in., 406) = "a litille hill," 
CHRON. R. II., Hy. VI., 32. Possibly the slight rise on which the 
present village of Shipton stands, but I am convinced from an examination 
of the ground, that none of these writers could have seen the locality. 
3 Pluseurs malgre leur. ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 264. 4 CAPGB., 290. 
s GUTHRIE, 11., 421. 6 Which he quotes from HOLINSHEAD as " Ayton, 
another old author." This appears to be really a reference to OTTER- 
BOURNE, known in Holinshead's day as the Eton Chronicle. Quern olim 
in Bibliotheca Etonensi asservatum fuisse testis est R. Hollingshead. 
HEARNE, Pref. to OTTERBOURNE, xxxii. 



1405.] " Like youthful steers unyoked they take their courses." 227 

being convinced that further resistance was hopeless. This is 
quite consistent with the other portion of the account given 
above, if we remember that the Archbishop was probably now, 
for the first time, made aware of the capture of his friends at 
Topcliffe, and was offered his life if he would submit. Never- 
theless, the story of the treachery is too well authenticated to 
be dismissed altogether. In the official statement in which 
Pope Gregory XII. 1 attempted three years afterwards to excuse 
King Henry for his share in the matter, it was represented that 
a battle took place in which the Archbishop was captured, 
though Henry, not being there, did not know what was going on. 
The dogs being thus withdrawn, the silly sheep who re- 
mained were pursued and worried; some of the rustics were 
caught and heavily beaten, the rest " scaled and fled." * The 
Grey Friars had not learnt wisdom from their taste of the fruits 
of sedition three years before. Many of them were again with 
the rebels. Eighteen were caught by the irreverent royalists, 
who stripped off their gowns, took down their "infirmities," 8 
and so let them * run away home. The Archbishop, the Earl 
Marshal, and the knights, were then hurried off under guard to 
Pontefract castle, to await the daily-expected arrival of the 
King; while the Earl of Westmoreland and Prince John re- 
turned to Durham 5 with their forces, in readiness for the attack 
of the Earl of Northumberland. 

1 See the bull dated Lucca, April I2th, 1408, in DRAKE, App. xcviii. 
In the copy in RAYNALDI, v., 291, the passage reads praeparato (not perpe- 
trate) prcelio. 2 HOLINSHEAD, 530. 3 Femoralia detrahebant. EUL., in., 
407. See PROMPT. PARV., s.v., "Breche," and Du CANGE, s.v., " Infir- 
mitates." For descriptions and pictures, see CHAUCER, 12882, 13788 ; 
STRUTT, DRESS AND HABITS, i., 38, 65; also FOSBROOKE, 377. See 
extract from rule in MONASTICON, vi. , 1504, from which it appears that 
they were to be clad in "mean habits," but they may "blessedly mend 
them with sacks and other pieces." 4 Cf. ST. DKNYS, iv., 378: victis cum 
camisiis solum redire concessum ; of the fighting round Paris in 1410. 

But only with her body bare, 

They fledde as doth the wilde hare.-GoWER, CONF. AM. , 387. 
5 VESP. F., VIL, 95, in PINKERTON, i., 82. 



CHAPTER LI I. 

CLEMENTHORPE. 

WE have seen that the King had already decided that no glory 
was to be gained by hanging about the bleak borders of Wales. 
He had scented the battle in the North, his old spirit was 
awake, and he moved straight from Worcester by forced 
marches from day to day (de jour en autre). By May 28th, 
1405^ he had reached Derby, whence he posted orders to the 
members of the council in London to come instantly north to 
Pontefract, each with his best array according to his station, for 
advice and help. From May 30th 2 to June ist he halted 8 at 
Nottingham. It was found that in consequence of the failure 
of the rebellion at York, a general scramble was going forward 
to secure a share of confiscated property in Yorkshire, Lincoln, 
and Nottinghamshire. Measures were therefore taken to pre- 
vent looting, and orders were sent (May 3ist 4 ) to the Sheriff at 
York to seize all the property 5 of the Archbishop and the other 
rebels into his hands, in the King's name. Sir Ralph Roche- 
ford, 6 Sheriff of Lincolnshire, and Sir Richard Stanhope, 7 Sheriff 
of Nottingham and Derby, had accompanied the King from 
Hereford and Worcester, and did good service now in their 
respective counties. 

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 264. 2 ROT. VIAG., 19. 3 PAT. 6 H. IV., i., 20 ; 
ibid., 2, 19. 4 ROT. VIAG., 19. 5 RICHARDSON (in GODWIN, n., 270) 
quotes FIN., 6 H. IV., 9, for statement that the Archbishop's castles were 
seized. It should be chattels, catalla. RYM., 8, 442. 6 ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. 
IV., MICH., Nov. 20th, 1405, Feb. 9th, 1406. In REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 
MICH., January 2Oth, 1408, he is late Sheriff of Lincoln. In 1403, is a 
reference to John (sic) Rochfort, late vie. Line. Due. LANG. REC., XXVIIL, 
4, 3, App. A. In ibid., XL, 15, 28, John Rocheford, "our very dear 
bachelor," is appointed Steward of the lordship of Bolingbroke, November 
22nd, 1399. 7 PAT., 7 H. IV., 28, 39. Ibid., m. 23, records the services 
of Simon Home, of Daventry. 



1405.] Pontefract. 229 

On June 2nd, 1405,* the King was at Doncaster, and the 
next day, June 3rd, 2 he arrived at Pontefract. The Archbishop 
was standing alone 3 on one of the castle towers, watching for his 
approach. As the head of the company drew near, he took his 
crozier and went down to the court-yard by the entrance gate. 
Having no friend with him he beckoned to a priest in the court 
and called on him to be his crozer,* and the two advanced to 
the gateway ready for the arrival of the King. Sir Thomas 
Beaufort, who was standing by, told him that a traitor was 
unworthy to carry the "crouch," 5 and bade him in the King's 
name to give it up, snatching it at the same time from the 
hands of the priest. The Archbishop turned on him and 
wrenched it violently back, crying out with warmth that the 
King had no right to take away what the Pope alone could 
bestow. Then followed a stiff tussle in which the Archbishop 
got some ugly handling, 6 and the crozier was roughly wrested 
from his grasp. 

When the King drew near, the Archbishop threw himself 
upon the ground and begged for pardon, but Henry ordered 
him back and refused 7 all interviews till he should be able to 
consult with his council. His rage was at a white heat. He 
stormed against the citizens of York, and vowed that he would 
wipe them off the face of the earth, if they resisted further. He 
sent forward Sir John Stanley and Sir Roger Leche 8 of 

1 RYM., viii., 397 ; ROT. SCOT., n., 174. 2 RYM., vin., 398; Due. 
LANC. REG., XL, 15, dated Pomfret, June 4th, 1405. 3 WALS., n., 423. 
For view of Pontefract Castle, see KNIGHT, n., 8. 4 PIERS PLO., vi., 113; 
PROMPT. PARV., and CATHOL., s.v.; Two COOKERY BOOKS, 68. 5 Cov. 
MYST., 355; PIERS PLO., p. 214".; HIGDEN, VH., 473; ARCELEOL. , LI., 
36"$; LIL, 214; RELIQUARY, iv., 158. " Ony crosse or crouche."- 
HOCCL., DE REG., 25. " The Bisshopes croce or ' croice ' with the hoked 
ende." P. PLO., XL, 58, 92. 6 Prsesulis indignas dehonestationes et 
malas tractationes. ANN., 408. 7 Et interdicitur mox audientia. POL. 
SONGS, ii., 115. 8 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 162 ; IL, 88 ; GLAUS., 8 H. IV., 
10 d; RETURN PARL., i., 262, 268; TAYLOR, 93 ; LYSONS, v., cxxxiv., 



230 Clementhorpe. [CHAP. LII. 

Chatsworth with commissions to seize * upon York and occupy 
it under martial law. On the 4th of June, 2 a strong commission 
was appointed, of whom Sir Thomas Beaufort, Richard Lord 
Grey of Codnor, Chief Justice Gascoigne, Sir John Stanley, 
Sir William Fulthorpe, Richard Norton, John Conyers, and 
Gilbert Elvet were the chief, to try all persons concerned in the 
rebellion. On the same day, orders 8 were issued to Prince John 
and the Earl of Westmoreland to seize all property belonging to 
the Earl of Northumberland, Sir William Stanley,* the elder 
brother of Sir John Stanley, being sent with a small force to the 
Isle of Man to take possession of it in the King's name. Prince 
John was likewise authorized to pardon 5 where he should see 
fit, reserving all forfeitures to be dealt with subsequently by the 

147 ; YEAR BOOK, n H. IV., PASCH., 65 a ; LAPPENBERG, n., 40 (1403). 
In 1403, he was an esquire of the King's Household (Q. R. WARDROBE, 
6 4 S , App. B), and had custody and marriage of Richard, son of Sir Richard 
Vernon, of Shipbrook, near Northwich, who had been executed after the 
battle of Shrewsbury. Vol. I., p. 364; Due. LANG. REC., xxvni., 4, 3, 
App. A. In July, 1404, he was Controller of the King's Household, a 
member of the council, and a commissioner to negociate with the Scots at 
Pontefract. RYM., viii., 363, 364; ROT. SCOT., IL, 167, 172 a. On 
May 24th, 1405, he was appointed Steward of Tutbury. Due. LANC. REC., 
XI., 16, 14'"; xxv., A. 20. On August I4th, 1405, he had a grant of six 
oaks from the woods of Whitewood, to build a chapel at Hayfield near 
Glossop, in the Peak. Ibid., xi., 16, 46. In 1407, he is Constable of 
Flint Castle, and Sheriff and Raglor of the county (TAYLOR, 64, 93), and in 
1408, he is Forester of Macclesfield. DEP. KEEP. 36 REPT., 284. 
In 1413, he appears as one of the two Chief Stewards of the Duchy of Lan- 
caster. Ibid., xxvni., 4, 8. He died before July 2ist, 1417. WILLS OF 
KINGS, 237. 

1 RYM., viii., 398. FOR. ACCTS. ROLL, 8 H. IV., has account of Stan- 
ley, Leech, and William Frost for twelve months from June 3rd, 1405. 
PIPE ROLL, 7 H. IV., YORK, refers to them as nuper custodes civitatis 
Ebor. ROT. VIAG., 15, has Frost's appointment as deputy, dated July 
22nd, 1405. PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 10, appoints him custos, August 24th, 
1405. For a letter from him as G. (i.e. gouverriour) de la citee de 
Euerwyk addressed to the King and dated December I3th (1405), see ROY. 
LET., BOX 15, in Public Record Office. 2 ROT. VIAG., 19. 3 RYM., viii., 
399. 4 Ibid., 398 (June nth, 1405). For indenture dated May 23rd, 1402 
(? 1401), whereby he and Sir J. Pull were to serve Henry Percy at sea for 
fourteen days, see DEP. KEEP., 36ra REPT., 379. s p AT . 5 6 H. IV., 2, 21. 



1405.] " Saye no man anye thing is his." 231 

King. Having forwarded these arrangements Henry left Ponte- 
fract with all his forces, and on the 6th of June, 1405,* he 
planted his foot in the Archbishop's manor at Bishopthorpe, on 
the Ouse, three miles to the south of York. Here, as the 
Constable and Marshal had their hands full in the extreme 
North, and might possibly be cut off from communication with 
head-quarters, he appointed the Earl of Arundel and Sir 
Thomas Beaufort as their deputies, 2 to fulfil all requisite duties 
for the temporary emergency, and having thus made his pre- 
parations he stood ready to deal his blows at the heart and 
life of the conspiracy. 

Already a panic had seized upon the citizens of York. They 
dressed themselves in rags and streamed out from the gates 
ungirt and barefoot, 3 some holding out their swords, others with 
ropes in their hands, or halters round their necks, louting and 
flinging themselves upon the ground with sobs and cries, to beg 
the King's pardon and grace. He railed upon them and told 
them to get back to their homes, and that no man was to say 
anything was his own, till he had made up his mind what he 
meant to do ; and he sent to Pontefract for the Archbishop and 
the Earl Marshal that the dupes whom they had pushed into 
rebellion might see them meet their doom. On the day on 
which he arrived at Bishopthorpe, a fresh 4 commission was 
issued containing the same leading names as those of June 4th, 
with the exception of Richard Norton, whose place was taken by 
Henry Retford. It may be that differences had already begun 

1 RYM., VIIL, 400. Due. LANC. REG., XT., 19, shows that he was at 
Bishopthorpe on June 7th, 1405. 2 A similar arrangement had been made 
in the previous winter "by the Parliament at Coventry, when the Earl of 
Somerset and Sir Thomas Erpingham had been appointed to "do all 
the duties" of constable and marshal respectively. PAT., 6 H. IV., I, 30. 
Cf. also Sir William Lisle, deputy marshal in 1409. RYM., viil., 603. 
3 CHRON. R. II., H. VI., p. 32, translating discalceati discincti (EuL., 
in., 407). CAPGR., 290. 4 ROT. VIAG., 19. 



232 Clementhorpe. [CHAP. LII. 

to develop themselves among the first Commissioners, and the 
names of the Earls of Arundel and Warwick, and the Lords 
Willoughby, Grey of Ruthin, Roos, and Darcy were now added 
to the list. 

Very early in the morning of Monday, June 8th, 1405, * before 
the King had left his bed, he was surprised by the arrival of an 
unexpected visitor. Archbishop Arundel had hastened 2 to the 
North on hearing the news of the great capture. On the yth of 
June, when well on his way, tidings reached him that Arch- 
bishop Scrope and the Earl Marshal were to die the next day. 
He was still two days journey from York, and it was Whit- 
sunday. Nevertheless he crowded his devotions into one 
private mass, took with him a notary, and posted right on. 
Snatching short moments to throw themselves on the straw in 
the wayside stables, as they halted to bait their jaded horses, 
and riding on through the night, they reached Bishopthorpe at 
sunrise on Monday morning, and the Archbishop, all travel- 
stained 3 and besmuttered * from the dusty road, made his way 
into the King's sleeping room. He warned him earnestly of 
the danger he would run, the sin he would commit, and the 
punishment he would incur, if he laid a hand on an Arch- 
bishop's life. Fearing the effect that his passionate pleading 
might have upon the King, some of those present in the room 
remonstrated that they would not answer for the consequences 
if the rebel Archbishop were allowed to live, and they hinted 
significantly that there were other enemies of the King still in 

1 In crastino Pentecostes. WALS., n., 270. The day of the execution 
is fixed also in the epitaph of Sir William Plumpton : Penticostes me 
lux crastina sumpsit ab orbe. SCROPE AND GROSV., IL, 130. In CAREW 
MSS., 441, it is wrongly placed on June 4th. 2 On May 6th, 1405, he 
had been at St. Paul's at the benediction of Thomas Hunden, Abbot of St. 
Augustine's, Canterbury. SCRIPTURES DECEM, 2290 ; ELMHAM, HIST. 
MON. AUG., 71, 289. 3 " Stained with travel." Hy. IV., Part II., 5, 5, 
24. For "travel-tainted," see ibid., 4, 3, 36. 4 CHAUCER, PROL., 76; 
JAMIESON, s. v. See " is motted " in HIGDEN, i., 359 ; ix., GLOSSARY, 13. 



1405.] Bishopthorpe. 233 

the field, 1 and not so far off, who would give him trouble yet, if 
he set so little value on the support of his loyal counsellors and 
friends. Archbishop Arundel then made his last appeal to the 
King. As his spiritual father and the second person in the realm, 
he claimed the right to be consulted. " If he has done such wrong, 
leave him to the judgment of the Pope, or at least of the Parlia- 
ment, but at your peril smirch not your hands with his blood." 

The King was in a dilemma. He could not gainsay the 
Archbishop, and he dared not flinch from his resolve in the 
presence of his courtiers. He was now more self-possessed. 
He soothed the Archbishop, told him that his efforts quite had 
his sympathy, but that he could not openly grant his request 
because " of its possible effect upon his supporters. He urged 
him to lie down for awhile and rest, and then, after hearing 
mass, they would talk it over together at breakfast, and he 
promised that nothing should be done without a distinct order 
from himself. Arundel was satisfied, he turned to his notary to 
write down the King's engagement, and betook himself to rest. 

Pressed by the party of action the King sent straightway for 
Chief Justice Gascoigne, and called upon him to pass the death 
sentence on the Archbishop and his associates as traitors. As 
to Sir William Plumpton there would be no hesitation. He was 
known to have excited the men of Durham 3 and Yorkshire to 
insurrection. He had been a personal friend of King Richard. 
His doom was sealed and he would be sentenced to die. But 
beyond this the Chief Justice refused to go, alleging that neither 
the King nor any of his subjects could legally pass sentence 
upon a Bishop of the Church. 

1 DRAKE, App. xcviii.; RAYNALDI, v., 291. 2 EUL., in., 407. STUBBS 
{ill., 51), the latest apologist for Archbishop Scrope, attributes Henry's 
conduct to " personal enmity or jealousy," but we know from the admission 
of the Pope, that there was no personal enmity in the case, but that the 
King had always treated the Archbishop "with special honour and 
reverence." RAYNALDI, v., 291. 3 POL. VERG., 435. 



234 Clementhorpe. [CHAP. LII. 

The story of this famous refusal comes to us on the 
authority 1 of an eye-witness, Sir Thomas Cumberworth, 2 of 
Somerby, 3 near Brigg, in the Lincolnshire Wolds, whose nephew, 
Sir Robert Constable, 4 of Flamborough, afterwards married 
Judge Gascoigne's daughter Agnes. It proves not only the 
courage 5 and independence of the Judge, but also his prudence 
and his intimate knowledge of the King's character. He knew 
that he was ruled by impulse, which must in due course burn 
itself out, when remorse would seize upon him and find vent 
upon his instruments in this wanton and impolitic outrage. The 
Judge's legal scruples were undoubtedly well grounded. Seven- 
teen years before, in 1388, an Archbishop of York, Alexander 
Nevil, uncle to the Earl of Westmoreland, had got himself into 
similar trouble by meddling in a political intrigue, and had been 
duly declared to be guilty of treason. But though his com- 
panions were condemned to be drawn and hanged, yet the 
Parliament hesitated to take his life, alleging that " such a case 
had never been seen in the realm touching the person of an 
Archbishop or Bishop." 6 They contented themselves with 
securing his deprivation 7 by the Pope, seizing his property and 

1 Though STUBBS (in., 76), thinks that " the evidence is not very clear." 
2 INQ. P. MORT., iv., 248, 300. GASC., 227, who praises him (p. 149) for 
munificence towards the parish priests. He was one of the knights of the 
shire for Lincoln in the Parliaments of 1414, 1420, 1421, 1424. RETURN 
PARL., 281. See also DEVON, 383, 414, where he has custody of the 
Dukes of Orleans and Bourbon. Cf. ROT. PARL., iv., 438; RYM., x., 
289, 468, 570, 602. He died in 1451. See his curious will in TEST. EBOR., 
ii., 81 ; TOPOGRAPHER AND GENEALOGIST, i., 258; GIBBONS, 174; 
WYCLIFFE (Matthew), p. 516, where Robert Constable must be his grand- 
nephew. One of the name of Cumberworth is known as a gentleman of 
Oxfordshire, who was a follower of Wycliffe, but he abjured after imprison- 
ment at Banbury. LEL. COLL., in., 381. 3 The bells that he gave to the 
parish church at Somerby are still there, inscribed " Diis". Tomas Comber- 
worth me fecit fieri 1431." NORTH, 13. Two others cast by the same 
founders in 1423, are still at South Somercotes, near Grimsby. For English 
bells, see DENTON, 53. 4 TEST. EBOR., I., 337. For his will dated 1451, 
see ibid., n., 23, 81. s There is an independent account in CHRON. 
GILES, 45, where the judge is called Johannes Gaskone. 6 ROT. PARL., in., 
237 ; REEVES, 11., 513. 1 Like Archbishop Arundel in similar circumstances 
he was by a fiction translated to be Bishop of St. Andrews. RYM. , vii. , 573- 



1405.] Sir William Fulthorpe. 235 

sentencing him to perpetual banishment. Nine years later (in 
1397), Archbishop Arundel was found guilty of high treason, 
but, though his brother who was implicated with him was 
beheaded forthwith, yet even the victorious party in Parliament 
did not call for the death-penalty on " so high a person as the 
Father of his realm." They only asked that he should be 
put "in safe keeping in honourable manner," 1 and he was 
accordingly sentenced to forfeiture and banishment during the 
King's pleasure, which meant no more than a visit to Rome, 
where the Pope conferred upon him even larger 2 revenues from 
English benefices than he had held when he was in the King's 
favour, by means of which he could plot handsomely to return 
and recover more than all his former influence in the retinue of 
a rebel and usurper. If then King Henry now commanded 
sterner treatment for his rebel Archbishop, it is no wonder that 
the legal mind of the Chief Justice recoiled. Besides, Judge 
Gascoigne was bound in terms of personal 8 intimacy with many 
of the leaders and sympathizers in the rebellion. Rather there- 
fore than act with the extreme advisers of the court, he rose and 
left the hall. 

His place was taken by Sir William Fulthorpe, of Tunstall, 4 
in Durham, a son of that judge who had been knocked 5 down 
and kicked by King Richard, at Nottingham, in 1387, for 
daring to ask the contents of a document before putting his seal 
to it. Fulthorpe is usually represented 6 as a mere soldier, put 

1 ROT. PARL., in., 351. 2 CONC., in., 232. 3 His daughter Elizabeth 
afterwards married the son of John Aske, and he himself was one 
of the feoffees under the will of Sir Robert (father of Sir William) 
Plumpton, dated February 26th, 1407. PLUMPTON CORRESPONDENCE, 
xxvi. See also TURNER, ILKLEY, 104. 4 SURTEES, in., 126; DEP. 
KEEP., 33RD REPORT, p. 135. In RYM., vm., 640, July 5th, 1410, he 
appears among the principal men of the North Riding. Cf. HOLINS. , 11., 
533. PAULI, v., 38, and RAMSAY, i., 90, call him a Yorkshire knight, 
s ROT. PARL. , v. , 393. 6 Foss, 284, 290, who must be wrong in saying that 
Fulthorpe was in no way connected with the law. ROBERTSON, J. C., 
vm., 459 ; COLLIER, i., 623. RAINE, YORK, 82, who gives the name as 
Sir Thomas Fulthorpe, calls him " a pliant tool." 



236 Clementhorpe. [CHAP. LII. 

up to carry out the King's brutal behests when Gascoigne's finer 
conscience refused to violate the law. But Fulthorpe's father had 
been a judge, his own son afterwards J became a judge, and that 
he himself had some repute for legal knowledge is shown by 
his appointment as legal 2 representative of the Constable of 
England. In I4o8, s he presided in a court of chivalry and 
heard the complicated pleadings in the dispute between Sir 
Edward Hastings and Lord Grey of Ruthin, delivering the 
judgment in 1410, when he was described as "one of the sages 
of the council of the court"; and in 141 1, 4 we find him arguing 
intricate points of law with the judges in matters referring to the 
jurisdiction of the Constable's Court. Being now called to 
preside where Gascoigne had refused, he showed no scruple on 
the score of illegality or sacrilege. He was supported by the 
JEarl of Arundel 5 and Sir Thomas Beaufort (the temporary 
Vice-Constable and Vice-Marshal) and Sir Ralph Ewere, 6 who 
represented the forward party on the Commission. 

While the King and Archbishop Arundel were breakfasting 
together, Archbishop Scrope, the Earl Marshal, and Sir William 
Plumpton were brought before the Commissioners in the great 
hall at Bishopthorpe, and stood bareheaded to listen to their 
doom. There was no trial 7 or inquiry. Fulthorpe at once, in 
the name of his colleagues, pronounced them to be traitors, 
taken red-handed, and by the King's order 8 sentenced them to 
the block. The Archbishop showed no sign of penitence. He 

1 Foss, 284. 2 PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 13; 2, 15, January 2Oth, 1407. 
CAMPBELL, CH. JUST., I., 125, calls him "a worthless Puisne Judge," and 
ascribes his action to the " hope of seeing Gascoigne disgraced, and of suc- 
ceeding to the office of Chief Justice himself." 3 YOUNG, TRACTS. 4 YEAR 
BOOK, 13 H. IV., 5. s ANN., 409. 6 CHRON. GILES, 45. ^ Nulla negotii 
examinatio. POL. SONGS, n., 115. 

Injusti judicis sena depromitur, 

Sine responso sic nece plectitur. ATHEN/EUM, 4/8/88, 161. 
s Ex pnecepto regis. GASC., 226. 



1405.] On the Road to York. 237 

protested that he had meant no harm against the realm or the 
person of the King, and turning to the by-standers he called on 
them repeatedly to pray that God would not take vengeance for 
his death on King Henry and his house. The three were then 
ordered off to York for instant execution. 

The Archbishop prepared with fitting dignity to take a last 
farewell of the world. He asked to be allowed to ride to his 
death dressed in his linen rochet l and carrying his crozier in 
his hand; but this was refused, and he was brought out in a 
scarlet chymer - with a violet hood drooped over his shoulders. 
A collier's 8 sorry mare, 4 not worth a mail, 5 was fetched ; 
the Archbishop thanked them for the mount and rode bare- 

1 Qua utuntur Episcopi vice Ephot. GASC., 227. It was the official 
dress. WHEATLEY, 109. 2 For the chymer (PROMPT. PARV.) [ = chymere 
(GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 21); chimera. MUNIM. ACAD., 382; chimere. WAL- 
COTT, WYKEHAM, 315] or riding cloak (TEST. EBOR., i., 322), see 
WHEATLEY, no. For the hood (caputium), see STRUTT, DRESS AND 
HABITS, n. , 155. For minute directions as to a bishop's ordinary walking 
or riding dress, see C^ERIMON. EPISC., 1-18. 3 CHRON. GILES, 46. f *" An 
ill-favoured jade." STOW, 333. WRIGHT, in POL. SONGS, n., xxvi., lays 
-stress upon jumentum as a special indignity. See SAINTE PALAYE, I., i., 
20, with notes, p. 48 ; Du CANGE, s.v.j HOLT, 172. This need not be 
pressed, the word is the common equivalent for horse. See ANN., 409; 
SCOTICHRON., II., 431. GASC., 227, has super equum, equus iste, &c. 
5 i.e., ten groats or half a noble, 33. 4d.-RoT. PARL., II., 452. A fair price 
for a good horse would vary from 305. to 8os. Vol. I., p. 410. In one case 
Richard II. is known to have paid ^"200. DEVON, 206 ; ROGERS, I., 330; 
and Edward III., 120. DEVON, 141. In REC. ROLL, loli. IV., PASCH., 
June 1 9th, 1409, a horse is sold for 53. Cf. BLOMFIELD, 164. In 1400, the 
best English palfreys are valued at 100 francs (i.e. about 10) each. 
DUCKETT, I., 148, 182. The Abbot of Cluni rode one and pronounced it 
melior equus quam unquam habuerimus et utinam possemus habere 
similem. -Ibid., 188. In the stables at Totnes Priory in 1338, was a 
palfrey and saddle priced at 405, and " unus alius equus" at 6s. 8d. 
OLIVER, 242. In REC. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., Oct. I3th, 1411, Thomas 
atte Brigge, of Chesterfield, pays 6s. 8d., the price of a horse which caused 
the death of William, son of Robert Bedfre, on Wingerworth Moor. Ibid., 
October 29th, 1411, has 135. 4d. as the price of two horses. In ibid., 
February 26th, 1412. 303. is the price of a bayard (equi baclii) or a sorrel 
(equi corelli). In 1387, 13 6s. 8d. is paid for a grey courser for Henry 
as Earl of Derby, .5 for an ambler, 4 for a bayard, 735. 6cl. for a malar, 
and^i each for two horses for the trumpeters. Due. LANC. REC., XXVIIL, 
i, i, App. A. For various prices, see HOLT, 171, IN REC. ROLL, 10 H. 
IV., MICH., October gth, 1408, a cart and two mares are sold for 2s. (!). 



238 Clementhorpe. [CHAP. LII. 

back, 1 with a halter 2 for bridle, amidst a dense throng, out on 
the road to York. 

As the three passed along, the young Earl Marshal 8 showed 
signs of giving way, but the Archbishop maintained his com- 
posure and cheered his fainter fellows with the thought that the 
death-pain would be but for a moment, and that they would 
die in the cause of justice. Catching sight of an old acquain- 
tance * on the road, John Malvern, 5 the King's physician 6 and 
mire, 7 he rallied him gaily, saying : " I shall need no physic 
from you now, Master John." "Perhaps not for the body," 
said the leech, 8 who was a " professor of truth " 9 as well as a 
master of physic, 10 " but you will need it for your soul." " Come 

1 GOUGH (in., 16) says "with his face to the tail." See also RAINE, 
HISTORIANS, 11., 432. Cf. Timur's insults to Bajazet. VEBTOT., i., 300. 
2 For horse-halters, see GOWEE, CONF. AM., 191. 3 ANN., 409. Solatur 
comitem adolescentulum. POL. SONGS, II., 115. 4 CHRON., GILES, 46. 
5 Not, as I think, the Monk (afterwards Prior) of Worcester who continued 
the Polychronicon to the year 1394, see HIGDEN, ix. , pp. viii, 1-283 > 
MONAST., i., 581 ; ANGL. SACR., L, 549; once reputed the author of 
Piers Plowman, see SKEAT, E.E.T.S., 1884, p. xxiii.; A. CLARK, 97 ; 
STOW, CHRON., 238 (followed by WOOD, HIST., IL, 106) ; PITS, 578, c. 

'''Prior John Malvern was present at the examination of John Badby, at 
Worcester, January 2nd, 1409. CONC., in., 326. 6 In April, 1402, his 

-physician was Master Richard Grisby. RYM., VIIL, 250. In 1403, it was 
Master Lewis. Q. R. WARDROBE, 6 4 8 > App. B. 7 COTGRAVE, s.v. Due. 
LANG. REC., XL, 14, II, has terms for retaining Peter Braye to execute the 
office of mire and surgeon to John of Gaunt. Cf. Bon mire pour plaies 
curer. DESCHAMPS, vn., 72. 8 PROMPT. PARV., 291 ; CATHOL., 211 ; 
HOCCL., DE REG., 7 ; LYDGATE, TEMPLE OF GLAS, 38, 60.; P. PLO., 
ix., 296 ; GOWER, CONF. AM., 140, 148, 323, 421, 429. 9 He was a Doc- 
tor in Theology ( = S.T.P. in LE NEVE; D.D. in DUGDALE, ST. PAUL'S, 
241). In 1401, 1410, and 1421, he appears as parson of St. Dunstan in 
the East, Tower Street. NEWCOURT, i., 134, 160, 333; SHARPE, n., 
405, 433; ENGLISH GARNER, VL, 51. In 1405, he held two prebends 
in St. Paul's. LE NEVE, IL, 375, 395. In 1408, he was made a 
-Canon of Windsor. LE NEVE, in., 384. He died in the year 1422. 
10 ROT. PARL., in., 593. For magistri in physica, see LEROUX DE 
LINCY, 440. For "doctor of physike," see CHAUCER, 11930, with picture 
from Ellesmere MS., in coif and gown; JUSSERAND, 177. For " fisik," see 
WYCLIFFE, 10,224; "physique." GOWER, CONF. AM., 346; "ffusisian." 
PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 29; "fisicien." ITINERAIRES, 576; DESCHAMPS, 
IV -> 33> 7; v -> 3> !3 J 5 VII - 2 47> 3 2 & ; P. PLO., x., 141 ; XXIIL, 176, 
315 ; GIBBONS, 70. Cf. A worthy clerke and surgien, 
And eke a great physicien. 

GOWER, CONF. AM., 420, 446. 



1405.] Master John Malvern. 239 

sir," said the Archbishop, " and watch me die, and if you see 
aught against the truth, I bow to your correction." 

They halted at the south-western corner of the walls, where 
the high road enters the city, close to the river bank by the 
Skeldergate postern, 1 and passed into a field belonging to the 
nuns of Clementhorpe, 2 where the young barley was waving in 
the freshness of early summer. The day was the anniversary 8 
of the death of St. William, when the little fertour * with his 
relics was carried in procession through the city. Crowds from 
all parts, both mounted and afoot, thronged into the field and 
the crop was soon pounded and trampled beneath their feet. 
As the procession drew near, the owner of the crop stepped out 
and begged that his rigs might be spared and the block be 
placed elsewhere. There was no scaffold to erect and the 
man's request might have been granted. The Archbishop did 
his best, and asked that he might be taken out for execution on 
the highroad close by. But the officers had strict orders that 



1 Sic extra portam fit datus funeri. ATHEN.^EUM, 4/8/88, page 161. 
2 CHRON. GILES, 46; ANN., 410 ; EUL., in., 408 ; CHRON. LOND., 89. 
The site was afterwards marked by a chapel, called " Bisshopp Scrope 
Chaple," which has long since disappeared. It was named in the schedule_ 
drawn up in 1542, when the possessions of the nunnery were sold (MoNAST., 
iv., 327, where the word is wrongly printed). The place is still called 

__Chapel Field. DAVIKS, 114. The Prioress received 25 marks out of the 
Archbishop's confiscated property, November 28th, 1405. PAT., 7 H. IV., 
1,28. 3 POL. SONGS, II., 114. Willelmi prgesulis felix festivitas. Cf. 
Willelmi prsesulis fulgent e jubare. ATHEN^UM, 4/8/88, p. 161. CHRON. 
GILES, 45, says it was the Feast of the Translation of St. William, which 
was observed in January, on the First Sunday after Epiphany (YoBK 
BREVIARY, i., 179). FABB. ROLLS, 129, has charges for repairing eight 
" coddes " or pillows for the feretory (RoT. PARL., v., 632) to rest on. 
For the Ouse bridge breaking down under the crowd, see YORKSHIRE 
ARCH^OL. AND TOP., m., 307 ; BUTLER, i., 760. 4 TEST. EBOR., 11., 
233. Cf. " Fercules," the things whereon Images or Pageants are car- 
ried. COTGRAVE, s.v. This may possibly throw light upon the phrase 
ferculum felle mixtum, in Vol. I., p. 107, though it will probably be better 
translated by the " bitter dish," or the " meat mixed with gall," referring 

^perhaps to a line in the Prophecy : Fercula fert fellis bombinans foemina 
bellis, in POL. SONGS, I., 183, explained as amaritudinem et malitiam, p. 184. 



240 Clementhorpe. [CHAP. LII. 

would brook no sort of delay. They hurried him forward 
saying that a traitor could not choose his place of death. The 
block was on the ground, and a convict, Thomas Alman, 1 of 
Poppleton, who had served fifteen years imprisonment in York 
gaol, had been brought out to do the work of blood. 

The Earl Marshal and Sir William Plumpton 2 died first, 
while the Archbishop stood by and prayed. Speaking to those 
near enough to hear, he said : " I die for the laws and the good 
government of England." 3 He then removed his hood and 
coif, 4 and laid them on the ground. Turning to the headsman 
he bade 5 him deal five blows at his neck in memory of the five 
sacred wounds, kissed 6 him three times and kneeled for a 
moment in prayer. Then folding his arms across his breast he 
stretched out his neck and "took his death with full good will." 7 
A faint smile 8 still played on the features when his head fell at 
the fifth stroke, and the body rolled over on its right side. He 
died, " as some think, a worthy and a lovely martyrdom." 

A little book, which he carried in his bosom when he laid 
his head on the block, was reverently preserved by a clerk, 9 
Thomas Dautre, of York, who afterwards left it by will to his 
son John, 10 who on his death left orders that it should remain 

1 GASC., 227. 2 CFTRON. GILES, 47. 3 EUL., in., 408. Pro sponse 
juribus vincens occubuit. ATHENAEUM, 4/8/88, p. 161. 4 Reading "tenam" 
(as GASC., 227) for tunicam. See PROMPT. PABV., s.v. "coyfe"; also 
CHRON. R. II., H. VI., 33 ; though not in EUL., from which it is a trans- 
lation. s Qui petens quinque vulnera mortem pertulisti. ATHEN./EUM, 
4/8/88, p. 161. 6 POL. SONGS, n., 116. ^ The pretty little English lament- 
in HYMNS TO THE VIRGIN, 128, EARLY ENGLISH TEXT Soc., 1867, refers 
to the " fyve strokys," but contains nothing beyond Gascoigne's account, ex- 
cept the reference to the "hill" of execution, which shows that the writer 
did not correctly realise the locality, although he had his information from 
" full trewe men. " 8 Speciem modeste ridentis. ANN. , 410. 9 He calls 
himself clericus and magister (TEST. EBOR., II. , 59, 60), but he was certainly 
a married man with a family. Cf. also the brotherhood of the Parish 
Clerks in Bishopsgate, London, with almshouses for their wives and widows. 
STOW, LONDON, 178. From the contents of Dautre's library he appears 
to have been a lawyer. I0 See their wills dated 1437 and 1458 in TEST. 
EBOR., IL, 61, 230. 



1405.] Wymarfs Maser. 241 

fastened by a chain close to the martyr's grave. 1 His plate 2 
and jewels were all seized after the execution, yet thirty years 
afterwards a gold ring, set with a large sapphire and twelve 
pearls, remained as a memorial of him in the family of Roos, 3 
at Ingmanthorpe; but the owner's conscience* pricked and the 
ring was given up to the Minster, at York, as too precious for 
private hands. A wooden drinking-cup, known as a hanap 5 or 
maser, 6 which the Archbishop had blessed, was cherished as a 
memento of him in the house of Henry Wyman, a wealthy 
goldsmith, in Coney Street, York, whose only child Joan 7 
became the wife of William, the eldest son of Chief Justice 

1 In the inventory of the Scrope chantry in St. Stephen's Chapel, taken in 
1520, occurs missale scriptum 2 folio ma. FABR. ROLLS, 301. In 1463, 
Eufemia Langton left to her son, Henry Langton, unum missale vocatum 
Bisshop-Scrope-book. TEST. EBOR., IL, 259. * POL. SONGS, n., 117. 
The total value amounted to 7 1 3- RAMSAY, i., 146. 3 TEST. EBOR.,IL, 
166. 4 MONASTICON, vi., 1203. 5 Une hanap appele maser. ROY. LET., 
Box 15, PUB. REC. OFFICE; PISAN, IL, 133; DESCHAMPS, vn., 181 ; 
HOLT, 119, 126-128. 6 Described by TORRE in 1691 as "of coker-nut, 
inlayd and tipt with silver." RIPON CHAPTER ACTS, 234; ARCH^EOL. 
INST., 1846, p. 27. See also C. C. GILD, 291 ; YORKSHIRE ARCH^OL. 
JOURN., viii., 312; BRITTON, i., 65; BROWNE, 290; CRIPPS, 208; 

POOLE AND HUGALL, 196 ; SCROPE AND GROSVENOR, II., 126 ; ROCK, II., 

339, from LANSDOWNE MS., 403. Cf. "ten beads of maser." PLUMP- 
TON CORRDCE, xxxiv.; "cippus de masero." ARCH^OL., L., 514; 
" Baculus pastoralis de mazero sive cipresso." Ibid ; " macer."-GlBBONS, 
73; RELIQUARY, N. S., i., 30; REYNOLDS, cxix.; SHARPE, n., XLVII. 
They were sometimes made of vine-root. FIFTY WILLS, 56. For a cup 
called "Note," i.e., "nut," see SHARPE, i., 196, 471, 479, 669; IL, 26, 
90. In 1406, John Lydeford, Archdeacon of Totnes, left a cup " de 
maserio," from which he had drunk much good wine. STAFF. REG., 390. 
Cf. Du CANGE, s.v. mazer; also PROMPT. PARV., and CATHOL., s.v. ; 
SHARPE, I. , 151. The maser was a common article in every household. 
See LYNN SUBSIDY ROLL in NORFOLK ARCH^F.OL., i., 337 ; DART, CAN- 
TERBURY, App. xxi.; MORANT, I., 47 ; ROT. PARL., i., 228, 246 ; NICH- 
OLLS AND TAYLOR, I., 204. Cf. un hanap d'argent ou de mazre dount il 
beivent. PARL. WRITS, i., 55 ; ROT. PARL., I., 239. For murra or madre, 
see TEST. EBOR., L, 340 ; LOND. AND MIDDLX. ARCH^EOL. Soc., iv., 316. 
PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 26, refers to a chest broken open at Guestling, near 
Hastings, in 1408. It contained six silver spoons, one maser, two silver 
cups, and " other goods/' the whole valued at ^"5. For lid of a maser 
weighing lolbs. 7oz. (in 1400), see Q. R. WARDROBE, **, App. B. For 
masers with inscriptions, see TEST. EBOR., I., 209, 318 ; STAFF. REG., 405, 
408, 413, 422. For a "lytel maser," see ibid., 415. ^ C. C. GILD, 239. 



242 Clementhorpe. [CHAP. LII. 

Gascoigne. After the death of Wyman, the maser passed to the 
custody of his wife Agnes, who gave it to the Gild of Corpus 
Christi which was founded at York during her husband's second 
mayoralty, 1 in 1408. The Gild appear to have added the cup- 
band 2 and the inscription, 8 and, in 1465, it was valued as one 
of their most precious effects. Two centuries later, it found its 
way into the possession of the Cordwainers * of York, who used 
it at their feasts filled 5 with spiced ale, and though every other 
vestige of a relic of Archbishop Scrope has long ago passed to 
the melting-pot or the moth, Wyman's pardon-cup, 6 with the 
silver feet, is to be seen in the Minster vestry to this day. 

The head of the Earl Marshal was stuck on a pole and 
fixed high on Bootham Bar, 7 where the handsome 8 features 
were exposed for two months to the sun and rain before it was 
taken down 9 and buried with the body in the Grey Friars' 
Church, 10 at York. Sir William Plumpton's head was set up on 
the Bar at Micklegate, 11 until the iyth of August, 1405. It was 

1 REC. ROLL, g H. IV., MICH., October 3rd, 1407 ; PASCH., May i2th, 
1408. Wyman was also mayor and escheator in 1407 (RECEIPT ROLL, 8 
H. IV., PASCH., April 3Oth, 1407), and mayor and escheator in 1409. 
REC. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., October 27th, 1408; ibid., 11 H. IV., 
MICH., October 22nd, 1409. In REC. ROLL, 11 H. IV., PASCH., April 
2nd, 1410, John Bolton is mayor and escheator. 2 LIB. ALB., I., 609; 
CATHOL., s.v. 75. 3 For Bishop "Musin," whose name is also on the bowl, 
see CAL. ROT. CANC. HIB., i., 190, where the entry is merely Rico epo 
Dromor'; WARE, PRELATES, 68 ; REEVES, 308; COTTON, in., 277; TEST. 
EBOR., in., 336; NOTES AND QUERIES, 2nd S., 2, i. ARCH/EOLOGIA, 
L., 147, has "Mosin." ROCK, 11., 341, has "Musrn." For Richard 
Mysyn, suffragenus 1461,866 CORP. CHRIST. GILD, 62; STUBBS, REG. 
SACK., 148. In 1435, ne translated the INCENDIUM AMORIS of Richard 
Rolle, the hermit of Hampole, at which date he was Prior of Lincoln. 
NOTES AND QUERIES, 8th S., L, 147 ; E. E. T. S., 1886, p. xn. In Due. 
LANC. REC., XL, 16, 58', September I2th, 1411, William Messyn is nomi- 
nated by King Henry to a corrody in Mottisfont Priory (Hants). 4 RAINE, 
YORK, 154, supposes that it was "given by Archbishop Scrope to the Com- 
pany of Cordwainers !" 5 DRAKE, 439. 6 SHARPE, IL, 305. 7 " Bouthom- 
barre." CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 3, though ANSTIS, quoted in DRAKE, read 
" super pontem " from same Roll. 8 ANN., 411. 9 See writ for removal, 
dated August 6th, 1405, in DRAKE, App. xvi. 10 TEST. EBOR., i., 347; 
not in the Minster, as WALS., IL, 271 ; HYPODIG., 415 ; followed by PAULI, 
v., 39. "Mykkyllyth." GLAUS., 6 H. IV., i. Cf. DRAKE, 108. 



1405.] Thornton's Window. 243 

then given up to his wife Alice and buried in the church at 
Spofforth, where his epitaph 1 might still be read 200 years 
afterwards. His name was piously linked with that of the 
Archbishop, his uncle, by succeeding generations of Scropes* 
when providing for their memories in later days. 

No such indignity was offered to the body of the dead 
Archbishop. His head and mangled trunk were lifted tenderly 
by four of the vicars-choral and carried to the Minster. There 
they were lapped in lead without a winding-sheet, 3 placed in 
an outer shell of "strong oak 4 well put together with nails," 
and lowered to their last rest behind the farthest column in the 
"new work" 5 beside St. Stephen's altar. 6 Few or none fol- 
lowed the dead man to his grave. Such as there were stood by 
in fear 7 and silence as the ground closed over him, in the gaunt 

1 Together with those of his mother, Dame Isabel, and his wife, Alice 
(died 1423). All of them were seen and examined in 1613 by the then 
rector, though they have since disappeared under the hand of the modern 
restorer. PLUMPTON CORRDCE, xxxn. 2 TEST. EBOB., IL, 388. 3 Non 
Hatur corporis funeri lintheus. POL. SONGS, il., 117. 4 The remains were 
inspected on March 28th, 1844, but "nothing was discovered bearing 
evidence of identity"; the skull with a little hair on it was found "in its 
proper place." BROWNE, 288; DAVIES, WALKS, 115. In 1477, a lady 
who was buried in the nunnery at Clementhorpe, left a gold ring, 
set with a diamond, "to the head of Richard Scrope," in the Scrope 
Chapel there. TEST. EBOR., in., 232. This must have been a reli- 
quary, like the Caput Thomae at Canterbury. See DEVON, 322 ; 
ARCH^OL. CANT., xui., 520; or the head of St. Louis in Paris. 
LKROUX DE LINCY, 47. 5 TEST. EBOR., in., 32. Called the Presbytery, 
or "our Lady Queare." WILLIS, ARCH/EOL. INST., 1846, p. 34. POL. 
SONGS, II., 116. For account of the probable appearance of the burial 
place, see TRANSACTIONS OF UNITED ARCHITECT. Soc. (1861), Vol. VI., 
46-51. It was one of the first interments in this part of the Church, which 
afterwards became the burial place of many of the Scrope family. In 1451, 
a chantry was founded here by the Archbishop's grand-nephew, Thomas le 
Scrope, fifth Baron of Masham, for two chaplains to pray for the souls of 
the Archbishop and many of his relatives. SCROPE AND GROSV., n., 152. 
7 ANN., 410, says that he was buried " cum honore," but the poem in POL. 
SONGS, n. , 117, is probably nearer the truth in saying that not the smallest 
coin was given either for the funeral or for the poor. BROWNE (289), 
quoting BARLOW MS., 27 BODL. (said to be Thomas Stubbs, not in SCRIP- 
TORES DKCEM, but continued to Wolsey in a sixteenth century hand) says 
" with but moderate ceremony, as the circumstances of the time permitted." 



244 Clementhorpe. [CHAP. LII. 

unfinished choir beneath the great east window, 1 stretched with 
flapping canvas to keep out the rain and the birds. 

But the King's rage lacked finish. " Infirm of purpose !" was 
""written large upon his work. He should have removed his victim 
far away for death and burial, not left him just where the dead man 
could speak his loudest. Better to have sent King Richard's 
corpse for burial in St. Paul's, or Hotspur's body to be cherished 
among his faithful tenants in Alnwick Abbey, than lay the 
hacked remains of a revered Archbishop in his own cathedral 
church, a monument to stir the rage and pity of the feeble 
flock whom he had led about so heroically for three days in the 
Galtres wilderness. Surely, if no King ever before committed 
the fatal fault of bringing an Archbishop to the block, none 
ever made the still more fatal error of leaving his bones just 
where they could best keep alive the memory of his treacherous 
seizure and sacrilegious death, in the heart of a priest-ridden \ 
and fanatical city. 

1 John Thornton of Coventry had not yet begun his contract (dated Dec. 
loth, 1405) for the griffins and hellish monsters, which he painted with his 
own hand and finished after three years, at the rate of 43. per week. 
YORKSH. ARCH^EOLOG. JOURN., in., 346; iv., 368; WALPOLE, i., 32; 
BKITTON, i., App. 81, PI. xxv.; DRAKE, 526; WILLIS, 44; AENEAS SYL- 
VIUS, quoted in WALCOTT, ENGLISH MINSTERS, i., 108 ; also WESTLAKE, 
and ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL, XIL, 153. For the Cherleton window 
(circ. 1350) in St. Mary's Church, Shrewsbury, see OWEN AND BLAKE- 
WAY, II., 316. Before 1360, a large window with scenes from the life of 
Christ was put up in the Cathedral of St. Canice, at Kilkenny, by Bishop 
Ledrede. See HIST. MSS., IOTH REPORT, p. 220. For Bristol Cathe- 
dral, see NICHOLLS AND TAYLOR, n. , 52. For window in Carlisle Cathedral 
with head of John of Gaunt, see CUMB. AND WEST. ANTIQ. Soc., i., 33 \ 
II., 311. For superiority of foreign to English glass, see ARCH^OL. JOURN., 
xiv., 250 ; DENTON, 53. For glass at Winchester, see PROCEEDINGS OF 
ARCH^EOL. INST., 1845; WALCOTT, WYKEHAM, 221. For painted glass 
windows, see MERRIFIELD, I., Ixxvii. For protest against drawing people 
to church by "curiosity of gay windows, and colours, and paintings, and 
baboonery," see WYCLIFFE, 8, 181. 



CHAPTER LIII. 
LEPROSY. 

INSTANTLY the King was made to feel the weight of the mistake 
into which he had been betrayed. In the very next chamber 
to him was one with whom he must now reckon. Archbishop 
Arundel had taken his rest. He heard mass as arranged, and 
came to take his breakfast with the King. But while they were 
at their meal the victims were already sentenced, and by mid- 
day * the execution was done. When the frightful news reached 
Bishopthorpe, Archbishop Arundel cried out * that he was weary 
of his life. Worn out with fatigue and exhaustion, he fell into 
a fever. The King bore his reproaches quietly, and would not 
add to his grief by any show of irritation. He promised that 
Scrope's remains should receive an honourable burial, and he 
gave orders that Arundel should be tended in his sickness with 
special care, until he should be able to rise and return to his 
duties in the South. 3 

Having arranged for a fine of 500 marks* to be levied on 
the citizens of York, the King moved northwards with an army 
which was now 37,000 strong. 5 Having anticipated some diffi- 
culty before the walls of York, he had got together a strong siege 

1 Post lucis medium. POL. SONGS, n., 114. Post meridiem. GASC., 
227. The curious phrase : Post donum spiritus in luce zinzie, in the BOD- 
LEIAN MS. LAT. LITUKG., f. 3, is supposed to mean " lark-light," i.e., 
early dawn. ATHENVEUM, 4/8/88, p. 161 ; but this is in opposition to the 
evidence. It seems more likely to refer to the Pentecostal gift of tongues. 
2 MILMAN (v. , 524), in order to draw an effective character of Arundel, 
asserts that on this occasion he " keeps silence." 3 He was still at York 
when the King consulted him about the Danish marriage. ANN., 413, 
though according to CAPGRAVE, 291, "in al hast he was caried horn." 
4 Only 200 marks of it had been paid by December I3th, 1405. See Frost's 
letter to the King, in ROY. LET., Box 15, PUB. REC. OFF. s ANN., 411. 



246 Leprosy. [CHAP. LIII. 

train, with great store of caltraps, 1 tribuls, splints, crows, martels, 
war-hatchets, pickoys, and maundrils. Guns and gunpowder 
had been brought from the Tower of London, 2 Pontefract, 3 
Nottingham, 4 Kenilworth, 5 and elsewhere, one of the guns 
being so large, that it was believed that no walls could stand 
against it. In the afternoon of the day of the execution (June 
8th, I4Q5), 6 the King entered York and transacted some routine 
business. A keeper of spirituals 7 was to exercise supervision 
over the diocese of York until a new Archbishop should be 
appointed, the temporalities 8 were placed in the charge of a 
Commission consisting of Chief Justice Gascoigne, Sir Henry 
Fitzhugh, Sir Thomas Rempston, and others, and arrangements 
were made for collecting arrears. 9 The Archbishop's furniture, 
horses, 10 cups, and jewels were all seized, and nothing was left 
even to pay his private debts. 11 Pardons were granted to five 
clerks, 12 Richard Conyngston, Robert Wolvedon, Thomas Parker, 
Richard Dygyll, and Nicholas Tydde, and the King and his 
retinue passed through Micklegate Bar and took the road for 
Boroughbridge. The weather was wild, and as he rode along 
in the blinding rain over Hessay Moor, 18 towards the Nidd, 
between Poppleton and Skip Bridge, it seemed as if some one 
struck him u a violent blow, and as the storm did not abate, he 
halted at Green Hammerton for the night. Here his rest was 

1 FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV. 2 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 21 d., May 2ist, 1405. 
3 Ibid., I, 28 d., October 2lst, 1404. Pulverem vocatum "gunpoudre." 
See ARCH^OLOGIA, 32. 4 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 20 d., June 1st, 1405. 

5 Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 4i IIJ , dated November i8th, 1405, shows 
515. 3d. paid to John Ashford, Constable of Kenilworth, for forwarding 
cannons and gunpowder to the North in late rebellion. 6 PAT., 6 H. IV., 
i, 19. ^ Ibid., 2, 19. 8 PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 7, 23. 9 p AT ., 6 H. IV., 2, 
15 d. I0 PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 29, records the disposal of a young " grisel " 
and a " black grey." " Nil credit oribus. POL. SONGS, n., 117. 12 PAT., 

6 H., IV., 2, 21. I3 GASCOIGNE, 228, has Exsamure, Popiltun, Lidyate, 
and Sckeet bryge. Cf. Skete brygg, TEST. EBOR., II., 20. In RAINE, 
HISTORIANS OF YORK, 11., 433, he is on his way to Cawood. u Reading 

" eum," as GASCOIGNE, not " episcopum," as MAYDESTON. 



1405.] Green Hammer ton. 247 

disturbed by a hideous dream, which in the excited minds of 
his people became afterwards historic. It was taken by the 
northern folk and their clerical teachers to signify the voice of 
God, warning him that he should be stricken down with leprosy 
as a punishment for the death of the martyred Scrope. The 
disease was believed to have taken him jnside the nose, and no 
doctor could ever cure it. The monk who tells the story could 
not make up his mind whether it came as a punishment, a 
warning, or an accident, so he cautiously leaves the question 
for God to decide. 1 At any rate, the King called out in his 
sleep : "Traitors ! ye have thrown fire over me." 2 Accommo- 
dation at a wayside Yorkshire manor would be on a homely 
scale, and it is likely that the sleeping-rooms were divided only 
by a tapet, 3 or a parclose 4 of boards. Rushing up in alarm, the 
attendants found the light out in the King's mortar. Thinking 
that he had been poisoned, they gave him a draught of 
vernage 5 as a treacle, 6 and when he rode into Ripon the next 

1 Private Dei judicio remitto. CHBON. GILES, 48; BLORE, H. IV., 6. 
2 GASC., 228; ANGL. SACR., n., 371. 3 DENTON, 44. 
4 And betwixt him nas ther but a parclos 
Of borde, not but of homely makyng 
Thurgheout, the whiche at many a chynnyng 
In each chamber they myghten beholde 
And see what other did yf that they wolde. 

HOCCL., DE REG., 152; SKEAT, 17, 371. 

Cf. CHAUCER, REVES TALE, 4137 ; PISAN, i., 66, 99, 291 ; 11., 36. 5 A 
sweet Tuscan wine. LIB. ALB., 711, where it is priced at 2s. per gallon ; 
the best Rhenish wine being sold at 6d. or 8d. NOTT. REC., II., 378(1463). 
See THORNTON ROMANCES, 235; Two COOKERY BOOKS, 22; HIST. MSS., 
IST REPT., 80; P. MEYER, 392; HOLT, 115. In PROMPT. PARV., s.v., 
Vernage is simply " wyne." Forty years later the word is not included in 
the CATHOLICON (1483). Cf. DIGBY MYST., 72 ; HARBISON, i., 149. For 
clare, see MART., COLL., vi., 620; HOLT, 101. For the best vintages of 
Burgundy, e.g., Beaune and St. Gengou, see MONTREUIL, 1398; DES- 
CHAMPS, vii., 219, 327. For the white wine of Lepe, see CHAUCER, 
PARDONERS TALE, 12497. In LYNN SUBSIDY ROLL, temp. Ed. I., the 
average price of wine is 405. per cask. NORF. ARCH/EOL., I., 337. 
That never piment ne vernage, 
Was half so swete for to drinke. 

GOWER, CONF. AM., 315. 
6 Triacle is turned into venyn. APOL., 57. And eke my treacle ageyns the 



248 Leprosy. [CHAP. LIII. 

day, 1 he was very ill (valde infirmus) and had to rest there for 
seven days, at the end of which time two eye-witnesses saw him 
(as they afterwards said), with pushes 2 sitting 3 like teats 4 on 
his face and hands. 

One of these was Stephen Palmer, alias Cotingham, a citizen 
of York, 5 the other was George Plumpton, 6 a younger son of 
Sir William Plumpton, who had just been executed. He was 
then only a lad about twelve years of age, and had probably 
been retained as a hostage for the good behaviour of his family. 
He afterwards grew up to be a clerk of some repute, and in the 
two succeeding reigns, held livings 7 and faculties suitable to 
the younger son of a great landed family. In course of time 
he told his story to Doctor Thomas Gascoigne, a nephew of the 
Chief Justice, who wrote an account of the events in which his 
uncle had played so honourable a part. 

Of the two chroniclers whose works are known to be strictly 
contemporary, the earlier 8 says nothing at all about any illness, 

venym foule. CAPGR., KATH., 173. For tiriacle, see WYCLIFFE, DE DOM. 
Div., 18, 178; CHAUCER, MAN OF LAW, 4899; PROMPT. PARV., 223, 
500 ; CATHOL., 392 ; P. PLO., 11., 147 ; NOTES, p. 37 ; LYDGATE, 98 ; 
RICH. REDELES, n., 151 ; YORKSH. ARCH. AND TOP. JOURN., in., 266; 
HOLT, 117. 

1 For documents dated Ripon, June 9th and I2th, 1405, see Due. 
LANC. REC., XL, 15, and PRIV. SEAL, 7193. 2 PARE. 771. 3 N e of the 
knobbes sitting on his chekes. CHAUCER, PROL., 635. 
4 Et le tetin tout ainsi qu'une poire, 

Poignant, rondet, &c. PISAN, n., 206. 

Cf. GOWER, CONF. AM., 138. For "paps," see HOCCL., MIN. Po. , 47 ; 
GOWER, CONF. AM., 165, 166. 5 TEST. EBOR., 11., 84. In 1406, Thomas 
Palmer, of Worldham, Hants, was entered a scholar at Winchester. KIRBY, 
33. 6 His elder brother, Robert, was also with the King's army at Ripon. 
He received his pardon at Durham, on June igth, 1405. ROT. VIAG., 16 
(though the editor of PLUMPTON CORRDCE., xxvi., refers this to his grand- 
father), and was soon in possession of the family estates on his grandfather's 
Heath in 1407. GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 29 (January 3Oth, 1408), records his 
homage. For a document witnessed by William Gascoigne at Plumpton, 
September 8th, 1407, see J. H. TURNER, 104. ^ He was Rector of Gras- 
mere in 1431. For a full account of him, see PLUMPTON CORRDCE. , xxxiv. 
He died in the learned retirement of Bolton Abbey, circ. 1460. He was a 
member of the Corp. Christ. Gild at York, between 1451 and 1453. C. C. 
GILD, p. 51. 8 ANN. 



1405.] " The lepre caught in his visage" 249 

the other says in half-a-line that " immediately the King began 
to appear like a leper." 1 A third account, 2 written at least 
fifteen years after, says that the King was struck with leprosy 
beyond the possibility of cure, on the very day and at the very 
hour of the Archbishop's execution. Elmham, writing a few 
years after the King's death, refers to his gracious face 3 as 
horrid to all who saw it, and Waurin, 4 about forty years later, 
thinks that the leprosy came immediately after his accession 
to the throne, as a judgment for the murder of Richard. A 
century later, the leading historian 5 of England treats the whole 
story of the mysterious seizure as a "manifest lie," and has some 
very hard words for the " foolish and fantastical persons," the 
" erroneous Hypocrites and seditious Asses " who could propa- 
gate or believe it. It may be well, therefore, to look for a 
moment at the nature of the reputed disease itself. 

It was known in mediaeval England as a "leprey," 6 or a 
" meselrie." 7 For more than two centuries it had been a fearful 
scourge all over Europe, and was called the " great malady," 8 
or the "mickel ail," but in England it was already beginning 
to abate. 9 We have medical treatises 10 bearing on it written 
by two doctors in the fourteenth century, one of them an 
Englishman, John of Gaddesden, a fellow 11 of the Scholars- 
House of Merton at Oxford, and physician to Edward II., the 
other a Frenchman, Guy de Chauliac, who compiled a medical 

1 EUL., in., 408, 421. 2 CHRON. GILES, 47, certainly written after 1418,^ 
quum tune lis et schisma fuerat in ecclesia Romana, p. 48. 3 Pluribus 
alma fuit quae nunc patet horrida cunctis. POL. SONGS, 121. 4 WAURIN, 
in., 159; CHOISY, 293. s HALLE, 25, 32. 6 GOWEB, CONF. AM., 138, 
140. 7 PROMPT. PARV. s.v., "masyl." Cf. "meseaux." DESCHAMPS, 
iv., 339; also " messille " and " mescell." CHESTER PLAYS, II., 2. 8 "La 
grosse maladie " FROIS., n., 112; GOWER, CONF. AM., 142; J. Y. 
SIMPSON, ii., 18 ; SHERBURN ; SURTEES, i., 129. 9 For decrease of 
lepers at St. Albans, see J. Y. SIMPSON, n., 44; at Ripon, see RIPON 
MEM., i., 223-241. I0 For others, see J. Y. SIMPSON, n., 61. " BROD- 
BJCK, 176; WOOD, ii., 87 ; J. Y. SIMPSON, IL, 74. 



250 Leprosy. [CHAP. LIII. 

inventory 1 in 1363. As two of a trade, they of course disagree, 
and the Frenchman, being a little the later in date, naturally 
holds up his English predecessor to scorn. 2 They differ in their 
treatment and their dieting, the Englishman recommending 
clear, clean, scented wine, 3 neither too old nor too strong, and 
beer made with water that flows to the east. He has a special 
nostrum of his own which he calls bee-syrup. Pigs-feet are not 
to be eaten " unless they are in motion," and cabbage is to be 
avoided as a melancholy vegetable * which thickens the blood. 
The Frenchman would avoid all heating food, and recommends 
the patient to drink new milk and call in the help of God, 
remembering that suffering is the salvation of the soul. The 
symptoms recorded by them are : ponderous and grievous 
dreams, 5 with sharpness, burning, and pricking in the flesh, 
which becomes hard, sharp, tuberous, and knotty, the skin 
grows "crisp as of a gander," the brows are "depiled" and 
hairless, and the nose "torte and writhen." Both are agreed 
that when once the disease is confirmed it is "remediless" 6 and 
impossible to unroot, and that nothing can be done but com- 
plete isolation to prevent the taint from spreading. The 
leperman must get 7 out of the town, or, if found within the 
walls, he would be branded 8 on the cheek, his clothes 9 would be 
taken off him, and he would be turned out naked. He might 
beg with his cup without the gates, but he must sound his 



1 CHET. LIB. MS., 27902 is a translation into English in a fifteenth cen- 
tury hand; see J.Y.SIMPSON, n., 60-70. For a copy at Gloucester, see HIST. 
MSS., I2TH KEPT., ix., 396. 2 FREIND, n., 279. Cf. una fatua rosa 
Anglica. J. Y. SIMPSON, n., 75. 3 GADDESDEN, 1091. He is followed 
by MIRFIELD, in BREVIAKIUM BARTHOLOM^:I, circ. 1380. NORMAN 
MOORE, 8. 4 WYCLIFFE, DE ECCLESIA, xix. s CHAULIAC, 89. 6 PEE- 
RIS, in ANTIQ. REPERT., iv., 382. J. Y. SIMPSON, n., 21. 7 For 
proclamation of 1347, see STRYPE, n., 74; J. Y. SIMPSON, n., 10; LIB. 
ALB., 273, 590 ; ORDONNANCES, ix., 9, June 3rd, 1404. Ibid., ix., 299, 
refers to capots, or casots, accustomed to wear a certain badge so as to be 
known. 8 J. Y. SIMPSON, n., 145. 9 T. SMITH, 341. 



1405.] Measlecotes. 251 

clapper * to warn passers-by to shun him. He was forbidden 2 to 
enter church, market, mill, bakehouse, or tavern, to wash 
his hands in the common stream or draw water with the com- 
mon bucket. He might not touch anything that he wished to 
buy, but only point to it with a stick. He might not approach a 
child nor offer it a present, nor speak with any one on the 
public road, unless he stood where the wind would bear his 
breath the other way. If he consented to give up his liberty,- 
the burial service 3 was solemnly read over him in a church, and 
a spadeful of soil was flung at him, as though he were literally 
dead. Thenceforward he became an inmate of the collection of 
small wooden huts 4 known as measlecotes, 5 which Christian 
charity provided in the fields outside 7 the town walls. In this 
lazarhouse his meat was the rancid pork 8 and stale fish that had 
been seized at the fleshboards 9 as unfit for human food. 

Various kinds of leprosy were distinguished according to 
the different appearance of the skin, sometimes taking fanciful 
names from the elephant, 10 the lion, the serpent, or the fox; 



'J.Y. SIMPSON, IL, 78, 151; WALCOTT, 337. NARES, s.v., "clap-dish." 
2 YORK MANUAL, 106* ; NOTES AND QUERIES, 7th Series, ix., 486. 
3 J. Y. SIMPSON, n., 158, who gives instances (p. 107) of lepers being 
burned alive as incurable. Cf. HIRSCH, I., 212. If a leprous woman bore 
a leprous child, both mother and infant were to be buried alive. SIMPSON, 
IL, 124. 4 Ibid., n., 14, 40. 5 SHARPE, ii., 341. 6 Ibid. , passim. ? Ad 
locum solitarium prout mods est. RYM., XL, 635. Cf. MART., COLL., 
vii., 1363, 1397 ; CONG., I., 617 ; STRYPE, n., 74. 8 " Rotten sheep and 
mesel swine." HIST. MSS., I2TH KEPT., ix., 433. " Corrupt swine. "- 
J. Y. SIMPSON, ll., 140. At Sherburn, near Durham, the comfortable 
maintenance provided for lepers by Bishop Pudsey had been long ago 
squandered away. SURTEES, I., 129. At Oxford, all bad meat, wine, and 
fish, seized by the University, was given to the infirm brethren in the 
Hospital of St. John. MUN. ACAD., 52, 177; MONAST., vi., 678; BOASE, 
90; DENTON, 207. 9 For " shamelles vocat. Fleshbordes " at Leicester, see 
Due. LANC. RECORDS, XL, 15, 19. I0 CHAULIAC, 88, has: Elephancie, 
Leonine, Tirie (a tiro serpente, GADDESDEN, 1070), Allopecie. NOTES 
AND QUERIES, 7th Ser., x., 78, from GLAUS., 8 Ed. IV. J. Y. SIMPSON, 
IL, 3, 50, identifies the mediaeval leprosy with tubercular elephantiasis. 
Cf. Elefantuosi, MONAST., vi., 669.; MART., COLL., vii., 1159. 



252 Leprosy. [CHAP. LIII. 

sometimes from the colour as black, 1 yellow, or white. The 
white or serpent-leprey, 2 where the scales peel off from the skin, 
was the special form with which King Henry was said to have 
been struck, but tested by any of the hints contained in the 
medical books we are forced to reject the story that he was 
really attacked by leprosy at all, the size of the " pushes " being 
probably a pious exaggeration, when the belief in a leprous 
seizure had become well established after the King's long illness 
and premature death. 

Nevertheless, there is ground for believing that some sickness 
did overtake him at this time, and a rumour of it soon spread to 
London. For more than a year past his health 3 had failed, and 
though he struggled hopefully against despair, the very efforts 
that he was forced to make had overtaxed his strength. 
Messengers 4 were forthwith sent to the sheriffs of counties 
calling upon them to arrest any "vagabond seeking news from 
town to town," and requiring all bishops to pray for the good 
health of the King and the good government of the realm. 
King Henry certainly remained at Ripon till June i6th, 5 but 
immediately afterwards he developed an amount of locomotive 
energy unsurpassed at any previous period of his reign, and a 
fortnight after leaving Ripon, he wrote a letter in high spirits 
from Warkworth, 6 in which he thanked his Maker that he was 
in excellent health. 

1 PARE, 771. 2 Tirie. Rows, 207, in whose time it was believed that 
Prince Henry had been attacked with it also. 3 Vol. I., p. 458. 4 For 
payment to them, dated July i8th, 1405, see ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., PASCH. 
5 Entries are dated at Ripon June 9th, loth, nth, I2th, I5th and i6th, 
in PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 6, 7, 18 ; also ibid., 2, 16, 17, and ROT. SCOT., n., 
175, exactly corroborating GASC., 228. 6 ORD. PRIV. Co., I., 275, dated 
July 2nd, 1405. 



CHAPTER LIV. 
BERWICK. 

WHILE the King was at Ripon, a pardon was granted to one of 
the Archbishop's nephews, Geoffrey, 1 son of Stephen, Lord 
Scrope of Masham, and an effort was made at conciliation. 
Among the earliest orders issued in connection with the rising 
was one dated at Hereford on May 22nd, i4O5, 2 for the arrest 
of Sir Gerard Salvayn and John Aske. Both of these gentle- 
men had their homes in the East Riding of Yorkshire, Salvayn 8 
at North Duffield and Harswell near Market Weighton, and 
Aske at Ousethorpe 4 near Howden. Salvayn had given proof 
of loyalty in I403, 5 so far as oath-taking could secure it; he had 
been the King's Escheator in 1404^ and both he and Aske were 
men of position in the county. Their exact connection with 
the conspiracy is not known, but both of them sued for pardon 7 
and saved their necks. On June loth, I405, 8 Salvayn's wife, 
Alice, and John Somerby, a servant of Aske's, started for the 
North, carrying letters and messages to the Earl of Northumber- 
land, with full consent and protection from the King. These 
letters were couched in a friendly spirit, 9 in the hope that 
Mattathias might still be open to appeals from his old com- 
panion. But nothing came of it, except that Robert Waterton, 

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 21, June loth, 1405. 2 ROT. VIAG., 18, 3 He 
was born in 1358. SURTEES, iv., 118. In 1383, he was one of the retinue 
of the Earl of Northumberland. FONBLANQUE, I., 508. For his will 
dated 1422, see TEST. VET., 204. GLAUS., II H. IV., 7, July loth, 1410, 
refers to Alice, daughter of William Salvayn, of Appulgarth, near Bainton, 
deceased. 4 HARL. Soc., xvi., 8. 5 RYM., vni., 323. 6 SCROPE AND 
GROSV., i., 341. 7 Granted June 27th, 1405. ROT. VIAG., 18. In 1409, 
Salvayn witnessed a document at Helmsley. DUGDALE, ST. PAUL'S, 357. 
8 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 19. CHRON. GILES, 42. 



254 Berwick. [CHAP. LIV. 

who had been moved about between Warkworth, 1 Alnwick, and 
Berwick, was allowed to obtain his release on finding a sub- 
stitute in the person of his brother John. There was no hope 
of another submission of the Earl of Northumberland, such as 
had followed the former disaster to his fortunes at Shrewsbury. 
The speed of the King's movements had disconcerted his plans 
and forced his hand before the " day of assignment." z Instead 
of coming southward to tender his excuses and submit to 
imprisonment in a second Baginton, he was known to have 
drawn off to the North and concentrated a large force in and 
around the castle of Berwick, where he was now openly leaguing 
with the Scots. So whatever might be the truth about the 
King's ugly dream or his leprous nose, the great army swept on 
to finish its work. 

On June nth, 1405^ orders had been sent to the Sheriff of 
Yorkshire to assemble his levies on the instant and await the 
King's arrival at Newcastle. The property 4 of the Earl of 
Northumberland and Lord Bardolph 5 was declared to. be con- 
fiscated. One thousand Kentish archers 6 were ordered to 
Newcastle to proceed thence to Berwick, while provisions for 
the troops were to be forwarded to Newcastle from Norfolk and 
other parts by sea. Great numbers of those who had been out 
with the Archbishop and the Earl Marshal, now becoming 
alarmed for their safety, were in hiding in various parts of the 
North, fearing to return to their homes lest they, too, should 
suffer the same fate as their leaders. Many of them let 
it be known that they had never had their heart in the 

1 ROT. PARL., in., 605. 2 HARD., 362. 3 RYM., vm., 400. 4 PAT., 
6 H. IV., 2, 14, 19, June nth and I2th, 1405. 5 His manors of Plumpton 
and Barcomb (Berkomp), near Lewes, were granted to the Earl of Arundel 
June nth, 1405. PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 18. In PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 18, 20, 
May 3 1st, 1408, they returned to his brother, Sir William Bardolph, who 
was serving King Henry loyally at Calais. FR. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 12, May 
22nd, 1408; ibid., 10 H. IV., 13, November 2;th, 1408. 6 Ibid., dorso. 



1405.] Roger Thornton. 255 

business at all, that they had followed the Archbishop's banner 
on compulsion, 1 and were willing to submit to the King, if 
they had reasonable hope that their lives would be spared. 
The King now issued an order to the Sheriffs of Yorkshire, 
Lincoln, Nottingham, Westmoreland, Cumberland, and North- 
umberland, taking the persons and property of all fugitives 
under his protection, ordering that they should not be 
molested, provided that they came in before the next Michael- 
mas to take their punishment in the shape of fines or in 
whatever way should afterwards be determined, and specifying 
the men of Topcliffe, 2 Sessay, Hutton, Assenby, and other places 
in the neighbourhood where the spirit of rebellion had taken 
deepest root. 

The royal army meanwhile was well on its way North. 
No difficulty was met with in passing the Tees. The bridge at 
Yarm 3 was under repair, and the river was probably crossed 
at Croft, to the south of Darlington. On June i9th/ the 
King was at Durham, where he remained two days, and on 
the 2ist, 5 he reached Newcastle. The town was under 
obligation to him, for he had just 6 raised it to the level of 
London, York, and Bristol, by erecting it into an independent 
county, with power to elect its own sheriff, who should be 
responsible to the King alone. The burgesses had been kept 
loyal largely through the influence of the mayor, Roger 
Thornton, 7 the Dick Whittington of Tyneside, 8 though he had 

1 Per vim et contra voluntatem suam ut dicitur. RYM. , VIIL, 401. 
2 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 9, 18, June I2th, 1405. 3 Ibid., I, 24, 27, October 
25th, 1404. 4 ROT. VIAG., 16, 17. PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 20, has an entry 
dated " Wentbrig," June I7th, i.e., near Darrington, a little to the south 
of Pontefract. 5 Due. LANG. REC., XL, 15. 6 WELFORD, 225, dated 
May 23rd, 1400. ? He was also Mayor in 140x3, 1401, 1416, 1417, 1418, 
1419, 1426, and 1427. He is called Mayor in the grant. He was Mayor 
on December 29th, 1404 (PAULI, from Canterbury MSS. in HR., v., 331 ; 
HIST. MSS., 5'fH REFT., 443), and he was still Mayor on May 2nd, 1406 
(WELFORD, 240), though Robert Chirdon appears as Mayor in the usual 



256 Berwick. [CHAP. LIV. 

himself sustained personal losses to the extent of 1,000 marks. 
Obstructions were now rapidly clearing away. The mayors of 
Hartlepool, 1 Whitby, and Scarborough, were ordered to send 
ships and provisions to Berwick, and the field was open for a 
smart advance to run down the Earl in his last strongholds 
in Northumberland. 

Up the South Tyne Valley, near Haydon Bridge, was the 
small castle of Langley. 2 It was a "stone castle of an in- 
different bigness," and had been built by Sir Thomas Lucy, 

lists (WELFORD, 241, 429). Thornton was afterwards rewarded with grants 
of land in Cleveland, forfeited by Prior William Lasingby and other rebels, 
and a parcel of lead, valued at 20, belonging to the Earl of Northumber- 
land in Newcastle. PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 15, Feb. 8th, 1406 ; ibid., 9 H. IV., 
2, 21, May 27th, 1408. See also PAT., 6 II. IV., 2, 15, July 28th, 1405, 
in ARCH^OL., &L., O. S., n., 28; HODGSON, n., 382; WELFORD, 239. 
Thornton worked some lead mines in Weardale, under a lease from the 
Bishop of Durham. BOURNE, 205. PRIV. SEAL, 650/6729, Nov. 29th, 
1410, gives him permission to take goods of Livonian merchants then in his 
possession in payment of ^100 lent by him to the Prince of Wales and not 
yet repaid. He gave the lead for plumbing the roof of the nave of New- 
minster Abbey, near Morpeth, and built the tower of W T itton-by-the-Water, 
near Hartburn, and the God's House of St. Catherine (known as Thornton's 
Hospital, or the Mesondieu of Sint Kateryne), on the sandhills by the Tyne 
at Newcastle in 1403. WELFORD, 235, 249, 272, 288 ; MONAST., vi., 716. 
He was one of the collectors of customs at Newcastle. REG. ROLL, 10 H. 
IV., MICH., Dec. 4th, 1408; ibid., n H. IV., MICH., Nov. I3th, 1409; 
ibid., 12 H. IV., MICH., Nov. 2ist, 1410; ibid., 13 H. IV., MICH., Feb. 
26th, 1412. He was Bailiff of Newcastle, 1397-8, and one of the repre- 
sentatives of Newcastle in the Parliaments of 1399, 1411, 1417, and 1419. 
He died at his house in the Broad Chare, at Newcastle, on Jan. 2nd, 1430 
(in crastino Circumcisionis. NEWMINSTER CHARTULARY, 302 ; MONAST., 
V., 401) ; and was buried beneath a magnificent Flemish brass in All Saints' 
Church, Newcastle. For a picture of the old church, see WELFORD, 414. 
For the brass (figured in HODGSON, n., n ; ARCH. /EL., xv., 78; 
and still preserved), see BOURNE, 95 ; BRAND, 276 ; MACKLIN, 106 ; 
ANTIQUARY, April, 1890, page 175. For his will, dated 1429, see 
WILLS AND INVENTORIES, i., 78; WELFORD, 281; BOURNE, 210. 
8 Where they say : At the Westgate came Thornton in, 

With a happen (i.e., halfpenny) hapt in a ram's skin. 
See LEL., ITIN., vi., 46; HODGSON, II., i., 316. 

1 ROT. VIAG., 15, June 25th, 26th, 1405. - For description of Langley 
with its "monumental latrines," see ARCH. ALL,., 27, 38-56, 1884. For the 
privy or reredortour at Sion (otherwise called the house of easement, or the 
house of secret need), see EXCERPT. HIST., 413; AUNGIER, 253, 296. For 
Wickham's gongs at New College, see COCKERELL, in PROCEEDINGS OF 
ARCH^OL. INST., 1845, P- 3 1 - 



1405.] Langley. 257 

about fifty years before, 1 " in a very convenient place for the 
defence of the Incourses of the Scots of Lyddesdale and of the 
thieves of Tyndale, 8 Gilsland, and Bowecastell, when they ride 
to steal and spoil within the bishoprick of Durham." Langley 
had come into the possession of the Earl of Northumberland 
about 1383, together with the rest of the " Lucylands," 3 by his 
second marriage 4 with Maud, 5 only daughter of the founder. 
The castle yielded without a struggle, and on July 20th, 1405,* 
it was taken over, together with arms, artillery and victuals, by 
Sir Robert Umfraville, in the King's name. 

Lower down the river, about eleven miles above Newcastle, 
the castle of Prudhoe 7 had been already surrendered by John 

1 Survey of 1542, in HODGSON, in., ii., 217. 2 For the desperate con- 
dition of the Franchises of Tynedale and Hexhamshire, see STAT., I., 178; 
STAT. , 2 H. V., c. 5. 3 i.e. , Cockermouth, Egremont, with the great barony 
of Copeland, Wastdale, Wigton, and property in Carlisle. PAT., 6 H. IV., 
2, 5; FONBLANQUE, i., 510, from FED. FIN., 8 R. II., No. 109. 4 His 
first wife, Margaret Nevil, widow of William, fourth Baron de Roos (d. 
1352), having died May 1 2th, 1372. COLLINS, n., 265. 5 She was the 
widow of Gilbert Umfraville, titular Earl of Angus. CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 
22. She died December, 1397 (not 1392, as FONBLANQUE, I., 139). 
ARCH. ^EL. , 1860, iv., 175. See the long list of her possessions in Lin- 
colnshire, Northumberland, and Cumberland, in INQ. POST MOKT. , in. , 243. 
In HARL. MS., 692 (26), fol. 235, ex registro monasterii de Whitby, she 
is called " the Countes of Angus, dawghter and heire of the Lord Lucy." 
ANTIQ. REPERT., iv., 7. The Earl of Northumberland had been previously 
contracted to her daughter Elizabeth (not niece, as FONBLANQUE, i., 139), 
and thereby secured the castle of Prudhoe, see PEERIS or PEERES or PEARS, 
METRICAL CHRONICLE, circ. 1500, jn MS. REG. BIB., i8D., n ; COLLIER, 
i., 88; ANTIQ. REPERT., iv., 381 ; ARCH. /EL., iv., 176. But the child 
died before the marriage could be brought about, and the Earl afterwards 
married her mother (or perhaps step-mother). In MIRROR FOR MAG., 
303, the wife of the Earl is called Dame Eleanor Mortimer, which is 
altogether a mistake. 6 ROT. VIAG., 15, has order to the governor, Alexan- 
der Fetherstonhalgh, to hand it over. The castle, manor, and domain were 
granted to Umfraville Aug. 7th, 1405, in PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 5, so that the 
ruin described in the survey of 1608, " soe hath been time out of mynde," 
must have been wrought later. For administration of Sir Gilbert Umfra- 
ville, Lord of Redesdale, February igth, 1421, see GENEAL., vn., 284. 
i FONBLANQUE, i., 538. For description of Prudhoe, see ARCH. /EL., vi., 
116; xiv., 199. For survey of ruins in 1596, see GROSE, iv., Addenda, 
p. 5 ; also Vol. in., s.v. SURTEES, DURHAM, iv., 152, says that the Earl 
of Northumberland was driven back to Prudhoe after the battle of Shrews- 
bury. 

S 



258 Berwick. [CHAP. LIV. 

Skipton l to the King's officers, and plunderers had been busy 
driving off the Earl's cattle from the park. Cockermouth 
had likewise submitted and been taken over by John Skelton 
and Robert Lowther on behalf of the Earl of Westmoreland. A 
detachment of the royal army was lying z in readiness around 
Sir Robert Ogle's 3 castle at Bothal 4 on the Wansbeck, where 
the lands had all been burnt and wasted by the Scots. On the 
2;th of June, 1405^ the King's headquarters were at Wid- 
drington, a few miles south of Warkworth, and the garrisons 
of Warkworth and Alnwick were summoned to surrender. At 
Alnwick, 6 where the garrison had seized horses and other 
property from their more peaceful neighbours 7 who refused to 
join the rebellion, the captain told the King to win Berwick 
first. The captain of Warkworth, trusting to the quantity of his 
supplies and the number of his men, refused outright, vowing 
that he would keep his charge in the name of the Earl of 
Northumberland. This answer was no sooner carried to the 
King than straightway the guns, hoards, 8 pales, scaling-ladders, 
and other ordnance of war were brought up for the attack. 
This "worm-eaten hold of ragged stone" 9 stands on sloping 



1 ROT. VIAG. (17), dated Ripon, June I5th, 1405, has orders to David 
Throllop to take it over ; also for Cockermouth. 2 INQ. p. MORT. , in. , 299. 
3 PAT. 7 H. IV., i, 2, 5, shows that on February I5th and I7th, 1406, the 
castle was held by Robert Ogle, senior. For his arms in the cloisters at 
Canterbury, see WILLEMENT, 79. For his brass at Hexham, dated October 
3ist, 1410 (which should be 1409, ARCH. /L., xiv., 285, xv., 76), see 
HODGES, HEXHAM ABBEY, plate 34; INQ. p. MORT., in., 329. 4 For 
account of Bothal, see BATES, 283 ; ARCH. .-EL., October i6th, 1885 ; PRO- 
CEEDINGS, ii., 104; xiv., 283 ; GROSE, s.v. s PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 4 ; ROT. 
VIAG., 17, 18. 6 HARD., 363. 7 Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 49'", has an 
entry dated March 23rd, 1406, showing rent remitted to tenants of the 
neighbouring hamlet of Stamford on account of damage done by rebels of 
Alnwick, who had seized twenty horses and other goods and chattels to the 
value of ^200. 8 For " hurdys," see NICHOLAS, NAVY, n., 474. See 
account of assault on Bothal Castle in November, 1409, in ROT. PARL. , in. , 
629, reading " palys " for " pavyses "; see LIB. ALB., 477, 585, 685. 
9 HENRY IV., Part II., Induction, 35. 



1405.] Warkworth. 259 

ground surrounded 1 on three sides by the river Coquet, and 
defended on the remaining side by a deep moat. Neverthe- 
less, after seven shots (sept gettes) the captain and the whole 
garrison cried mercy, and submitted to the King's grace "in 
high and low." 2 The garrison were allowed to pass out " with 
horse and harness," 8 and on July ist, 1405, the castle was in 
the King's hands. The next day he wrote to the council in 
London his own account 4 of the "good and gracious exploit," 
whereby he had secured all the castles except Alnwick ; and of 
this he had good hope that he should very soon have all his 
own way. It is impossible to avoid the suspicion that all the 
brave talk of resistance was only a blind to throw a decent 
cover over a faint-hearted defence and an abject surrender. 
The garrison must have been strongly demoralized, and the game 
already quite played out, or such an impregnable 5 place could 
not have fallen at the noise of seven cracks. 6 It fell, however, 
and with its fall there came into the King's hands a store 7 of 
treasonable correspondence, showing how deeply the great 
Lords of England had been implicated with the Percies in the 
earlier movement which ended in the disaster at Shrewsbury. 
Warkworth, like Langley, was committed to the charge of the 
Sheriff of Northumberland, 8 Sir Robert Umfraville, who made 

1 GROSE, in., s.v.; ANTIQ. REPEBT., iv., 388. The great octagonal 
keep, with the watch-tower, had not yet been built, but a strong work must 
have stood on the same site on the mound at the far end of the court. 
2 Cf. HOCCL., DE REG., 93, 94; ANTIQUARY, XL, 108. In alto et 
basso. NIEM, in MEIBOM, i., 15. 3 HARDYNG, 363, who says that it 
fell "after assautes fell and sore." 4 ORD. PRIV. Co., I. , 275. For a 
document dated apud parcum nostrum de Warkworth, July 2nd, 1405, see 
Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15. 5 OTT., 257. 6 NICHOLAS, NAVY, u., 184. 
7 HARDYNG (361), who saw the letters, asserts that every lord in England 
was pledged by sealed bonds (chartis ragmannis, SCOTICHRON., xv., c. 17,) 
to the Percies in 1403, except the Earl of Stafford, who lost his life fighting 
for the King. 8 He had also the town and domain of Warkworth. CLAUS., 
10 H. IV., 32, October 3Oth, 1408. He was Governor of Harbottle, as 
representing his young nephew Gilbert, son and heir of his brother, Sir 
Thomas Umfraville. HODGSON, n., i., 50. HARDING (355, 356,) seems 



260 Berwick. [CHAP. LIV. 

the chronicler, John Harding, 1 his constable, and by July 9th, 2 
King Henry had arrived before the walls of Berwick. 

While the King had been slowly bringing up his army and 
his guns, the Earl of Northumberland had gathered together his 
few remaining friends, and was in headlong flight to the border 
of Scotland. He posted northwards and appeared before the 
gates of Berwick with 300 mounted men. Amongst them were 
young Sir Henry Boynton, from Acklam 3 in Cleveland, who in 
spite of his oath 4 taken in 1403, had been led away into 
rebellion, and Ivo, 5 Lord of Welle 6 in Lincolnshire, 7 son of 
the manful, stout champion, of good pith, 8 who had tilted with 
Davy Lindsay on London Bridge. His sister Margery 9 was the 
wife of Stephen Scrope, Lord of Masham, the Archbishop's 
brother, and he himself had married Maud, the daughter of 



to record two separate engagements between him and Rutherford, one in 
1399, at Foulhopelaw in Coquetdale, and another on September 29th, 1400, 
at the Rede Swire, near the same spot, spelt Redd Swire in CALIG., C. v., 
(1575), quoted in HODGSON, n., I., 155, or " The red Squire " in SAXTON, 
or " Red Squibe," HARBISON, 1577. For the " Raid of Reidswire," see 
STODART, n. 211. For Richard Rutherford, one of the Wardens of the 
Marches in 1400, see GEFFREY, HISTORY OF ROXBURGH, Vol. 3, 4. He 
was a Commissioner for a truce with the Scots in 1398. RYM., viu. , 54. 
For his five sons, James, Robert, William, John, and Nicol, three of whofn 
were also Wardens of the Marches, see HARD., 355. For John Turnbull, 
of Minto, known as Out-with-Sword, and his relative William Stewart, see 
DOUGLAS, PEERAGE, 598 ; HAKD., 357 ; NOTES AND QUERIES, 6th Series, 
xii., 295 ; ABERDEEN RECORDS, i. , 384. 

1 HARD., 361. In PAT., 11 H. IV., i,4d.; 13 H. IV., 27 d., Feb. 28th, 
1410, Sampson Hardyng is a Commissioner to enquire as to a Flemish vessel 
driven ashore at Warkworth and plundered by the Earl of Mar. In PAT. , 
n H. IV., 2, 6 d., September 4th, 1410, he is one of the Justices for gaol 
delivery at Newcastle-on-Tyne. 2 Due. LANG. REC., XL, 15, has an entry 
dated Berwick, July gth, 1405. 3 HODGSON, in., 2, 383, from PAT., 6 H. 
IV., 2, 15. 4 RYM., viu., 323. 5 Or Eudo. DUGDALE, n., n. In FR. 
ROLL, 9 H. IV., 20, Eudo de W T elle, esquire, has permission to travel 
abroad, December 2Oth, 1407. 6 This is perhaps the meaning of " Tuwile " 
(i.e., " 't Welle," or At Welle. GENEAL., v., 213, vn., 205), in HARDYNG, 
363. ? HARLEIAN Soc., xvi., 151. 8 Page 63. WYNT., ix., XL, 30. 
9 She died in 1422. TEST. EBOR., i., 385; n., 184; CORPUS CHRISTI 
GILD, 1 8. 



1405.] The Percy Tower. 261 

Ralph, Lord Greystoke, of Morpeth, whose son William 1 was 
now in command of the garrison in Berwick Castle. We know 
also the names of Richard Aske, Ranulf del See, 2 Lord of 
Barmston 8 near Bridlington, Robert Prendergest 4 of Berwick, 
John Blenkinsop 5 from the Tipalt in Tynedale, and John 
Haconshaw, 6 a Lancashire man from the forest of Amounder- 
ness 7 on the flats by the Irish Sea. 

The castle at Berwick, together with the great Percy Tower, 8 
which faced it on the town side, was still in the hands of the 
friends of the Earl of Northumberland, but the town 9 was 
nominally loyal to the King, who had just granted the towns- 
people twenty acres of pasture land on the Snuke. 10 The 
possession of the Percy Tower was necessary for the very 
existence of the garrison in the Castle, where there was neither 
mill, brewhouse, nor garner, and supplies could only be procured 
by keeping communication open with the town. A message 
was sent to the Mayor asking that the Earl and his horsemen 
might be allowed to enter the town and refresh themselves. 

1 OTT., 257 ; GROSE, i., 112 ; ANDREWS, n., 8. 2 This gives a clue to 
the curious corruption in the text of HARDYNG, 363, "And Prendirgest 
ran on the sea also," should be " Ranulph del See." In ORD. PRIV. Co., 
i., 216, the name is Rand, de See. PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 15, has pardon 
(1412) to Robert Waterton, Sheriff of Lincoln, for permitting escape of 
Richard de le See, of Yorkshire, from prison at Wakefield. For pedigree 
of family of Atte See, or De la Mare, see BOYLE, 52; NOTES AND QUERIES, 
31/8/89, p. 100 ; ATHENAEUM, 18/1/90, p. 82. 3 FOSTER, s.v. BOYN- 
TON; POULSON, i., 195; CAMDEN, m., 77. ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., 
MICH., March 2nd, 1405, has a payment to the Treasurer per manus 
Roberti Prendergest et Johannis Werk de Berewick. For Prendregast as a 
knightly name in Berwickshire, temp. Ed. I., see CAL. OF DOCTS. RE- 
LATING TO SCOTLAND, n., 201, 206, 210, 214, 215, 470. In GLAUS., 6 H. 
IV., 33, John Prendergest is to give up Cause Castle (Salop), on the Welsh 
border, to William Bromshelf. 5 HARD., 363; HODGSON, II., iii., 128. 
He still owned Blenkinsop Castle in 1416. Ibid., in., i., 27. 6 Called 
Hakansew. PAT. 6 H. IV., 2, 3; or Hakenneshawe. LANCASHIRE IN- 
QUISITIONS, CHET. Soc., 82. ? For the Forest of Aundernesse, see Due. 
LANG. REG., XL, 15, 2 1 . 8 HODGSON, in., 2, 382, quoting PAT., 5 H. 
IV., 2, 7; i.e., RYM., vm., 364. Called the Douglas Tower in 1355. 
SCOTIGHRON., ii., 351. 9 See page 57. I0 HODGSON, ut sup. m. 38. 
Called " le Snuke," in Charter of James I. RAINE, N. DURHAM, App. 152. 



262 Berwick. [CHAP. LIV. 

The Mayor answered that if he were a faithful subject to the 
King he might come in and welcome. To this the Earl replied 
that he was quite loyal to the King, but that there was a feud 
between himself and some of his neighbours, and that it would 
be to the advantage of the townsmen of Berwick if they would 
admit him and put themselves under his protection, threatening 
that, if they refused, he would force an entrance, whether they 
would or no. It would appear as though the Mayor had as yet 
heard nothing of the doings at Topcliffe and Shipton. He may 
have thought that this was some local quarrel between the 
northern Earls, and that, in the absence of Prince John and the 
royal troops, it would be better to take sides distinctly with the 
one who held the castle, rather than run the risk of seeing 
the houses burnt and the town pillaged for want of a powerful 
friend. The Earl was accordingly admitted to the town. But 
in an hour's time the Mayor found out his mistake. The keys l 
were forced from him, and the tone and language of the new 
arrivals soon showed that they were flying in disorder before the 
advance of their victorious King. He came before the Earl 
with tears in his eyes, upbraided him with having so deceived 
him, and offered to leave his wife and children and all that he 
had, if only he might be allowed to depart, vowing that he 
would not eat in the town till he had justified himself before the 
King. "Your goods are safe," said the Earl. "Go, and fear 
not." The Mayor lost no time, but made his way southward to 
the King, who was probably still at Pontefract. His excuses 
were accepted, and his conduct under the circumstances 
was condoned. 

These events took place early in June, 2 before the King had 

1 ROT. PARL., in., 605. * Ibid. See letter from Prince John, dated 
Durham, June pth, from VESP. F., vn., 107 (95), in PINKERTON, I., 82. 
From RYM., vin., 400, it is evident that the Earl and a large number of 
Scots were in Berwick some days before June roth, 1405. 



1405.] James Douglas. 263 

entered York. The Earl of Northumberland had already 
opened communications with the Scots, and Henry Sinclair, 
Earl of Orkney, soon presented himself at Berwick on their 
behalf. As a result of this conference, the Earl of Northum- 
berland sent three of his friends, Sir Henry Boynton, William 
Lasingby, Prior of Guisborough, 1 and a clerk named John Bur- 
ton, into Scotland, on June nth, 1405,' offering to hand over 
Berwick to the King of Scots, if he could make satisfactory 
terms for himself. The messengers were also to communicate 
with three envoys 3 of the King of France, who were then 
negociating with the King of Scotland, and they carried a 
letter from the Earl of Northumberland, addressed to the Duke 
of Orleans, soliciting his influence with the French King, 
asserting that he was fighting to maintain the rights of King 
Richard, if he were yet alive, or to avenge him if dead, 
acknowledging the right of Isabel to the throne of England, and 
offering to support the side of the Duke of Orleans in his feud 
with " Henry of Lancaster, now ruling England." But his 
Scottish friends were too double for him, and within a year 
copies of his letters found their way, probably through the Duke 
of Albany, into King Henry's hands, who produced them with 
fatal effect at the next meeting of his Parliament. 

A body of Scots was collected under the command of the 
Warden of the Marches, 4 the fiery James Douglas, brother to the 
Earl of Douglas, who was still a prisoner in London, the Earl of 

1 PAT. , 6 H. IV. , 2, 8, where his estates are forfeited for sympathy with 
rebellion. PAT., 10 H. IV., I, 5, has pardon to William de Laysingby, of 
Yorkshire, dated Feb. 2Oth, 1409. 2 ROT. PAUL., in., 605. 3 Whose names 
appear as Sir John Chaverbrelyhake [(Cambernart ?). DOUET D'ARCQ, I., 
37, 133, 166; RYM., vii., 631, 794; VIIL, 98; or Chaverbernard. ROY. 
LET., I., 205. In ANN., 400, Hanord Camberciarde, Captain of Therou- 
anne, is among the prisoners captured by the English, May I3th, 1405; 
called Hanard Cambernard. DEVON, 248 ; or Hanard de Cambernaz, in 
EC. DBS CH., L., 364, 375.], Master John Andrew, and Master John or 
Reyner Ardinguill or Haydeull. 4 PLUSCARD. , i., 347. 



264 Berwick. [CHAP. LIV. 

Orkney, 1 and John Stewart 2 of Coul, 3 afterwards Earl of 
Buchan, 4 second son of the Duke of Albany, by his second wife, 
Muriella, 5 daughter of Sir William Keith. Wages for their 
immediate needs were extorted 6 with threats from the customers 
of Edinburgh, and the force marched down and seized the 
long-coveted prize, while the chance lay open. They held Ber- 
wick just long enough to plunder what they could, and when 
the English troops advanced, they destroyed all the stores and 
fired 7 the town, sparing only the churches and religious houses. 
They then beat a hasty retreat, and decamped for their lives. 

The Earl of Northumberland also had no intention of 
risking capture at Berwick. He had held it merely as a door of 
escape, when danger should press. Having already secured a 
guarantee for his personal safety from Sir David Fleming, he 
left his castles and followers and promises to take care of them- 
selves, and crossed the border into Scotland, whither he had 
before sent on his young grandchild, the son of Hotspur, a boy 
twelve years of age, 8 who was heir to his name and lands. So 
when the King's 9 army came up to Berwick, they found their 
work nearly done. The castle was summoned, and when the 
garrison refused to yield, the " huse " was set up for the 



1 PINKERTON, i., 82. 2 REG. MAG. SIG. SCOT., 217. 3 On Deeside in 
Mar. HIST. MSS., STH REPORT, 626. 4 " Bouchane," MENTEITH, 
ii., 281; "Bowgham," HALLE, 26; or "Bowhan," GRAFTON, 431. 
5 MENTEITH, i., 236. 6 Per vim. EXCH. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., 21, 44, 81. 
See also ibid., in., 567? f r violence of James Douglas. Per minas et 
incarcerationes. Ibid., iv., 193, 216, 244, 270, 365. i ORD. PRIV. Co., 
II., 137. 8 Born February 3rd, 1393, DOYLE, n., 646; or 1394, FON- 
BLANQUE, I., 241, who quotes a charter to show that the boy was in Scot- 
land on Jan. i8th, 1404. Hotspur himself was born May 2Oth, 1 364. -CH RON. 
ALNWICK, in ARCH. /L., in., i, 42. 9 From ROT. VIAG., 16, the King 
would appear to have been back at Newcastle on July 6th, but this is not 
conclusive, for we have papers, dated at Pontefract, July 5th and 6th 
(ibid., 17, 18), and he was certainly not there on these days. The date on 
the Roll is probably a mistake for August. See page 272, note 6. 



1405.] Guns. 265 

mangonels, 1 petronels, springalds, 2 catapults, and bumbards, 3 
the drivels 4 and firing-irons were got ready, and the "engines 
called cannons," already Englished into the little word "guns," 5 
were brought to bear on the walls. 

A pictorial representation in a contemporary manuscript 
gives us but a ludicrous idea of the power for mischief of these 
dreaded novelties. Some sixty years before, they might have 
dealt destruction on the field of Crecy, 6 amidst the ranks of 
spearmen and archers, protected only by their pavises or 
wooden shields. They marked, no doubt, a distinct advance 
upon the method of wheeling up bastilles or timber towers 
which were liable to be destroyed by pots of naphtha, 7 blazing 
tow, and wild-fire, 8 as soon as they got within range, but against 

1 P. PLO., xxi., 295. 2 FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV., referring to this siege, 
contains, inter alia, springaldshafts winged with tin. Cf. Q. R. WARD- 
ROBE, II, App. E. 3 HALLE, 25 ; GOVVER, CONF. AM., 437. For description 
of them at Pisa in 1405, see PALMIERT, 177. 4 FABR. ROLLS, 18, has 
ii drjvelles ferri in a list of builders' tools. NICHOLAS, NAVY, n., 481. 
5 RYM., VIIL, 498, 694; WALS., i., 405. PROMPT. PARV., i., 218, s.v., 
has petraria, mangonale, murusculum. In Flanders, they appear as " en- 
giens appielles connoilles." LABORDE, i., xxxiv. 6 VIOLLET-LE-DUC, 
MOBILIER, vi., 318, s.v. TRAIT-A-POUDRE. It is said that ten pieces of 
cannon, called "trons," were first used in Spain by the Castilians at the 
battle of Aljubarota. MAJOR, 16; but no mention of this occurs in the 
detailed account of the battle in FROISSART, in., 53, 94. If they were 
there at all, they had probably been used at the siege of Lisbon in the 
previous year. For earlier date, viz., 1257, see EC. DES CH., II., i., 33. 
For cannon at Florence in 1326, see ibid., 50; also at Rouen, 1338, ibid., 36. 
They were used by attackers and defenders at Ypres in 1383. WALS., u., 
99 ; KNIGHTON, 2672. PLATINA (269) notes that Venetian galleys were 
armed with bumbards in 1380, two or more in each vessel. They were 
called from their thunder, and were just invented by a German. They could 
kill two or three men at a shot. DELAVILLE LE ROULX, i., 269. In 1403, 
Boucicaut's galleys were armed with bumbards and viretons (Cf. "As a 
vire that flieth out of a mighty bowe." GOWER, CONF. AM., 98.) in the 
expedition against Cyprus. BouciCAUT, 277, 281, 288. In the street 
fighting at Rome in 1405, bumbards were fired from the castle of St. 
Angelo. PETRI, in MURATORI, xxiv., 977, 978 ; RAYNALDI, xvn., 297. 
7 See account of the siege of Smyrna by Timur in 1402, in CHERYF-ED-DYN 
(iv., 51), who visited Smyrna afterwards and got his details on the spot. 
s i.e., Sulphur, pitch, and resin. GOWER, CONF. AM., 243. For Greek 
fire, see BACON, 536. 



266 Berwick. [CHAP. LIV. 

the tremendous masonry that has stood all shocks of weather, 
time, and frost, for hundreds of years, they could have made no 
sort of play at all, and the garrison had only to practise a 
moderate amount of judicious bobbing behind battlements to 
laugh l their little efforts to scorn. About fifty years ago, some 
early specimens of English guns were dredged up on Walney 
Island 2 off the Lancashire coast. They may have found their 
way there in the time of Richard II., when John Bolton, 3 Abbot 
of Furness, made his attempt to knock down the Pele of 
Fouldrey, 4 rather than be at the expense of keeping it up against 
the enemies of the country. From these specimens and from 
descriptions in official reports, it is clear that the guns of 
those days were long tubes formed either of laton 5 or of plate-iron 
about one-third of an inch in thickness, welded together with 
the hammer, and strengthened with iron hoops, either shrunk 
on or driven over. Sometimes they were made in two pieces, 
viz.: a short breech or chamber of great thickness, made of 
wrought iron, 6 without hoops, to hold the charge, and a 

1 MACBETH, v., 5, 3. 2 ARCH^EOLOGIA, XXVIIL, 373. One of the 
specimens there figured has two touch-holes in the middle, and the 
muzzles pointing opposite ways. A small gun found in the same neigh- 
bourhood, in the foundations of Dalton Castle, is probably of later date. 

3 From 1378-1404. In consequence of this, Walney was seized into the 
King's hands, though given up to the Abbot in 1404. BECK, 281 ; FUR- 
NESS COUCHER, i., 215; DEP. KEEP. 33RD KEPT., p. 4. In 1411, the 
Abbot of Furness complains of the difficulty of communicating with his 
Yorkshire tenants, being separated from them by two dangerous arms of the 
sea, where many persons are drowned every year. ROT. PARL., in., 657. 

4 MARRIOTT, 73 ; BATES, 57. s i, e ., bronze. NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 480 j 
GOWER, CONF. AM., 413, 425. It contained 64 parts of copper, 29^ of zinc, 
3^ of lead, and 3 of tin. NOTES AND QUERIES, 3rd Ser., xn., 301, 395. 
Sometimes called brass (e.g., ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 339 ; " brasene gonnes," 
P. PLO. , XXT. , 293), or copper (NICOLAS, NAVY, n. , 478, 480. FOR. ACCTS. , 
10 H. IV., has 23 canon de cupro et de ferro). An inventory taken at the 
beginning of Henry the Fourth's reign, shows that there were then 39 copper 
and iron guns stored in the Tower of London. Q. R. WARDROBE, , 
App. E. 6 PAT., 9 H. IV., I, 10, has a reference to re-making of certain 
guns in the Tower. Iron, coal, and all necessaries are to be provided. See 
also DEVON, 312; FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV. 



1405.] "With grisly soune out goeth the great gunne" 267 

moveable iron stock to give direction to the plummet 1 or 
stone. 2 They were mounted on wheeled trunks 3 or swung 
with poisers on chains suspended by rings over a flat wooden * 
stage. From a claim put in towards the end of this reign 
we know that a large gun sometimes contained as much as 
two tons of metal, 5 and we have a record of io,ooolbs. 6 (or about 
4*4 tons) of copper bought at Dinant 7 in 1402, to make a 
great gun for King Henry, at a cost 8 of ^135. In 1406," the 
Duke of Burgundy bought a gun at Bruges weighing 2,ooolbs. 
(about iScwt), which could throw a stone of i2olbs. Such a 
gun took twenty-two 10 horses to draw it, while others were so 
small that two 11 or more could be carried on the back of a 

1 Cf. cinq canons de cuivres jetans plommees, un de fer jetant pierres- 
for Duke of Orleans' fortresses, September I2th, 1407. JARRY, 353; 
CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 273. For plommees, see DESCHAMPS, iv., 272; 
vii. ,35; ponderosas plumbatas. ST. DENYS, in., 322. 2 For "gonne- 
stones," see DAVIES, SOUTHAMPTON, 100. For a payment for 10,000 
of them, see DEVON, 336, and cf. the order in RYM., ix., 159, apparently 
referred to in ARCH^EOLOGIA, xxvin., 385. PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 4 d, 
March 2nd, 1408, has order for workmen to make petras pro canonis 
sive gunnis from quarries at Harescombe, near Gloucester. Other 
noted quarries were at Maidstone Heath ( Pinnenden ?) aud Ashford 
in Kent. FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV.; RYM., ix., 542; HIST. MSS., 9TH 
KEPT. , i., 138. Cf. " mulle stones" in P. PLO., xxi., 295; " bussen 
stene." VOSSBERG, 130; " pierres de canon." TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135; 
"pierres canons gettans ou hault estaige." DESCHAMPS, v., 218. 3 For 
illustrations, see FROIS. (Johnes), I., 119, ii., 208, iv., 213; KNIGHT, n. r 
246, 248, from HARL. MS., 2379. PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 29 d, March 26th, 
1408, has order for guns and trunks, also for boscum et mceremium pro' 
trnncacione yimnarum. FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV., has one magnum canon 
cum trunco, and frequent entries of ligaturse canonum and truncs p. canon. 
See Q. R. WARDROBE, *, App. E. 4 In 1406, the Duke of Burgundy 
bought at Bruges 8 pieds de bois pour canons and 16 entaillements pour 
mectre et a faire canons, s ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 339. 6 Due. LANC. 
REC., xxvm., 4, 2, App. A. ; ibid., XL, 15, 123. i For the metal trade 
of Dinant, see KUNTZE, XLV. 8 The prices of cannon vary immensely, 
e.y., I2s. each, Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., 4, 3, App. A. (1403). Twelve 
for 4.6 45. (1404), Q. R. WARDROBE, H, App. E., or nearly ^4 apiece 
without trunks, which cost i6s. 8d. each." In 1372, a great iron gun cost 
40s. NICOLAS, NAVY, IL, 480. On January i6th, 1408, a large new 
cannon costs ^13 6s. 8d. DEVON, 307. 9 TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135. 
10 See the " Rifflard " at Orleans in 1420. ViOLLET-LE-Duc, MOBILIER, 
v., 249, s.v. ENGIN. " Q. R. WARDROBE, f > (i), App. F. 



268 Berwick, [CHAP. LIV. 

single horse. Some were forged with two 1 heads and two 
stocks, throwing stones six inches in diameter. Others were 
known as pellott-guns, 2 or handguns, 3 for lead pellets 4 from 
j^lb. to ^lb. in weight. The guns were fired by means of 
heated pins 5 or gads 6 thrust into the vent, and the charge was 
firmed with wadding, 7 rammed home with an iron pestle. 8 
The gun-stones were tied 9 with iron bands, nailed and pegged 
together. A large 10 gun would take twenty skilled enginers to 
ha ndle her, and could only be fired about once in an hour, and 
even then at great risk to the gunners' lives. It is not surprising 
that the guns frequently burst 11 in action. Cannoners 12 had 
the same wage as balisters 13 and archers. They were clad in 
habergeons 14 and bassinets, and served their guns with affec- 
tionate care. The larger guns had separate names, 15 as The 
Messenger, The King's Daughter, London, Thomas-with-the- 

1 Q. R. WARDROBE, f J, App. E. Une canon ove deux chambres. 
ORD. PKIV. Co., IL, 341. In NAVAL ACCTS. for 1338, is un canon de 
ferr ove ii chambres, un autre de bras ove une chambre, iii canons de ferr 
ove v chambres, and un handgone. NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 475. 2 Q. R. 
WARDROBE, H, App. E. 3 For parvum gonn manuale, see FOREIGN 
ACCTS., 10 H. IV.; PLANCHE, i., 233 ; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, Louis ET 
CHARLES, Plate xl., 266; ARCH/T.LOGIA, xxii., 60. 4 For pelate, see 
CATHOL., 273; NICOLAS, NAVY, 11., 479; GOWER, CONF. AM., 281. 
They cost id. apiece in 1403. Q. R. WARDROBE, f , App. E. 
Cf. As swift as a pellett out of a gonne, 

When fire is in the ponder ronne. CHAUCER, HOUSE OF FAME, 282. 
5 The Duke of Burgundy's account (Oct., 1406), has 300 sacs de charbon 
pour chauffer les broches de canons. TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135, from 
TRES. DES CHART., J, 922. 6 For 40 gadd' pro gunnes, 2s. 2d. (1405) see 
Q. R. ARMY, \%, App. G. 7 PROMPT. PARV., 219. 8 Pestell ferr' p. gun 
firmand. Q. R. ARMY, fg, App. G. 9 300 Ibs. of iron pour forgier et 
faire chevilles bandes clouz et liens pour Her les pierres des diz canons. 
TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 153 (1406). I0 At the siege of Dun-le-Roy, in Berri 
(June 4lh-8th, 1412), the Griete was fired twelve times in a day. The 
noise was heard four miles off. ST. DENYS, iv., 652, 668 (an eye-witness). 
11 LABORDE, i. , xxxiv. For the bursting of a bumbard at Bologna in 
1404, where four men were killed, see DELAYTO, 993. I2 i.e., 6d. per day 
to Anthony Herman, FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV. I3 For office of Balaster 
in the Tower of London, see PRIV. SEAL, 654/7114. I4 Q. R. WARDROBE, 
5J, App. E. IS ORD. PRIV. Co. IL, 339; DAVIES, 100. For " Dulle 
Griete" at Oudenarde, 1382, and " Mons Meg" at Castle Douglas, I455> 
see TRANS. ROYAL IRISH ACAD., XXIIL, 320. In GAMEZ, 160, a large 
cross-bow is called La Nina (i.e., La Fillette The Lassie). 



1405.] Gunpowder. 269 

Beard, &c. England had already a name for the manufacture l 
and export 2 of guns, and many Flemings and Germans found 
employment here as gun-masters. 3 King Henry himself took a 
personal pride in his guns, and employed his ingenuity in 
inventing a new one, the cost* of which is entered at ^25 
6s. 8d. The gunpowder 5 was mixed in the proportion 6 of 61bs. 
of saltpetre 7 to ilb. of brimstone 8 or quick-sulphur 9 and ilb. of 
talwood (usually willow 10 ) charcoal, brayed in a mortar 11 or 
pounded on a stone, bolted and garbled in a kerchief, or riddled 
through a hopper 12 or sarse, 13 the powder 14 or the separate ingre- 

1 For cannon cast at Buxtecl, in Sussex, see DENTON, 136, from HIST. 
MSS., $TH KEPT., 305. 2 RYM., vui.,694. 3 " Gunnemeysters," DEVON, 
382; EC. DES CHARTES, II., I., 47. On December 6th, 1409, Baldwin 
Jacobson and John Sluter were appointed Balistars in the Tower, at 6d. 
per day. On January 1st, 1412, Jacobson was receiving is. per day, 
PAT., 13 H. IV., 10, n ; ISSUE ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., February 
i8th, 1412; ISSUE ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH., November 15, 1413. 
4 DEVON, 308. On November I2th, 1403, Robert Walys is maker of 
bows, springalds, arblasts, and of apparel and array, of our guns in Pomfret 
Castle. Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, n 1 , 57 1 . s For Bacon's account, see 
BACON, 536, 551. In 1404, i,3Oolbs. of gunpowder are made in the Tower, 
from i,36olbs. of saltpetre and 4Oolbs. of sulphur. Q. R. WARDROBE, |-^ 
App. E. For "pulvis pro ingeniis " (1344), see ARCH^OLOGIA, xxxii., 
381 ; or "gunpoudre," ORD. PRIV. Co., II., 341 ; PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 28 
(1404); RYM., ix., 160(1414); "pobras de canon" (1406), JURADE, 3, 
126, 172 ; "polvere da Bombarda," PITTI, 71. In 1398, 81bs. of "bussene- 
rude," or " pulver to den bussen," cost one mark at Marienburg.-VossBERG, 
130. There is a record of 30 barrels of " pomadre" at Guernsey as early 
as 1339 (SouTHEY, I,, 428), but some learned scoffers declare that there are 
only barrels of cider! EC. DES CHARTES, II., i., 44; NICOLAS, NAVY, 
II., 185. 6 See Arderne in PROMPT. PARV., s.v. "gunne." For Friar 
Bacon's recipe, see MEYRICK, n., 106. 7 Q. R. ARMY, 1 m. 46, shows 
.8 I2s. od. paid November 5th, 1404, to Hans Doublet for I72lbs. of 
saltpetre to make gunpowder for the King's cannons, lately sent to Ponte- 
fract. 8 " Brymstone." DUNELM. HIST., CCCCXLI. ' " Sulfur vyf," or 
"sulphuris vivi," not "vini," as RYM., VIL, 187. Cf. NICOLAS, NAVY, 
II., 480, 481. For another mistake, see EC. DES CHARTES, II., i., 41. 
10 NICOLAS, NAVY, TL, 184, 479. "Amongst the material forwarded to 
Berwick for this siege was one brazen mortar, with one pestel, graters and 
"fraying barrells." FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV. In GROCERS' ARCH., 227, 
are morterz and pest ell, sarsys and saundrys. I2 FOR. ACCTS., 13 H. IV., 
has taratant p. pulvere gonn'. See Du CANGE, s.v. TARATANTARA; HIST. 
MSS., 2ND REPT., 139 ; PROMPT. PARV. , 246 ; CATHOL., 188 ; CHAUCER, 
REVES TALE, 4034, 4037 ; P. PLO., ix., 60. J 3 NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 479; 



270 Berwick. [CHAP. LIV. 

dients l being delivered either in barrels * or leathern bags, 8 so 
that the mixing 4 might be done as required. 

One effect, doubtless, of the appearance of the new engines 
had been to revolutionize the science of fortification. Old 
buildings, or those in course of construction, such as the Abbey 
of Whalley, 5 were strengthened or crenellated ; others, such as 
Bolton and Raby, were entirely rebuilt with walls of portentous 
thickness. The battle between balls and walls was fairly set, 
and for centuries the walls had it all their own way. 

At Berwick, however, the task was not very formidable. 
The walls were crumbling from "very feblesse," 6 and in some 
places lengths of from 200 to 300 yards 7 were in actual ruin. 
A survey 8 of the fortifications of the town and castle was taken 
in the reign of Henry VIII., when the walls were " rysted and 
shronkin, and reven, and craysed, and bowgyt, and lyke to 
fawll." From this report we gather that the castle was built 
" so low under the town as, if the town by any means be against 

ARNOLD, 188 ; CATHOLICON, s.v. ; RELIQUIAE ANTIQUE, i., 15, where 
" rede vynegre" is one of the ingredients. I4 Q. R. WARDROBE, -|-, App. 
E (1404), shows 8,ooolbs. of gunpowder stored in the Tower, and 5,ooolbs. 
at Pontefract, the price being is. per Ib. In 1406, the Duke of Burgundy 
buys 6,ooolbs. of poudre de canon in Paris at 6s. per Ib. TRANSCR. FOR. 
REC., 153, 4. 

1 ARCH^OLOGIA, xxxn., 386 (1370-1374). ISSUE ROLL, 9 H. IV., 
MICH., October 3rd, 1407, has payment for sending "salpetir" to the 
King in Wales. Ibid., PASCH., September loth, 1408, sending " salpetyr 
and sulfur" to Aberystwith. For sallepetir aud souffir-vif exported to 
France, June 29th, 1412, see RYM., viu., 754. In 1406, the Duke of 
Burgundy bought at Bruges 2,5681bs. of saltpetre, l,H4lbs. of sulphur, and 
52olbs. of charbon de tilleul. TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 153, 4. 2 Barilia xx. 
pulveris a bombarda or polvere da bombarda. SATHAS, n., 225, 234. 
3 NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 479. 4 In the STEWARDS' BOOK of Southampton, 
1457, are payments to two men " to make gonepowdere for iiij. dayes," and 
for a labourer to "bete coles" (i.e., charcoal) "for the gonepowdere," 
while the French were before the town. DAVIES, 214. s WHITAKER, 
W T HALLEY, i. , 96. 6 VESP. F. , vu. ,97. 7 ORD. PRi v. Co. , n. , 93, 1 37 ; ROT. 
PARL., in., 605 ; OTT. , 257. On Dec. 5th, 1405, an order was issued from 
Westminster, granting 1,000 marks to the people of Berwick out of their 
customs to help repair houses and buildings lately destroyed by " our rebels 
and enemies." ROT. SCOT., n., 176. 8 ARCH. /EL., i., 87. 



1405.] " One single gunne tumbles the whole towne ore.'" 271 

the castle, the said castle can no ways hurt or danger the town, 
and the town greatly hurt and danger the castle." The town 
was surrounded by a wall about two miles 1 in circumference, 
made of lime and stone and black earth, from three to four feet 
in thickness. On the south-western side facing the river, it was 
connected by a timber bridge with the town of Tweedmouth, 
which was the home of "fishermen 2 that doth fish the river for 
salmon." But on this side, where the river with the "surging 
of the water " formed a sufficient defence, there were no towers, 
and the wall was mostly of stone and clay, so low "that a 
man may stand within the wall and take another by the hand 
without the wall." On the north and east sides, at intervals of 
about 1 20 yards, rose small towers, some 12 feet wide, with 
outer walls varying from 4 to 8 feet in thickness, " overheled " 
with timber, and strengthened on the outside with a counter- 
mure. The towers varied in height from 14 to 40 feet, and 
were known as the Percy, the Broadstair Head, the Murderer, 3 
the Middle Tower, the Red Tower, the Conduit, the Windmill, 
the Blackwatchouse, the Plommers, and so forth. To the east, 
the wall was further protected on the side of the sea and the 
Ness by additional bulwarks and earthworks, taking advantage 
of the stanks or pools which formed in the low ground towards 
the sea. On the western side, opposite to and about 50 yards 
from the Percy Tower, stood the Castle or Dongeon which had 
been strengthened by King Edward I. about one hundred years 
before. It was approached on the town side by a drawbridge, 
and was surrounded by a wall with towers in every way 
resembling those of the town. From the sout-west angle a wall 
94 yards long, known as the White Wall, ran down to the 

1 i.e., 3,105 yards, excluding the entrance. 2 RAINE, 25, from survey 
dated 1560. For the salmon fishery at Berwick, see STAT., i., 355 (1357). 
3 See NOTES AND QUERIES, March 3rd, 1887, p. 215. 



272 Berwick. [CHAP. LIV. 

Tweed, terminating in a tower which stood in the river itself. 
On the north-west corner of the fortifications was a stank with 
a postern strengthened by a barmkin l or apron of stone. 

The King's army was soon in possession of the town, and 
the guns were directed against the south face of the castle wall 
till a breach of some 40 yards was made near an iron gate 
known as the "postern entry behind the court." Then a 
well-directed stone from the big gun crashed through an iron 
grid 2 that served as a window in the Constable Tower, and 
killed a man who was mounting the stair. The masonry was 
here only two feet 8 in thickness, and the upper portion of the 
tower was wrecked, so that no one could pass. The garrison 
quickly lost heart, and resolved to throw themselves on the 
King's mercy. Aske, Boynton, Haconshaw, and Del See were 
executed within 4 the castle, together with many others, of 
whom the names of William Mamiby, John Carter, John Lille- 
ford, and Walter Benn are still known. The heads of Boynton 5 
and Mamiby were sent to Newcastle, to be fixed 6 for a few days 
on the bridge and over the gates ; those of Aske and Del See 
were set on Bootham Bar at York; while others were forwarded 
to Bishop Auckland, Barnard Castle, and Barmpton, 7 near 
Darlington. The Lord of Welle was pardoned 8 through the 
intercession of his father-in-law, but he had to pay a fine 9 of 100 
marks, which went to fill the coffers of Prince John. Three 

1 CLARK, I., 171, has license dated 1406, to "fund, big ande upmak a 
toure of fens with barmkin and bataling " at Kilravock, near Inverness. 
Cf. "Hyde thy hande in thy barme " (= bosom). YORK PLAY, 77. 
" Had his knockus lapt in his barmskin." TIM BOBBIN, TUMMUS 
AND MEAKY, 43. See BATES, BORDER HOLDS, 64. 2 EUL., in., 408. 
3 ARCH. /EL., i., 92. 4 LANCASHIRE INQUISITIONS, p. 82. 5 ROT. 
VIAG., 17, July I2th, 1405. 6 Boynton's head was given up for burial 
on July 23rd, 1405. ROT. VIAG., 17. The order for removal of the 
others, dated July 6th, should probably be August 6th. Ibid. 7 See 
FEODARIUM PRIORATUS DUNELM., 46, and DEP. KEEP., 33RD REFT., 
44, 46, 62. 8 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, n, August 7th, 1405. 9 PAT., 7 
H. IV, i, 30; GLAUS., 7 H. IV, 26. 



1405.] Alnwick. 273 

ships with 1 80 armed men 1 brought round provisions from 
Scarborough, Whitby, and Flamborough Head, including 100 
quarters of wheat, 340 barrels of beer, and four barrels of 
codling, mulwell, 2 and other salted fish, and the further keeping 
of the castle was entrusted to Sir Thomas Grey. 3 

Berwick had certainly fallen before July i2th, 1405, and its 
capture was regarded as a triumph for the " great guns," which 
could, it was believed, " shete 4 stones of so great peyse that no 
wall may withstonde them." Contemporary chroniclers assert 
that the castle surrendered at the first shot, 5 and later writers 
believed that this was the first time 6 that a gun was ever used 
in England. The guns seem, however, to have suffered some- 
what for their practice, and on August lyth, I405, 7 smiths, 
masons, and carpenters were called in to help in their repair. 

There was indeed little further work for them in the North. 
A day or two sufficed to bring the captain of Alnwick to his knees. 
Alnwick Castle stood on an eminence, surrounded by curtain 
walls and sixteen flanking towers, enclosing five acres of ground, 
supplied with wells, kitchens, stores, offices, stables, and lodging 
for at least 300 men, together with a brewhouse, fitted with a 
copper, 8 " which will hold liquor for the brewing of 24 boles of 
malt." It was still in charge of one of the Earl of Northumber- 
land's grandsons, known as Sir Henry Percy of Athol, 9 from his 
father Thomas' marriage with the heiress of David of Strath- 

1 Q. R. ARMY, ;|, App. G. 2 PROMPT. PAKV., 348. 3 R OT . SCOT., 
ii., 189; FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV. * Quoted in PROMPT. PARV., 219, 
from a translation of VEGETIUS DE RE MILITARI, iv., 22, ROY. MS., 18, 
A. xii., finished in 1408, now in Bodleian Library, DIGBY, 233, said to be 
by TREVISA (HIGDEN, i., Iv.), or CLIFTON (BOASE AND COURTNEY, n., 
797, from COXE, CATALOGUS CODICUM MSS. IN COLL. OXON., n., 19). 
The translator signs himself enigmatically: " Worschepful [^ toun." 

5 ANN., 414; WALS., IL, 271 ; followed by KNIGHT, n., 17. IIIZ 

6 SPEED, 631. The tradition is not dead yet ; see WELFORD, 239. ? PAT., 
6 H. IV., 2, 3. 8 GROSE, in., s.v., from survey of 1567. For view be- 
fore re-building, see ANTIQ. REPERT., iv., 4, 383. 9 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 4 
GLAUS., 12 H. IV., 14 d.; HODGSON, II., n., 43; BATES, 14. 

T 



274 Berwick. [CHAP. LIV. 

bolgie, thirteenth Earl of Athol. He was advised and assisted 
by Sir William Clifford, 1 who had been amongst the first* to 
counsel rebellion, though yet showing much skill in balancing 
himself between his own interests and those of the Percy family. 
Immediately after the fall of Berwick, the castle of Alnwick was 
surrendered " without assault," 3 and the garrison were allowed 
to go out with all the honours of war. The council in London 
had evidently not contemplated so easy a finish, for as late as 
July 8th, 1405,* they had sent orders to Lynn, Boston, and 
Hull, to forward great supplies of corn, wine, and fish to New- 
castle. But by July i4th, 5 the King was in Alnwick Castle, 
transacting business on his way south. 

It is not surprising that the fall of the place was attributed 
to treachery, 6 seeing that, before a month was over, Sir Henry 
Percy got back all his lands, 7 while Clifford was not only par- 
doned 8 but even received the castle of Egremont, 8 just con- 
fiscated by his fugitive master, together with Workington, 
Seaton, and Thornthwaite in the Derwent Fells. Sir Robert 
Umfraville, Sir Ralph Ewere, and John Mitford were com- 
missioned 10 to see that the peace was kept in the neighbourhood 
of Alnwick. Other castles and strong places submitted in due 
course, such as Alnham 11 Tower at the head of Alnedale, and 
Newstead Tower near Bamborough. By the i6th July, 12 the 
King was again at Newcastle, and the work of the army in the 
North seemed done. 

1 He was brother to Sir Thomas de Clifford, Lord of Skipton. WHITA- 
KER, CRAVEN, 311. * ANN., 402. 3 HARD., 363. Faciliter. ANN., 414. 
Levi negotio. OTT., 258. 4 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 7. s RYM., VIIL, 454. 
6 ARCH. /L., x., 49. ? PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 4, August loth, 1405. 8 ROT. 
VIAG., 16, July 26th, 1405. In ISSUE ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH., Novem- 
ber 26th, 1412, he is retained by the King penes se, receiving ,40 per 
annum. PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 27, May 3rd, 1408, records pardon to William 
Ashburne, lately one of the rebels in service of the Earl of Northumber- 
land, infra castrum de Alnewyke. 9 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 7, August 9th, 
1405. I0 ROT. VIAG., 15, July 20th, 1405. " Not Alnmouth, as RAMSAY, 
i., 92. 12 ROT. VIAG., 18. Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, Part 3, m. 10., 
has entry dated Newcastle, July I7th, 1405. 



CHAPTER LV. 
CONFISCATIONS. 

WHILE the English army was at Berwick, the Abbot of Kelso l 
was sent north to remonstrate with the Scottish government for 
violating the terms of the truce, and to ask whether they would 
"reform the attemptats," or not. Arrived at Edinburgh, the 
Abbot was told that King Robert had gone northwards, so the 
letter that he brought was opened by James Douglas, who 
issued a meaningless proclamation that the truce must be kept, 
although he himself was the chief offender. But the English 
did not wait for legal redress. The monks of Melrose, 2 who 
were an offshoot from the Cistercian house at Rievaux, had 
begged for the protection of the King of England, promising in 
return to supply provisions to the English garrison at Roxburgh. 
The Prince of Wales, 8 with a band of raiders, now made a rapid 
dash, plundering in Lauderdale, Teviotdale, and Ettrick Forest. 
Whereupon James Douglas took upon himself to send an angry 
reply to the English King's message. He wrote it at Edin- 
burgh on July 26th, 1405, charging the English with being the 
real trucebreakers by their attacks on Scottish ships, and their 
recent plundering in the Clyde ;* and urging that, if the King of 
England had been led to believe that he had broken his oath, 

1 " Calkow" (i.e., Chalk Heugh), in PINKERTON, I., 451 ; or " Kalco," 
SCOTICHRON., i., 286, 295, &c.; or " Kelcow," EXCH. ROLLS, SCOT., 11., 
592. 2 ROT. VIAG., 15, July 20th, 1405; MELROS LIB., n., 473; DENTON, 
73. 3 HALLE, 25. POL. VERG., 435, adds the Duke of York, who was 
certainly a prisoner at the time (p. 48). This may perhaps be the raid 
referred to in MONSTR., i., 153. 4 Page 66. 



276 Confiscations. [CHAP. LV. 

it must be because he had been victimized by some " liars " * 
who had got possession of his ear. Then followed a general dis- 
regard of truces and any such paper checks. Scottish Marchers 
swarmed across the border both east and west, raiding, robbing, 
plundering, and lifting 8 cattle and prisoners. They burned the 
hay stored up for winter use by the garrisons of Roxburgh and 
Berwick. Outside the walls of these castles none dared pasture 
cattle or work in the fields. The Scots captured boats and nets, 
and ruined the fishing in the Tweed, till the state of truce was 
voted worse than war. The wrecked walls of Berwick gave 
prospect of anxious and fatiguing watches during the coming 
winter nights. The garrison were disaffected, rough words were 
used and counsels of despair. Pay was in arrears to the amount 
of ;6,ooo, 3 extending over eighteen months, and rather than 
face another winter they threatened to desert and leave the 
place void and desolate. No provisions could reach either 
Berwick or Fastcastle by sea, for Scottish vessels cruised con- 
stantly off the coast between the Tweed and the Tyne, under 
the command of Alexander Stewart, 4 Earl of Mar. 

Prince John, whose headquarters were at Warkworth, 5 had 
orders 6 to take over the castles of Scarborough, Whitby, and 
Hartlepool, in the King's name. But at Scarborough, the 
Constable, John Mosdale, 7 refused to comply, alleging that the 

1 " Learys sulde be lytille alowid wyth ony sic worshipful kyng as yhe 
ar. PINKERTON, i., 452; DOUGLAS BOOK, iv., 65; EXCERPT. HIST., 
143, where (as in COTTON CATALOGUE, 498,) the letter is wrongly assigned 
to 1384. 2 Prises de prisons et forrey de bestaill. ORD. PRIV. Co., II., 92. 
3 In VESP., F. vii., 97, it is 4,830 173. gd. " Not a penny " had been 
received since the previous Easter, and Prince John had to pledge all his 
silver plate and " other poor jewels." Ibid., 113. 4 PIXKERTON, r., 84, 
from VESP., F. vn., f. 62, printed in ORD. PRIV. Co., IT., 91-95 ; WYNT., 
ill., 2883. 5 For his confirmation of the charter of Hulne, dated Wark- 
worth, January ist, 1406, see PROCEEDINGS OF ARCH/EOL. INST., 1852, 
NEWCASTLE, Vol. II., App. c. ; BATES, 109. 6 VESP., F. vn., 112, dated 
Warkwoith, November 26th. ? RYM., vn., 791 ; ix., 527. In PAT., II 
H. IV., 2, 6 d., July 24th, 1410, he has had 50 marks yearly for repair of 
" our castle at Scarborough " since 15 R. II. He kept his post till after 
1421. ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 292. 



1405.] Executions. 277 

castle had been committed to his charge for his life-time by 
King Richard II., and refusing to be ousted on such a notice. 
At Whitby, the Abbot, and at Hartlepool, Lord Clifford (who 
was married to Hotspur's daughter), demurred in like manner, 
and Prince John was too much weakened to insist. He for- 
warded a succession of letters to the council at Westminster in 
November, I40S, 1 urging immediate help in guns, stores, and 
ammunition, that the forces of Yorkshire, Lancashire, Lincoln- 
shire, Nottingham, and Derby, should come to their aid, and 
that the winter should be used in carrying the war into the 
Scottish Marches. On December 5th, 1405,2 the citizens of Ber- 
wick received permission to apply 1,000 marks (^666 133. 4d.) 
out of their customs' receipts, towards repairing their burnt 
houses, and if the place did not at once fall, they had to thank 
the rain 3 and the floods, which soon made a serious attack 
impossible. 

On July 1 8th, 1405,* the King was at Durham, and the 
services of Fulthorpe and "other his companions," 6 were again 
required as judges or sentencers in another assize of blood. 
The four leaders who had been taken at Topcliffe, together with 
a chaplain, William Fuster, and Tomlin Forster, who seems to 
have been the captain at Cockermouth, were straightway sen- 
tenced and executed, July 20th, I4O5. 6 On this day, the King 
was the guest of the Earl of Westmoreland at Raby, 7 where he 
signed an order (July 22nd), 8 by which the heads of Hastings, 

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 91. VESP., F. VIL, 97, no, in, 112, 113, all 
except the first signed Warkworth, Nov. 26th or 28th. In the COTTON 
CATALOGUE, p. 498, they are referred to 1407, but 1405 seems to fit in 
better. 2 ROT. SCOT., IL, 176. 3 Par cause de grant crecyne de ewe. 
VESP., F. vii., 97. * R YM . } vm., 405. s ROT. PARL., in., 633 ; CHRON. 
GILES, 43. HUME (IL, 291) is certainly wrong in supposing that none 
were executed but the Archbishop and the Earl Marshal. 6 GLAUS. , 8 H. 
IV., 15; PAT., ii H. IV., 2, 19. i ROT. VIAG., 15, 17, 18 ; MELROS 
LIB., IL , 473. 8 There is a memorandum referring to this in ROY. LET.. 
Box 15, Public Record Office. 



278 Confiscations. [CHAP. LV. 

Fauconberg, 1 Colvil, 3 Fitzrandolph, and Forster were sent to 
decorate the stocks and tolbooths at Helmsley, Guisborough, 
Yarm, Richmond, and Scarborough, where their tenants could 
see for themselves the triumph of authority, and take warning 
from their masters' fate. The head of Fuster, the priest, was 
sent to York, and stuck on the Ouse bridge ; most of the others 
were removed 8 for burial after a short exposure varying from 
two to three weeks, though the head of Sir Ralph Hastings 
remained on the tolbooth at Helmsley till well into October, 
1405.* 

Considering that the castles of Pontefract 5 and Knares- 
borough were crowded with prisoners, the number of rebels 
executed was mercifully few, and the roll which records the 
deaths of the leaders is filled also with long lists of pardons. 
In one 8 of these there is a list of sixty-three chaplains, clerks, 
vicars, and tenants. Their names would be tedious to repeat, 
but a glance at the places from which they came, such as 
Rudston (near Bridlington), Potto (near Stokesley), Kirk- 
leavington, Darlington, Malton, Felton, Chynyngton, Joleby, 
Corbridge, Boroughbridge, Thirsk, Rievaux, and Catton, 
will show with tolerable accuracy the limits of the area 
of disturbance. In many cases reparation was made. The 
men of Kilburn 7 were allowed some of Colvil's sheep to 
compensate them for their losses, and the corncrops and har- 
vests on Fauconberg's lands at Skelton and Marske were given 

1 In REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., March 4th, 1408, he is referred to 
as dead, and the Earl of Westmoreland pays ^100 to the Exchequer for the 
marriage of his daughter and heiress Joan. 2 RAMSAY, I., 92, thinks that 
his wife ("make," HARD., 363) was executed also, but Hardyng limits the 
number of executions to four, all knights. 3 See orders dated August 6th 
and loth, in GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 6. * CLAUS., 7 H. IV., 41, October 3rd, 
1405, has order for its removal. 5 ROT. VIAG., 15, 17. Amongst those at 
Knaresborough on July 27th, 1405, is Robert Lamplowe, though according 
to DRAKE (107, 491), he was executed with the Archbishop, and buried in 
York Minster. 6 ROT. VIAG., 16, passim. ? PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 2. 



1405.] Dame Alice Plumpton. 279 

to his widow Joan. 1 Mary, the widow of John Haconshaw, 
received her husband's property in Preston, 2 where he was one 
of the Stewards of the Merchant Gild. 3 A maintenance 
of ;8o per annum was apportioned to Avise/ the wife of 
Lord Bardolph ; an allowance was made to Sir Henry Boyn- 
ton's widow Elizabeth, and her six little children, and 40 
per annum was allotted to Alice, the widow of Sir William 
Plumpton and her family of ten, though she was still bound to 
depend on others for support. Her eldest son Robert, who was 
twenty-two years of age, and had married 5 an heiress in the 
Midlands, allowed her a " table 6 sufficient and suitable for her 
degree " for herself and three of the younger children, Richard, 
Elizabeth, and Isabel, 7 and a nurse, together with a room called 
" the closets," with fuel and light, 8 free of charge, till November, 
1406. After that, she would have to pay is. per week for 
herself, and 6d. or 8d. per week for each of the children, the 
gentlewoman, and the chamberer. But she had wealthy relations 
among the Gisburns and the Frosts in York, and she managed 
to get along. She died, after much suffering, in 1423, and was 
buried by the side of her husband at Spofforth. 

The King slept at Northallerton 9 on July 22nd, 1405, on 
his way to Pontefract, 10 where he remained until the zoth of 

1 For her dower, see GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 32, January 2Oth, 1408. PRIV. 
SEAL, 646/6348, November I2th, 1402, refers to her lands in Skelton, 
Marske, and Redcar, granted to Richard Cliderow, esquire, April I3th, 
1411. 2 Called "Preston in Andernesse" (LANCASHIRE INQUISITIONS, 
82, August 8th, 1405), or " Agmundernes," in deed of 1194, quoted in 
CARTE, ORMONDE, i., viii.; also 1208, ibid., xxi., &c. For " Aunder- 
nesse," see Due. LAN. REC., XL, 15, 2 1 . 3 June 4th, 1397. ABRAM, i; 
ibid., MEMORIALS, 12. * PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 7, August nth, 1405. 
si.e., Alice Foljambe. TEST. EBOR., n., 224. 6 PLUMPTON COBR., 
xxvu. For the "table" or "metesilver," see LIB. ALB., I., xxxvi. 
7 A separate small allowance (405. per annum) was made to Richard for his 
lifetime. TURNER, ILKLEY, 104. 8 Luminare et fououk. See DUCANGE, 
s.v. Foagium. 9 Due. LAN. REC., XL, 15, Part 3, m. 16. ROT. VIAG., 
15, has also an entry dated from Northallerton on July 2Oth, 1405. 10 For 
papers dated Pontefract, July 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, 28th, August 7th, 8th, 
loth, see ROT. VIAG., 15, 16, and Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, which has 
also an entry at Blyth, July 28th, 1405. 



280 Confiscations. [CHAP. LV. 

August. And now began the confiscations. 1 Following " West- 
minster law," 2 parks, lands, castles, towns, tenements, offices, 
rights over bridges, ferries, and waterbaillies, belonging to the 
ill-fated leaders, were bestowed upon expectant loyalists, 
amongst whom the King's own relatives absorbed, as usual, the 
lion's share. The large estates of Lord Bardolph in Norfolk, 
with his profitable dues from the bridges over the Ouse at 
Wiggenhall, were granted away, whole bundles of his manors 
being swept up by the Scottish Earl of March. 3 Lands in 
Sessay, Thirkleby, Kilburn, and Thirsk, were forfeited by 
George Darrell,* and the custody of Colvil's estates 5 passed to 
Sir Thomas Rokeby and Sir William Fulthorpe. The King's 
sister, Elizabeth, 6 had been much distressed at the death of her 
son-in-law, the Earl Marshal. Her disparagement 7 had long 
since been condoned, and her husband, Sir John Cornwall, had 
been made Constable of Queenborough, and otherwise hand- 
somely provided for. 8 A son had been born on February i5th,~ 

1 ROT. VIAG., 15-19; PAT., 6 H. IV.; GLAUS., 6 H. IV., passim. 
2 For though the fader be a frankelayne and for a felon be hanged, 
The heritage that the air sholde have ys at the kinges will. 

P. FLO., XL, 240. 

3 PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 30. * PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 2. s R EC . ROLL, 9 H. 
IV., PASCH., May ;th, 1408; PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 16. 6 For her death, 
November 24th, 1425 (not 1426, as Vol. I., p. 105), see NOTES AND 
QUERIES, 7th S., vin., 122. 7 SHARPE, n., 128; CHAUCEK, REVES 
TALE, 4269. 8 ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., has frequent entries of 
payments to him, e.g., October 2ist, 1405, and passim. See also ibid., 
PASCH., April 2Oth, 1406, and 8 H. IV., MICH., October 24th, 1406. On 
February I4th, 1413, he is keeper of the royal forests of Morf and Shirlot, 
on both banks of the Severn above Bridgenorth, on which date the keeper- 
ship is granted to Robert Wyliley, esquire. PAT., 14 H. IV., 7; PRIV. 
SEAL, 657/7472; EYTON, m., 212, 218, 295, 298. For his clerical 
patronage in Devon and Cornwall, see STAFF. REG., 69. For his disputes 
with the Mayor and Bailiffs of Barnstaple, of which he was Lord, see HIST. 
MSS., QTH REPT., I., 212. In October, 1396, when Richard II. and 
Charles VI. met at Ardres, he was present and received from Duke Philip 
of Burgundy, at Eperlecques, a brooch set with pearls and sapphires, worth 
135 francs. ITINERAIBES, 554. ADD. CH. (B.M.), 3395-3397. has order 
_of Duke of Orleans to pay to him and to the Count of St. Pol, 3,000 francs, 
which he had lost to them at tennis (dated Paris, October 8th, 1396). In 



1405.] The " Green Cornwall:' 281 

1405, 1 and the King signified his reconciliation by gossiping 2 
his little nephew at the font-stone 3 at St. Alban's, though a 
troublesome suit * was pending at the time in reference to the 
non-payment of a promised annuity to the parents. A further 
reparation was now made by a grant to Sir John Cornwall of 
the Earl Marshal's manor of Weston, 5 near Baldock, in Hert- 
fordshire, together with an annuity of 1,000 marks, secured on 
the customs of London, while a good share of the rest of his 
estates 6 was appropriated for his young widow Constance. 7 

On August 6th, 1405,* Prince John received the ancestral 
lands belonging to Lord Bardolph, at Bradwell, on the mouth 
of the Blackwater, in Essex. He also took over the castles 9 of 
Langley, Prudhoe, and Alnwick, with many neighbouring 
manors, and all the property of the Earl of Northumberland in 
York, Carlisle, Newcastle, and Calais. The castle and domain 
of Framlingham, 10 in Suffolk, just forfeited by the Earl Marshal, 
were given to the Prince of Wales "to help him to maintain his 
state," while Queen Joan n was to receive, as a kind of conso- 

BLOMFIELD, n., 166, is a payment (1409) to the minstrel of Lord John 
Cornwayle, I2d. For his arms in the cloister at Canterbury, see WILLE- 
MENT, 143. For his will, dated at Ampthill, December loth, 1443, see 
GIBBONS, 166, 215 ; GENEAL., v., 328. He was buried in the Blackfriars 
churchyard in London. STOW, LONDON, 374 ; SANDFORD, 259. 

1 ANN., 397. 2 NOTES AND QUERIES, 7th Series, vm., 71. 3 CHAU- 
CER, MAN OF LAWE, 5143. 4 YEAR BOOK, 6 H. IV., HIL., 32. $ PAT., 
9 H. IV., i, 23 ; RYM., vm., 404. 6 See the list in INQ. POST MORT., 
in., 303. 7 CUSSANS, ii., 38, quoting INQ. POST MORT., 16 H. VI., 60. 
She afterwards married John, eldest son of Reginald, Lord Grey of Ruthin, 
and died in 1437. YOUNG, page I ; YEAR BOOK, 11 H. IV., page 71. 

8 RYMER, vm., 406; PRIV. SEAL, 649/6633, 6643, July 4th, 1410. 

9 HARD., 372; HODGSON, m., I, 27, where the date should be 1416, not 
1460; in., 2, 382, from PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 10; see also PAT., 11 H. IV., 
2, I ; ibid., 13 H. IV., i, 17 ; ARCH. ^EL., xiv., 204. The grants include 
Fawdon, Chatton, Revington, Guyson, Rothbury, Brotherick, Shilbottle, 
Topcliffe, Seamer, Leconfield, Frghs, Catton, Nutterton, Rudston, Pockling- 
ton, Langstroth, Gisburn, Cletorp, Settle, and Preston-in-Craven (i. e., Long 
Preston). 10 RYM., vm., 401, June I2th, 1405. For view, see GROSE, in., 
s.v. " By PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 10, June 27th, 1405, the Earl of Westmoreland 
was to have Warkworth, Spofforth, Walton, Waltonhead, Wressil, Hea- 
laugh, Foston, Burwell, Calseby, Petworth, Cockermouth, and the Isle of 



282 Confiscations. [CHAP. LV. 

lation for the arrears of her unworkable dower, 1 the castle of 
Wressil and the manors of Healaugh and Petworth, together 
with manors, shops, solars, hostels, and other pickings from the 
estates of the Earl of Northumberland, for her lifetime, as well 
as all the castles and possessions of Lord Bardolph and the Earl 
Marshal, with the exception of those which had been already 
given away to the King's sons Henry and John, his half 
brothers Henry and Thomas Beaufort, 2 his mother-in-law the 
Countess of Hereford, 3 and his niece Constance. Some idea of 
the weight of this gigantic present may be obtained by con- 
sulting the lists of the property returned by the escheators * in 
1407, in which the possessions of the Earl Marshal alone, after 
deducting those which had passed 5 to his widow Constance, 
include the castles of Bedford, Bramber, 6 Chepstow, 7 and 
Swansea, the town of Horsham with St. Leonard's Forest, the 
hundred of Earsham in Norfolk, two-and-a-half divisions or 
hundreds in the county of Sussex, two-thirds of the peninsula of 
Gower 8 in Glamorganshire, two-thirds of the manor of Epworth 
in the Isle of Axholme in Lincolnshire, more than fifty manors 
in Norfolk, Leicester, Bedford, Warwick, and other counties, 
and parks, rents, revenues, and pensions in various parts of 
England and Wales. It is true that the grant was soon found 

Man ; but the Queen's grant is of later date, August loth (RYM., viir., 408), 
so that other arrangements must have been made. The grant includes 
Erees Brighton. This may possibly be Arusum, or Arsum (Aresum in 
MONASTICON, VI., 269), the old name for Marske in Cleveland. ORD, 191. 

1 The same amount (10,000 marks per annum) was granted by Henry V. 
to his wife, Catharine, in 1420. RYM., ix., 878. 2 RYM. , viu., 422. 
3 She died April 7th, 1419, and is buried with her husband in the Abbey at 
Saffron Walden. DUGD., I., 187 ; TEST. VET., i., 147. 4 INQ. P. MOKT., 
III., 313. 5 Ibid., in., 303. 6 Granted to Sir John Pelham, December 4th, 
1408. -REC. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH. ? Striguil, or Straguillia. ORD. 
PRIV. Co., i., 195 ; OBMEROD, STRIGULENSIA, 64, 72. For the seventy- 
one ways of spelling it, see MARSH, iii. 8 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 8 (August 
29th, 1405), grants the castle and town of Swansea, with all Gower, to the 
Earl of Warwick. 



1405.] Queen Joan's Dower. 283 

to be illegal, 1 and was cancelled accordingly, but only on the 
express stipulation that the Queen's claims 2 were to be satisfied 
from other sources. It is not, of course, to be understood that 
these lands were granted to her in perpetuity. In most cases 
they returned to the heir on his making his submission. But in 
the meantime the Queen, as grantee, drew all the profits, being 
only bound under writ of waste 3 to keep the estates in as good 
plight* as she received them. On the death of Katharine 
Swynford in 1403^ she had received ^1,000 per annum from 
the revenues of the Duchy of Lancaster in lieu of rents from 
some of her castles and manors. In the Parliament at Coventry 
she had been secured in the possession of all the lands that had 
belonged to Anne, 6 the Queen of Richard II., after the plaims 
of the Earl of Westmoreland had been satisfied. She had 
custody of the alien Priory of Otterton, 7 on the south coast of 
Devonshire, representing an income of 300 marks per annum, 
and when Henry V., in the first year of his reign, took all the 
alien Priories into his own hands, he regranted Otterton to her 
and her chancellor, Master John Tibbay, 8 parson of Wensley. 

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 3, and 2, 7, dated August loth, 1405, with a side 
entry in another hand. See also PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 2. 2 RAMSAY (i., 156) 
estimates that she received only ^2,000 per annum out of her ,6,666, but 
there is nothing to prove this. 3 YEAR BOOK, 12 H. IV., 3. 4 Cf. DOUG- 
LAS BOOK, m., 37 ; GOWER, CONF. AM., 436. $ Due. LANC. REG., XL, 
15, 4 1 , I2 1 , June 27th, 1403. 6 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 9 ; GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 
8, 10, II ; ibid., 7 H. IV., 7, 14, 40. The allowance to a Scottish Queen 
at that time was 2,500 marks (^"1,666 133. 4d.) per annum. ACTS OF 
PAKLTS. OF SCOTLAND, i., 212. 7 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 34, Feb. i2th, 1405. 
8 For Jenkyn Tyby, see Vol. I. , 246. lie was closely identified with the 
Scrope family. In 1385-1390, he was a proctor for Sir Richard Scrope of 
Bolton, and an executor under his will and that of his son Roger (TEST. 
EBOR., i., 277, 278, 330) ; also of Sir Stephen Scrope of Masham, dated 
January 6th, 1406 (ScROPK AND GROSV. ROLL, IL, 50, quoting LAMBETH 
MS., ARUNDEL, IL, 40 b; TEST. EBOR., m., 38). For an account of 
him, see TEST. EBOR., m., 40. PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 9 (Sep. i6th, 1406), 
has pardon to John Siggeswyk de Tibbay, for treasons, rebellions, insurrec- 
tions, and felonies. In LE NEVE (IL, 132), John Tibbay has prebend of 
Clifton (Line.), May I7th, 1410, to March 24th, 1414, when he was made 
Archdeacon of Huntingdon. He was with the Queen Oct. 28th, 1410. 



284 Confiscations. [CHAP. LV. 

She had the castle of Nottingham, 1 the town of Mansfield 2 with 
the manor of Linby in Sherwood Forest, and lodges at Best- 
wood and Clipston, the Chase of Nidderdale 3 in Yorkshire, the 
manor and park of Woodstock, 4 with the adjacent manors of 
Stonesfield, 5 Handborough, and the hundred of Wootton, and 
the profits arising from the district known as the 'Twixt-Seas, 
near Bordeaux. 6 She had the castle of Bristol, 7 with the forests 
of Kingswood and Fulwood, the castle and town of Odiham, 8 
the castle of Devizes, 9 the forests of Melksham 10 and Pewisham 
in Wiltshire, the castle, manor, and park of Leeds 11 in Kent, the 
castle and town of Hertford, 12 the manors 13 of Havering-at-Bower 
in Essex, Gillingham near Shaftesbury in Dorsetshire, and 

PAT., 12 H. IV., 34; GLAUS., 12 H. IV., 4. In PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 27, 
John Tibbay, clerk, and others, sue John Giffard in the King's Bench for a 
debt of ;io; writ issued July 2nd, 1412. In PAT., 14 H. IV., 23, October 
i6th, 1412, he is parson of the church of Bedale in Swaledale. Tibbay was 
murdered July 22nd, 1414, and buried in the church of the Grey Friars in 
London. COLL. TOP., v., 282. His will was proved July 24th, 1414. LE 
NEVE, ii., 51. GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 24, has Johannes de Tibbay de com. 
Westmoreland. For brass of John Mapleton (the Queen's Chancellor, who 
died 1432), at Broadwater, Sussex, see ANTIQUARY, XVIIL, 96. 

1 PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 41 d. NOTT. REC., IL, 122, from PAT., 4 H. IV., 
2, I. In 1409, John Burton, Sheriff of Nottingham and Derby, claimed 
special leniency because of the loss caused in these counties by reason of 
the immunities granted to the Queen. PAT., 10 H. IV., I, 2. 2 PAT., 7 
H. IV., I, 3. 3 Ibid., I, 28 d. * Ibid., I, 33; ibid., 10 H. IV., 2, 10 ; 
ii H. IV., i, 18. ^ Ibid. In PAT., 12 H. IV., 7, 18, March I5th, 1411, 
she grants them to Thomas Chaucer to farm. 6 Entre deux mers, or Antre 
dos mars. On September 8th, 1408, the prsepositura of this district was 
transferred from her to Sir J. Tiptot. ROT. VASC., 9 H. IV., 12. ^ PAT., 
14 H. IV., 22, where she makes Sir Hugh Luttrell constable, March 7th, 
1410. See also ABCH^OL. JOURN., XXXVIL, 163; LIPSCOMB, in., 523; 
NICHOLLS AND TAYLOR, i., 194. For Bristol as the Queen's Chamber, see 
HUNT, 56. 8 PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 5. 9 PAT., ii H. IV., 2, 24 d ; PRIV. 
SEAL, 650/6731. I0 PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 5. "PAT., 14 H. IV., 18; 
RYM., IL, 856. I2 Granted to her for life at Tutbury, September 1st, 1404. 
Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 26; xxvm., 4, 8, App. A; CUSSANS, IL, 
52. I3 Granted June 4th, 1403. PROCEEDINGS IN CHANCERY, i., xxiii ; 
CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 32, September gth, 1404; PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 15; 
OBD. PRIV. Co., I., 196. All these places appear in the dower of Margaret 
of France, the second wife of Edward I. RYM., IL, 854 ; HUTCHINS, IL, 
224; MORANT, i., 59. 



1405.] Queen Joan's Dower. 285 

Throwley, Moldash, and Chilham, in East Kent. On July 
i8th, 1404^ it was ordered that she should have ,3,000 
from the first proceeds of the coming ecclesiastical taxation. 
She had also 100 secured from the fee-farm of London, 
and 200 per annum 2 from that of Southampton. On 
December loth, 1404, 3 she was granted all the lands of 
Humphrey, 4 the infant son of Edmund Earl of Stafford, 5 during 
his minority, including the great manor of 'Calliland, 6 in Corn- 
wall, and on February 24th, i4o8, 7 she was allowed the control 
of the marriage of the Earl of March. She had charges on the 
revenues of multitudes of alien priories, 8 and nothing seemed 
to come amiss to her. Yet her claims were constantly un- 
satisfied. 9 She had custody of the lands of the heir of Margaret 
Blewit 10 during non-age, and half of the lands of the heir of Sir 
Thomas West. 11 

1 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 13, 23. 2 HIST. MSS,., IITH KEPT., App. in., 43. 
3 PAT., 6 H. IV., I, 18 ; PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 9 d. 4 He was born in 1402. 
His father was killed at Shrewsbury (1403), and he did not succeed to his 
estates till 1422. DUGDALE, i., 164 ; DOYLE, in., 388. s His widow, 
Anne, daughter of the Duke of Gloucester (WILLS OF KINGS, 185 j 
DOYLE, in., 388) married William Bourchier without license. PAT., 7 H. 
IV., I, 31, November 2Oth, 1405. For wills of Hugh, Earl of Stafford, 
Lambeth, 1386 and 1404, see GENEAL., vi., 222; STAFF. REG., 337. For 
administration of Edmund, Earl of Stafford, May igth, 1405, see GENEAL., 
VIL, 281. For will of Humphrey Stafford, senior, knight, Abbotsbury, 
1413, and Elizabeth, his wife, 1405, see ibid., vi., 222. 6 PAT., 10 H. 
IV., 2, 10. 7 PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 6. 8 In PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 15, dated 
July 1st, 1409, also CLAUS., 10 H. IV., 8, are long lists of her revenues 
(ROT. PARL., in., 632), including charges upon the churches of Corsham 
and Sturminster Marshall, and the alien priories of Linton, Carswell, 
Cowick, Modbury, Oxford, St. Jas. (not Exeter, as DUCKETT, I., 198), 
Allerton Mauleverer, Lancaster (St. Mary's), Felstead, Panfield, Wells- 
next-the-Sea, Lyra, Patrixbourne, Long Bennington, Hagh, Minting, 
Greeting, Everdon (near Weedon), Horstead, Cogges, Minster-Lovell, 
Strathfieldsaye, Stoke-Courcy, Warham, Holne, Leominster, Hayling, St. 
Helens (Isle of Wight), Lapley, Hinckley, Clatford, Upavon, Avebury,. 
Totnes, Folkestone, Blyth (near Worksop), and Tickford in Newport Pagnell. 
Her interest in the claim of John Burghersh, Prior of Lewes, to get himself 
raised to the dignity of Abbot, is thus explained. DUCKETT, i., 200, 208. 
For William Parl or Paries, of Watford, who carried the letter to Cluni, 
see INQ. p. MORT., iv., 202. PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 21, shows tallies for 
2,500 marks, due to her since October 27th, 1403, and still unpaid Decem- 
ber 2ist, 1405. 10 PAT., 6 H. IV., i., 23, 28, October 23rd, 1404. 
11 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 26, April 24th, 1405. 



286 Confiscations. [CHAP. LV. 

On January 8th, 1405^ she was granted whatever money 
might come in from the sale of French prisoners taken at 
Dartmouth, 2 and still in the custody of Sir John Cornwall, and 
on February 3rd, 1405,3 her receiver, William Denys, lifted 
;i47 1 8s. 8d. for her in cash. When the confiscations took 
place in the spring of 1405, after the failure of the Duke of 
York's plot, she got custody of the lands and castles of the 
Lady le Despenser, 4 which yielded her 400 marks per annum ; 
also the Isle of Wight, 5 with the castle of Carisbrook, and a 
good town-house beautifully situated in Thames Street, 6 just 
forfeited by the Duke of York. Independently of this, cash- 
payments stand recorded to her of sums amounting to nearly 
^3,ooo, 7 for less than three months, at the beginning of the 
year 1405. Yet the cost of her household must have been 
small, for she was only allowed to retain ten of her country- 
women 8 in attendance upon herself and her daughters. She 
spent much of her time at her hostel at Cirencester, 9 at Son- 
ning, 10 on the upper Thames below Reading, or at her castle 
at Devizes. 11 She used her influence with the King to secure 

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., I, 14. 2 For an example of the traffic in prisoners, see 
PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 22 (November 27th, 1404), where the King "sells" 
(vendidimus) a Norman knight, John Martell, to Sir John Cornwall and 
Ibir Tnomas Erpingham, for "a certain and sufficient sum," and they are 
to get what they can for him. 3 DEVON, 300. 4 See page 50. PAT., 6 
H. IV., 2, 30, April 6th, 1405. 5 Ibid., 2, 31, March I3th, 1405. 6 For 
the beauty of this part of London, see the Lament of the Duchess of 
Gloucester in POL. SONGS, IL, 207. The Duke of Gloucester's house was 
close to Paul's wharf, though the condition of the venells and quays on the 
waterside above-bridge was very foul. LIB. CUST. , 446; LIB. ALB., I., 
581. For the streets of York in 1416, see FABRIC ROLLS, 247, 248. ? Page 
121. 8 Vol. I., p. 411. In PRIV. SEAL, 646/6394, January loth, 1410, 
and ISSUE ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., November I2th, 1410, John Fowler 
is her Clerk of the Closet. Ibid., 14 H. IV., MICH., Nov. I5th, 1412, 
shows John West and Richard Boteller as her valetti spicerie. In PRIV. 
SEAL, 648/6535, April I7th, 1410, Robert Bese is her Garceon de la Sale. 
9 Q. R. WARDROBE, 6 6 8 > App. B. I0 PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 5. On April 9th 
and May 7th, 1410, she was at Chertsey Abbey. Ibid., n H. IV., 2, 23 ; 
ibid., 14 H. IV., 22. On April 2Oth, 1410, she was at Windsor. Duc- 
KETT, i., 200. "A nostre chastel de la Vise, dated Sep. 6th, 1411. 
PAT., 13 II. IV., i, 6, December 2Oth, 1411. 



1405.] Queen Joan. 287 

preferment l for scholars at Oxford and Cambridge, and in one 
recorded case it is noted that a short truce z was arranged with 
France at her special request. She had the new tower 8 at the 
entrance to the great gate of the large hall in Westminster 
Palace, where her Treasurer 4 could transact her business, audit 
her accounts, and store her documents. Remittances from 
Brittany were forwarded 5 regularly to her from across the 
Channel, together with occasional cargoes of live lampreys, 6 
salted fish, teles of salt, 7 and other such " necessaries," from her 
old home at Vannes. 8 Her countryman, Antoine Ricze, 9 and 

1 RYMER, vni., 339; CONC., in., 275; AYLIFFE, n., App., cvi.; 
COOPER, ANN., i., 149. 2 Viz., July i8th to September 8th, 1407, just as 
the trade-truce with Flanders had been established for one year. TRANSC. 
FOR. REC., 135, dated Calais, July 28th, 1407. 3 Granted December loth, 
1404. PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 21; RYM., vm., 380. For position of the 
tower, see H. HALL, EXCHEQ. , 69, 70. 4 Her first Treasurer was Master 
John Chandeler (November 27th, 1402 February, 1403, ISSUE ROLL, 7 
H. IV., PASCH., May 7th, 1406), who escorted her from Brittany (ibid., 
10 H. IV., PASCH., May 23rd, 1409, where she is by mistake called Isabel). 
He had been Treasurer of the diocese of Salisbury since April I2th, 1394 
(JONES, 345). He was made Dean of Salisbury in 1404 (ibid., 315 ; LE 
NEVE, II., 615 ; PRIV. SEAL, 649/6624, June 25th, 1410). For his ban- 
quet as Bishop of Salisbury, see Two COOKERY BOOKS, 60. 5 FR. ROLL, 
7 H. IV., 14; ISSUE ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH., May 23rd, 1409. On 
March igth, 1403, she had nominated the Duke of Burgundy Governor of 
the County of Nantes, which formed her dower. PLANCHER, in., ccx. 
6 For " lampreys de Nauntes," a fish for gentlefolks and great lords, see 
LIB. ALB., i. , Ixxvii., 382. Called " laumprons," T. SMITH, 354; or 
" laumpers," HIST. MSS., IITH REPORT, in., 219. LABORDE, in., 210, 
shows 37 live lampreys sent from Blois to the Duke of Orleans at Paris, one 
died on the way and was eaten by the bearer, the rest arrived alive and were 
put " aux boticles." ? Telis sale. FR. ROLL, 14 H. IV., 2, 3, November 
20th, 1412. In ROGERS, ll., 713 ; in., 775, the tela or telum is a weight 
of lead. 8 Not Vuner, as RYMER, vni., 429, 482. For two documents 
signed by her ("Jehanne") at Vannes, January 1st, 1402, see ROY. LET., 
Box 15, in Pub. Rec. Office. For a letter to her as Duchess of Brittany, 
from John Norbury, Treasurer of England, see ALL SOULS MS., CLXXXIL, 
ff. 344-361, in PECKHAM REG., I., Hi. On March I5th, 1399, she wrote a 
letter from Vannes to Richard II. (WOOD, I., 70), which is almost identical 
with the one referred to in Vol. I., p. 261, as though she had drawn upon 
a ready-letter-writer. There is no reason to suppose (as WOOD, I., 89), that 
she learnt to write after she came to England. HOLT (51) calls her the first 
Queen who has left us her autograph, see NICHOLS, AUTOGRAPHS, 3 A.; 
PLANCHER, in., ccx. She crossed from Brittany (January I3th, 1403) in 
King Henry's large ship, which had been fitted with " Imperial cloth of 



288 . Confiscations. [CHAP. LV. 

others, came in for their share of royal favour as accepted 

gold," embroidered with the royal arms (Q. R. WARDROBE, 4 3 3 , App. B.), 
and a satin bed with curtains of red and crimson satin (ENROLLED WARD- 
ROBE ACCOUNTS, L. T. R., XL, m. 14, App. c.). After a short stay at 
Falmouth, she passed by easy stages through Okehampton (January 27th), 
Exeter (January 3Oth), Bridport (February 1st), Salisbury (February 4th), 
the mayor and citizens presenting her with large sums of money on the 
way. FOR. ROLL, 7 H. IV. The King in the meantime was coming up 
from Windsor, where he had spent his Christmas. Q. R. WARDROBE, C 4 8 , 
App. B.; ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., L. T. R., XL, m. 14, App. c. 
He slept at Easthampstead, January 8th. From January 9th to 2Oth, he 
stayed at Reading Abbey. From January 2Oth to 27th, he was at Farnham ; 
Clarendon was reached on January 28th, and he entered Winchester, with 
Joan, on February 4th. The next day (February 5th) a great feast was held 
at Winchester, which cost ,522 12s. od. Presents of lampreys, plovers, 
partridges, and cheeses poured in from all parts. On the marriage day 
(February 7th, not January 7th, as LUSSAN, iv., 310; WALCOTT, 91 ;) a 
"pass" (ARCH^OL., LIL, 205, 267; LOND. AND MIDDLESEX ARCH/EOL. 
Soc., iv., 348; v., 431 ;) of rayed cloth, which cost 23 55. 8d., was laid 
from the cathedral door up the middle of the choir, on which the royal pair 
walked to the high altar. The King gave his bride a collar worked with 
the motto " soveignez," and links in the form of an S, all set in gold, with 
pearls, sapphires, rubies, and diamonds, one of the latter weighing eight 
ounces. The cost of the whole was 385 6s. 8d. HIST. MSS., 9TH 
REPORT, I., 56; DEVON, 305. The menu card of the marriage feast still 
remains (HARL. MS., 279; Two COOKERY BOOKS, 58), showing three 
courses of fillets in galantine, cygnets, capons of high grease, venison with 
furmenty, griskins, rabbits, bitterns, stuffed pullets, partridges, fried leeshes 
(PROMPT. PARV., 292; CATHOL., 211 ; JAMIKSON, m., 117), brawn-brose 
(PROMPT. PARV., 53; CATHOL., 45), creams of almonds, pears in syrup, 
roast kid, woodcock, plover, quails, snipe, fieldfares, custards, fritters, and 
subtleties with crowns and eagles. On their way to London the King and 
Queen slept at Bishops Sutton (February loth), at Farnham (February nth, 
Due. LANC. REC., XXVIIL, 4, 2, App. A.; RELIQUARY, January 1887, p. 
10), Guildford (February I2th), where they lodged at the Black Friars and 
left 403. to help to cover expenses, Kingston (February I3th), and reached 
Eltham on February I4th, where they rested till the 24th. After the 
coronation at Westminster, they returned to Eltham, where they stayed 
from March 3rd to April 28th, when they moved to Windsor for St. George's 
Day, and the merry months of May and June were spent in hunting in the 
park and forest, with occasional excursions to Chertsey, Easthampstead, 
and Henley-on-the-Heath (near Guildford, see MANNING AND BRAY, in., 
71). Some of the Queen's retinue were lodged at Bermondsey from Feb. 
I3th to March I4th, 1403, when they returned to Brittany by sea. Q. R. 
WARDROBE, 6 4 8 , App. B. The expenses for the King's household average^ 
from ^300 to 500 per week this year. In the weeks of the marriage and 
coronation they rise to .1,157 and 1/344 respectively, though the amount 
for alms remains at 45. per day. RAMSAY, in ANTIQUARY, vi., 104. 
9 He gets /ioo per annum from Petworth, August 1st, 1405, in PAT., 
6 H. IV., 2, 12. 



1405.] Sir John Stanley. 289 

institutions of the country. Every year, on the 8th of March, 1 
the anniversary of the death of her sister-in-law, the Queen of 
Navarre, a painted hearse with torches, boats, mortes, banners, 
branches and a large taper was set up in Westminster Abbey, 
and a dirge sung for the dead. In the following reign Queen 
Joan was placed under arrest. 2 She died at Havering-at-Bower 
on July loth, 1437, and is buried beside her husband in the 
Cathedral at Canterbury, where her monument 3 displays more 
than ordinary beauty of features, 4 and daintiness of dress. 

The confiscations of this year laid the foundation of the 
fortunes of one of the great families that were destined to play 
a large part in the future history of England. Sir John Stanley 
had been put in command of the city of York when the rising 
of the North was at its fiercest. He kept the citizens down 
with a firm hand, and reaped his reward. He came of a family 
whose name was originally derived from the manor of Stanlegh, 
in North Staffordshire, but the branch to which he belonged 
had settled, 5 during the reign of Richard II., in the peninsula of 
Wirral in West Cheshire. He was born about I353, 6 and, 
being a second son, he had his fortune to make. He travelled 
the grand tour, and made his way as far as Constantinople. He 
was knighted before 13857 and it is probable that he was in the 
service of Henry as Earl of Derby, for he received from him 
a silver-gilt collar, with the links made like snags, 8 as a " new 

1 Q. R. GREAT WARDROBE, \ 5 , App. B.; ENROLLED WARDROBE 
ACCTS., L. T. R., Roll n, m. 14, March 8th, 1404, where the deceased is 
called " sister " to King Henry, though Eleanor, wife of Joan's brother, 
King Charles III. of Navarre, is supposed not to have died till July 27th, 
1415 (L'ART DE VER., I., 758), or March 5th, 1416 (MORERI, iv., 72; 
ANDERSOX, 705, quoting from her epitaph at Pampeluna). 2 In 1418. 
COLLINS, v., 498. 3 GOUGH, in., 30; BLORE, H. IV., 3 ; ORD. PRIV. 
Co., v., 56. 4 For pictures of her, see JULIUS, E. iv.; STRUTT, MANNERS, 
ii., Plates x.,\i. 5 DEP. KEEP. 36x11 REPT., 447. 6 SEACOME, 13. 
7 ROT. PARL., in., 205 ; DEP. KEEP. 36x11 REPT., 444. For his arms in 
the cloister at Canterbury, see WILLEMENT, 125. 8 " Ad mod' de 
snagg." Due. LANC. REC., xxvin., i, i, App. A. 



290 Confiscations. [CHAP. LV. 

gift," on January ist, 1388. From 1386 to 1391,* he was at the 
head of the government in Ireland, partly as deputy for 
Robert de Vere, Marquis of Dublin, but latterly as the direct 
representative of the King of England, though during a portion 
of this time he was certainly Warden of the East March of 
Scotland. 2 In I394, 3 he was Justice of Chester. In 1396,* he 
was made Captain of Roxburgh Castle and Sheriff of the county 
of Roxburgh for ten years, for which offices he was empowered 5 
to appoint a deputy in the following year. Shortly before the 
revolution of 1399, he had married Isabel, 6 daughter of Sir 
Thomas Lathom, heiress to great estates at Lathom, 7 Knowsley, 
Childwall, and Roby, in Lancashire. But the old knight of 
Lathom had been a lunatic 8 for some time before his death, 
and there were difficulties as to the succession, so that it was not 
until June 26th, 1405, that Stanley was able to enter into 
possession at Knowsley, on his undertaking to pay ^120 per 
annum, for the remainder of her life, to his mother-in-law Joan, 
who had become the wife of Sir William Fulthorpe after the 
death of her first husband. 

When the revolution came, Sir John Stanley joined the 
party of the usurper against the fallen King, and reaped his 
reward in grants of money and land. He received the castles 
of Hope 10 and Mold in Flintshire, and his re-appointment 

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 7 ; GILBERT, 254, 260. 2 Appointed 1388. ROT. 
SCOT., i., 94. 3 DEP. KEEP. 36 KEPT., 444. ROT. SCOT., i., 132. 
s Ibid., i., 138 ; HODGSON, II., I., 48. 6 For dispensation, dated Decem- 
ber 24th, 1398, from Lichfield Registers, see LOCAL GLEANINGS, i., 109. 
7 AD QUOD DAMN., 196. 8 ORMEROD, MISCELLANEA PALATINA, 65; 
STANLEY LEGEND, 9, 23 ; BAINES, n., 414. For the duty of the Church 
towards " lunatic lollers and leapers-about as mad as the moon," see P. 
PLO., x., 107. " God's minstrels and his messengers, and his merry bor- 
diours. " Ibid. , x. , 1 36. " Fautekyns and fooles, the which fauten inwitt. " 
Ibid., XL, 182. For the King's idiot, Roger Stanlak, who had to be pro- 
vided with shoes, socks, shirts, and other necessaries, see DEVON, 284, 296. 
9 See indenture in CLAUS., 7 H. IV., 18, April 5th, 1406. In Ibid., 7 H. 
IV., 32, Jan. I7th, 1406, he is Joh. Stanley, Kt. de com. Lane. I0 Known 
as Queen's Hope, because it was granted by Edward I. to this Queen 
Eleanor; or Dame Philippa Castle. DEP. KEEP. 36TH REPT., II., 30. 



1405.] Sir John Stanley. 291 

as Viceroy of Ireland 1 and official bankruptcy in 1400, have 
been already noticed. He left Ireland in June, I402, 2 and 
in the following year he was Steward of the Household 8 to 
the Prince of Wales. He defended Chester* in the critical 
days that followed the battle of Shrewsbury, and, in 1404^ he 
was commissioned to strengthen the defences of Denbigh. 
About the same time he was made Ranger of the forests of 
Dalamere and Macclesfield, 6 and on November 2ist, 1404,* 
he appears as a member of the King's Council. He also 
held the alien priory of Alberbury, 3 near Shrewsbury. On 
February loth, 1405^ his debts were remitted, and in the 
spring of the same year he accompanied the King on his 
intended expedition into Wales as Steward of the Royal 
Household. 10 He was made a Knight of the Garter 11 on 

1 Vol. I., 226. ADD. CH., 8494, dated Tristeldermot, May gth, 1400, 
contains a letter from him appointing John Cophulle his attorney for re- 
ceiving tallies from the King's Treasurers. An order, dated Tristeldermot, 
May 8th, 1400, records that Stanley is daily occupied in Meath, Louth, and 
Munster, and appoints Gilbert Halsall, knight, to be his deputy for Ulster. 
CAL. ROT. HIB., 157; T. LELAND, n., 3. 2 CAL. ROT. HIB., 166. 
According to WARE (ANNALS, 64; followed by Cox, i., 144, and WYNNE, 
i., 325), he crossed to England in May, 1401, leaving his brother William 
in his place till the arrival of Sir Stephen Scrope in Dublin, August 23rd, 
1401. 3 DEP. KEEP. 36TH REPT., 502, August loth, 1403 ; Q. R. WARD- 
ROBE, ||, App. F. * DEP. KEEP. 36'ra REPT., 446, September I3th and 
i6th, 1403. 5 Ibid., 447, September 6th, 1404. 6 Ibid. , 446, with fees 
amounting to 100 marks per annum, together with 20 per annum from the 
revenues of Chester. J. R. OLIVER, n., 246. ? ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 244. 
B Ibid., i., 195. It was known as the White Abbey, and I incline to think 
that it was the temporary burial place of the body of Hotspur (Vol. I., 364) 
rather than Whitchurch, on account of the distance. Oswestry was also 
known as Album Monasterium, or Blanc Minster, from the colour of the 
stone. GIRALDUS, v., 375 ; vi., 142; EYTON, vn., 91 ; x., 323. DUG- 
DALE (i., 665) calls it Whitchurch, causing confusion with the town in North 
Shropshire. 9 PAT., 6 H. IV., I, 9. I0 Ibid., I, 7, March 7th, 1405; 
GKST. ABB. S. ALB., in., 499, December I2th, 1405 ; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 
99 ; PAT., 7 H. IV., I, 2 ; Ibid., 2, 14, 41, January 28th and March igth, 
1406; Ibid., 8 H. IV., 2, 14, February 22nd, 1407 ; Ibid., 10 H. IV., I, 
34, October 24th, 1408; RYM., vin., 757, July gth, 1412. On July 9th, 
1404, the office was held by Sir Thomas Erpingham. RYM., vm. , 364. 
Also February, 1404. ROT. PARL., in., 528; not 1408, as ORD. PRIV. 
Co., n., 99. " NICOLAS, 11., App. xxviii. 



292 Confiscations. [CHAP. LV. 

St. George's Day, April 23rd, 1405, in place of Sir Lewis 
Clifford. 1 He built himself a stronghold 2 of " stone and lime" 
on the north bank of the Mersey at Liverpool, close to St. 
Nicholas' Church, which he called "the Tower," and soon 
obtained the King's permission to fortify it with embattled 
walls. On July 3rd, I409, 8 he was made Constable of Windsor 
Castle on the death of Sir Hugh Waterton, 4 and Keeper of 
the parks of Withend, Guildford, Kempton, 5 Henley, and Folly 
John. When the danger was centering at York in June, 
1405, Sir John Stanley was charged with the control of the 
city, and his elder brother William was sent across to the Isle of 
Man, to seize it in the King's name. On October 4th, 1405,* 
the King granted the Island with its two fortresses, the 



1 Who died December, 1404. BELTZ, CLVI. He had been made a K.G. 
in 1378. NICOLAS, I., 43 ; n., 53. In 1403, he receives four casks of 
wine from the King. Q. R. WARDROBE, 4 8 , App. B. He was an 
executor under the will of Isabel, Duchess of York, proved January 
6th, 1392. TEST. VET., i., 135 ; GIBBONS, 29. 2 PAT. 7 H. IV., 2, 13, 
14; DUGDALE, ii., 247 ; BAINES, u., 271. It stood in Water Street, 
and was taken down in 1819. CROSTON, COUNTY FAMILIES, 10. 
3 PRIV. SEAL, 645/6266; PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 13; TIGHE AND DAVIES, 
I., 274; DEVON, 314, November I3th, 1409. 4 For his will, dated at 
Harley July ist, 1409 (proved July 7th), see GENEAL., vi., 226 ; SCROPE 
AND GROSV., ii., 192. His executors were John Leventhorp, Robert 
Basset, and William Britteby. PRIV. SEAL, 647/6475, March ist, 1410. 
In Due. LANG. REC., XL, 16, I36" 1 , July 5th, 1409, he is referred to as 
dead. He left a son, John. ROT. VIAG., 3, Nov. 25th, 1409; GLAUS., 
12 H. IV., 1 6. He was a witness for Scrope in SCROPE AND GROSV., I., 
58, and had been Receiver for Henry when Earl of Derby (NOTES AND 
QUERIES, 4th Ser., XL, 162), and his Chamberlain in 1398. Due. LANC. 
REC., xxvni., i, i, App. A; DEP. KEEP. 30TH REPORT, p. 35. For 
his seal, see COLL. TOP., vii., 330. 5 PAT., 10 H. IV., i, i, has custodia 
parci nostri de Kenyngton juxta Kyngeston super Thamisiam, proving it 
to be identical with Cold Kennington, or Kempton near Sunbury, in 
Middlesex (PAT., 12 H. IV., 31; ORD. PRIV. Co., IL, no; DEVON, 
88,319; ARCH^EOLOGIA, xxxiv.,45; ATHEN/EUM, 28/1/88, page 116; 
LYSONS, MIDDLESEX, 270), not Kennington near London, as MANNING 
AND BRAY, IIL, 486; SURREY ARCH^OL. COLL., in., 28. In PAT., 13 
H. IV., 2, 26; PRIV. SEAL, 654/7185, April igth, 1412, Henry Somer 
has the manor of Kenyngton, alias Cold Kenyngton, in Middlesex. 
6 RYM., VIIL, 420; GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 41 ; HIST. MSS., IOTH REPORT, 
App. Part iv., 60; repeated April 6th, 1406, PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 17. 



1405.] Isle of Man. 293 

castle at Rushen, 1 and the Peel at Holm, 2 to Sir John Stanley 
for life, on its forfeiture by the Earl of Northumberland. 

The island, with the outlying rocks known as Calfs, 3 was 
then regarded as "outside of the Kingdom of England,"* 
though after long years of struggle between Norse and Scottish 
invaders it had, at last, practically settled down as a dependency 
of the English crown. 5 It was used occasionally as a place 
of imprisonment for political firebrands, or as a convenient 
storehouse 6 for Irish corn to supply the garrisons in Carlisle 
and the Western Marches. It had a Bishop of its own, a 
Cistercian Abbey at Rushen, 7 a Franciscan Priory at Bimaken, 
or Beckmaken, in Kirk Arbory, 8 a nunnery at Douglas, and 
seventeen parish churches of a dismally uniform type, which 
had taken the place of 193 tiny little Keeills or Treen chapels, 9 
roughly built of sods and stones. The island was divided 
into six sheadings, 10 each with its own court. Two justiciars 
or deemsters, 11 and 24 laymen or "keys of the law," 12 held 
a court as required for the government of the island at the 
moot-hill 13 or Tynwald," in the sheading of Glenfaba. Much 



1 GROSE, iv,, s.v. 2 In PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 2, January 28th, 1406, and 

8 H. IV., 2, 14, February 22nd, 1407, permission is granted to Sir John 
Stanley to import wheat and barley from Ireland to victual the castle and 
" Pele." LANGEBEK, in., 239. 3 J. R. OLIVER, n., 162. 4 RYM., vni., 
380. s Though the Scottish Earl of March still claimed to be Lord of 
Annandaleand Man.-MELROS LIB., n.,49O. 6 Page 125; CAL. ROT. HIB., 
162 ; OLIVER, n., 220, 223. ? RELIQUARY, xxv., 168. It was an offshoot 
of Furness. RAINES, NOTITIA CESTR., n., 571. 8 CHALONER, 18,83; 
OSWALD, VESTIGIA, 89 ; MANX ANTIQUITIES, i., 41 ; MONAST., vi., 1545. 

9 SACHEVERELL, 93, 186 ; MANX ANTIQUITIES. For specimens in Ireland, 
see M. STOKES, 154-164. I0 STANLEY LEGISLATION, 83, 86. " For 
domesmen, see WYCLIFFE (M), 32, 241. I2 " Claves legis," in STANLEY 
LEGISLATION, 77, January 28th, 1417. BLUNDELL, n., 76, calls them 
" claves insulce," though he recognizes them as "in some sort judges of a 
lower classis." They are also called Taxiaci (SACHEVERELL, 73). In COL- 
CHESTER RECORDS, COURT ROLLS, 31, claviers appear among the corporate 
officers of the borough. I3 For the mote of Urr in Kirkcudbrightshire, 
and the petty kings of Galloway, see GROSE, n., 181. u i.e., Tingvalla, or 
Thingavollr. 



294 Confiscations. [CHAP. LV. 

has been written of these officers as "constitutional represen- 
tatives of the people," 1 but there is no evidence to prove 
that they were anything of the sort in Stanley's time. The 
revenue was estimated to yield an income of about ^400 
per annum, and a portion of the church dues, known as 
"particles," 2 was set aside for the support of poor scholars, 
though it was often "dealt in other uses." 3 The Celtic 
inhabitants remained long under a thick cloud of " Druidical 
darkness," 4 yet they were content as long as property was 
secure, beggars were kept out, and the herrings did not 
fail. Moreover, provisions were cheap, 5 and so the island, 
with its old patriarchal despotism, 6 was in every way a safe 
and desirable spot for a great Englishman to rule in. 

The grant to Sir John Stanley was signed in October, 
1405, but a counterclaim was set up by Sir Stephen Scrope 
as the brother of the Earl of Wiltshire, and it was not till 
June 24th, i4o8, 7 that the Tynwald repudiated it as "a false- 
hood and a blasphemy." Once acknowledged in the island, 
Sir John Stanley would appoint his own Bishop, his own 
Chancellor, Lieutenant, Crowner, Receiver, Clerk of the Rolls, 
Constables, Waterbailiff or Admiral, 8 and Controller, hold his 
High Council, 9 and act in all respects as a king. He would 
preside over his "Royal Court of Tynwald," where the 
Deemsters and the Keys, and a representation of ecclesiastics 
sat three times a year to lay down the law or expound the 
royal will. On these "great days," 10 he would sit in royal array 
in a chair covered with a royal cloth and "quishines," 

1 OSWALD, 151, 208. 2 OLIVER, u., 225. OSWALD, 153, wrongly 
attributes this institution to the Stanleys. Cf. the case of Haddington, 
temp. R. II.; ExcH. ROLLS, SCOT., in., 120. 3 STANLEY LEGISLATION, 
81. 4 OSWALD, 154, s p age 135, note i. 6 OSWALD, 106. 1 OLIVER, 
ii., 246. 8 SACHEVERELL, 72. 9 STANLEY LEGISLATION, 92. I0 Ibid., 
71. For Quissini, see ARCH^EOLOGIA, L., 516. For " cusshonys," see 
Cov. MYST., 249. 



1405.] A "little King." 295 

surrounded by his barons, knights, squires, and yeomen. 
Before him would be held a drawn sword, and the three 
relics of Man carried by "clerks in their surplices," while 
the commons stood without "in a circle in the fold." King 
Henry, however, was as usual too cautious to admit a title 
to kingship in his grants, and Stanley was content to accept 
the lesser title of. "Lord of Man." 1 But, as one of his 
descendants 8 said, " It is better to be a great lord than a 
little king," and it is doubtful whether Sir John Stanley ever 
paid any heed to his possessions in Man, being too fully 
occupied elsewhere. His son John, however, began his 
acquaintance with the island during his father's life, and left 
his mark on its legislation for all future time. 

1 OSWALD, 122. 2 Ibid., 140; FELTHAM, 9. 



CHAPTER LVI. 
OWEN AND THE FRENCH. 

WHEN the King was at Durham, he had issued a formal sum- 
mons 1 to the Earl of Northumberland and Lord Bardolph 
requiring them to appear before him at York, on August loth, 
1405, to answer charges of high treason, on pain of forfeiting all 
they possessed. But time would not permit of this cumbrous 
form, events were pressing in other parts of the country, and 
Henry could not afford to waste the summer months beating 
about the courts in York for the sake of a meaningless pro- 
cess of law. The treason was known, the traitors had fled, 
the confiscation was an accomplished fact, and it was time 
to move off elsewhere. 

News had already reached the council in London that 
French forces were collecting in Picardy, and that a descent 
might be expected at any time on the English or Welsh coasts. 
They had accordingly issued orders, 2 dated July 2nd, 1405, to 
the sheriffs of all the seaboard counties, from Norfolk round to 
Somerset, warning them to be prepared. On July i5th, i405, 3 
the forces of Gloucester, Bristol, and Somersetshire were 
ordered to proceed to South Wales. They were to be under 
the command of Lord Berkeley, but if he were absent in the 
King's service in the North, his place was to be taken by 
William Beaucharnp, Lord of Abergavenny. 4 A requisition was 
issued for horses from Newcastle on July i6th, 5 and soon 
afterwards all doubt was set at rest by the arrival of the news 

1 RYM., viii., 405, July i8th, 1405. 2 Ibid., vin., 402. 3 p AT<) 6 H. 
IV., 2, 15. 4 SMYTH, IL, n. s ROT. VIAG., 15. 



1405-] Parliament at Harlech. 297 

that the French had actually landed at Milford Haven. The 
levies of the border counties were at once called out with 
orders 1 to meet the King at Hereford without delay. The 
King set out from Pontefract and arrived at Doncaster 2 on 
August 4th, 1405. From the 7th to the i4th of August, 3 he 
was at Nottingham; from the i5th to the iQth he was trans- 
acting business at Leicester, 4 and on the 22nd he reached 
Worcester, 5 where he received very practical evidence of the 
activity of Owen and the French. 

The crushing blows that had been struck at Owen in the 
month of May, 1405, had well-nigh taken the heart out of him. 
He arranged to call a Parliament at Harlech in the coming 
summer. Four representatives were summoned from every com- 
mote over which he had established his influence, and it was 
rumoured that, 6 unless he could be sure of help from France, he 
was preparing to make his submission. His person was far from 
safe, even among his own countrymen. Many of his kinsmen 7 
did not believe in him. In the early days of the rising, his 
cousin, John Pole, Lord of Mowddwy, 8 in Merioneth, had been 
amongst the first to inform against him. His son-in-law, Sir 
John Skidmere, 9 was prominent in the service of the English. 

1 RYM., VIIL, 406. 2 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 9, though ibid., I, 3, is dated 
from Nottingham on August 3rd, and the same roll has documents dated 
Pontefract, August 6th to I2th. See also ROT. SCOT., IL, 175; PAT., 
ii H. IV., i, 6. 3 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 6, 10. Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, 
has an entry dated Nottingham, August I4th, 1405. 4 PAT., 6 H. IV., 
i, 2, 3, 6, 9. In Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, Part 3, 38, is an entry dated 
Alcester, August i8th, 1405. 5 PAT., 6 H. IVl, i, 7, 8, 9, 10, has 
documents dated from Worcester, from August 22nd to 3 1st. See also 
ROT. SCOT., IL, 175. 6 ORiG. LET., II., i., 43. 7 PENNANT, i., 348. 
8 Vol. I., page 169; BRIDGEMAN, 267, 270; MONTGOMERY COLL., iv., 
328. ^ Vol. I., page 345. He had married Owen's daughter Alice, 
Vol. IL, 171.; ROT. PAUL., iv., 440; LLOYD, i., 212; STRONG, 93. 
In 1393, he is Deputy-steward of Brecon for Henry, as Earl of Derby. 
Due. LANC. REC., XXVIIL, 3, 5 b, App. A. In 1401, he was 
made Steward of the commotes and lordships of Kidwelly, Carn- 
wallon, and Yskenin. Ibidem, XL, 15, 35, 59% 6o T . For charges 



298 Owen and the French. [CHAP. LVI. 

His brother-in-law, Robert Puleston, 1 of Emral, who had at 
first supported a him, had now become so strong a loyalist, that 
immediately after the battle of Shrewsbury he had been nomi- 
nated one of the Commissioners 3 to receive back to the King's 
favour repentant rebels in Maelor, the detached part of Flint- 
shire, where his possessions lay. In the Parliament held at 
Machynlleth in 1404,* Owen had narrowly escaped assassination 
at the hands of the wee, 5 red-haired, sken-eyed 6 Davy Gam, 
who attended as one of the members for Brecknockshire. But 
he laid violent hands on Davy, burnt his home 7 on the 
Honddu, and kept him a close prisoner 8 for many years, 
without hope of ransom. We do not know what means were 

against him as Steward of Kidwelly for extortion and rebellion, selling 
offices and cattle and not accounting for the proceeds, see ASSIZE 
ROLL, 1153 (= LANG. REC. xxv., A. 40, no year). For Fernclough's 
appointment as Receiver, November 3Oth, 1403, see page 7. On May 2nd, 
1403, Skidmere was entrusted with the guard of Carrick Cennin Castle. 
Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 33. From October I3th to December ist, 1404, 
he served in the retinue of Sir Richard Arundel in South Wales. Q. R. 
ARMY, \ , App. G. In PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 19, November I3th, 1408, he 
is Steward of Kidwelly and Constable of Grosmont, and receives forfeited 
lands of William Gwyn ap Rees and William Gwyn ap Jevan, who had been 
condemned to death at Carmarthen. In 1406-7, he was Sheriff of Hereford- 
shire. DUNCUMB, i., 143 ; REC. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., October 26th, 
1409. In Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., 4, 2, App. A., is a reference showing 
that John Skidmere, late Escheator of County Hereford, was dead before 
February 2nd, 1402. This may perhaps be the father of the Sheriff. 

1 He had married Owen's sister Lowry. BRIDGEMAN, 251 ; SCBOPE 
AND GROSV., IL, 258 ; COTHI, 458. 2 Vol. I., 148. 3 DEP. KEEP. 36x11 
REPT., 394. 4 For the Parliament House, see MONTGOM., COLL., iv., 
328; APPLEYARD, in., 75. For Dolgelly, see AKCH^OL. CAMB., 4th 
Series, iv., 135 (1876). 5 Son of Llewelyn ap Howel-ychan, CLARK, 
GENEALOGIES, 195 ; CARTE, n., 654 ; WYNNE, 322 ; JONES, BRECKNOCK, 
ii., 157, 160; D. WILLIAMS, 227; THOMAS, 109; NICOLAS, AGINCOURT, 
119; TYLER, n., 184. For his pedigree, see COTHI, 1-4; not to be con- 
founded with David ap Ednyfed Gam, who married Owen's sister. ' 
BRIDGEMAN, 252. 6 For " gogelen," see WYCL. (M.), 341. 1 i.e., 
Pentyn, about two miles above Brecknock. CAMBRO-BRITON, 419; 
THOMAS, in.; JONES, BRECKNOCK, i., 160 ; n., 156. Called Cyrnigwen, 
in BORROW, 243; ABCH^OL. CAMBR., New Series, n., 37. He after- 
wards lived at Newton, near Brecknock, on the south bank of the Usk. 
LEWIS, s.v. BRECKNOCK. 8 RYM., vni., 753. PRIV. SEAL, 655/7242, 
shows that he was still a prisoner on June I4th, 1412. 



1405.] Davy Gam. 299 

taken to test the quality of the " most sufficient persons " who 
were now summoned to the Parliament at Harlech, but we have 
evidence that two of those who were going there to represent 
Flintshire, were nothing but spies in the English interest. 
These were David Whitmore and Jevan ap Meredith, both of 
them men of importance in the county, 1 the latter being Steward 
of Hopedale, which had been granted to Sir John Stanley 2 in 
1401, after the death of the Earl of Huntingdon. Both of them 
approached Stanley before they set out for Harlech. They 
talked over the affairs of Wales, and agreed to meet him at 
Chester on their return, about the middle of August, and 
"certify 3 him all the truth and purpose of the Parliament.'* 
But the events in the North and the arrival of the French put 
a stop to any chance of submission, and by the time these 
patriots were due at Chester, there was no doubt as to the 
determination of Owen to carry on the fight. 

The French had, indeed, been long in coming, and, as 
usual, had arrived too late to effect the expected diversion. 
When the first treaty with the Welsh had been signed in the 
previous year (1404), it had been intended to make a great 
demonstration under James of Bourbon, 4 Count of La Marche, 
and 100,000 crowns 5 had been actually paid to him for the 
purpose of arming 800 men-at-arms and 300 archers for three 
months from June 28th, 1404. His force assembled at St. Pol 
de Leon, 6 but funds were wanting, there was great delay, and a 
despatch dated September 24th, 1404, records that the Count 



1 DKP. KEEP. 36TH KEPT., 341, 523. 2 LEWIS, s.v. HOPE ; CAMBBO- 
BBITON, L, 138 ; PENNANT, i., 435. 3 OBIG. LET., II., i. , 43. 4 He 
was in Paris in the winter of 1405. GAMEZ, 350 ; BAYE, I., 147, January 
23rd, 1406. 5 Called 112,500 livres tournois in TRANSCR. FOB. REC., 
I 35> 3> Paris? June 27th, 1404. Ibid. (Paris, January loth, 1401), has his 
acknowledgment of having received the money from the Keeper of the 
Royal Charters. REPT. ON FCED., D. 317. 6 DOUBT D'ABCQ, i., 299. 



300 Owen and the French. [CHAP. LVI. 

" saw the sea and fled." l Many French knights 2 and squires 
who had assembled at Harfleur, 3 grew weary and began to 
disperse to their homes, and the expedition was on the point of 
being abandoned. The ships, however, did ultimately make a 
start, 4 but were driven by a storm 5 on to the coast of Brittany. 
At length, in November, 1404^ the Count set sail from Brest 
with twenty large vessels, and after spending eight days at sea, 
he landed at Falmouth, where he was joined by 1,000 knights 
and squires from Harfleur. He burnt the town, knighted some 
of his followers, and returned before the winter. One of the 
party was young Gilbert de Lannoy, 7 whose vessel was wrecked 
near St. Malo on the passage home. The bags, coffers, and 
harness were all lost, the crew went down with the ship, but the 
"gentlemen " were saved, by God's grace, in two boats that were 
kept for such emergencies. 

We have already seen 8 that some of these rovers had 
appeared off the Carmarthen coast, but with this exception, 
the Welsh purpose of the invasion had completely missed its 
mark. In the following year, however, the Lord of Hugue- 
ville would not let matters drop. He had only just been 
released from his captivity at Marck, 9 but he threw his whole 
soul into the enterprise, pledged among other things his estate 

1 Mare vidit et fugit abinde per Dei gratiam. TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 
I 35> 3- 2 One of the leaders was a Norman knight, Baudouin or Robert 
de la Heuse, known at le Borgne (probably because he had only one eye). 
BAYE, i.,254; n., 329. He afterwards became Provost of Paris. 
MONSTR., n., 333, 409; vi., 206, 217. Heuse is a little village near St. 
Hilaire. MONSTR., I., 259, who seems to have confused the years 1405 
and 1408. 3 Vol. I. ,459, 467; DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 269; ORD. PRIV. 
Co., I., 234. 4 From the Seine, according to POL. VERG., 434. 5 La 
tourmente. REPT. ON FCED., D. 317. 6 COCHON, 209, 210; ST. DENYS, 
in., 112. See also Vol. I., 382. 7 LANNOY, 4, who dates the year as 1400 
(wrongly corrected to 1402, in HIRSCH, n., 443), but all his early dates are 
three or four years too soon ; e.g., he assigns the Count of St. Pol's descent 



on the Isle of Wight (p. 3) to 1399 instead of 1403 ; the battle of Othee to 
1404 (p. 5) instead of 1408 ; and the speech of Jean Petit (p. 6) to 1405 
instead of 1408. 8 Vol. I., p. 384. Vol. II., p. 93- 



1405.] Haverfordwest. 301 

at Ayencourt, 1 a suburb of Montdidier, and with the help of 
Jean de Rieux, the Marshal of France, he got together a force 
estimated at 800 men-at-arms, 2 600 crossbowmen, and 1,200 
foot soldiers on his own account, rather than let the promises 
of the King of France remain altogether unfulfilled. After 
waiting fifteen days 8 for a favourable wind, they put to sea in 
120 vessels, including 16 large ships and two caracks, on July 
22nd, 1405.* They met with stormy weather in the Channel 
and lost nearly all their horses 5 for want of fresh water, but they 
arrived at last in Milford Haven early in August, 1405. 6 Here 
they were met by Owen with a large force 7 amid great 
rejoicing, 8 and asked that they might get to work at once. 
They moved up straight to the walled town of Haverfordwest, 9 
where the Flemish colony was kept loyal to England, partly by 
their inherited antipathy to the Welsh, and partly by the 
nearness of an English garrison in the castle. 10 The town and 
suburbs were taken and burnt, but the castle held out, so the 
Frenchmen moved across to Tenby, 11 burning and ravaging the 

1 DOUET D'ARCQ, I., 30x5 ; LUSSAN, iv., 190. Not Agincourt, as PEN- 
NANT, i., 373 ; FENTON, 222 ; APPLEYABD, in., 87. It only yielded 200 
livres tournois. 2 LUSSAN, iv., 190; L'ART DE VER., n., 387; TILLET, 
313; HAMMER, i., 196. 3 MONSTB., i., 82, who assigns the events to 
1403. 4 ST. DENYS, in., 322. Le jour de la Magdaleine. COCHON, 211. 
5 ANN., 415, 6 Not "just as the King was leaving Wales," i.e., September 
29th, 1405, as RAMSAY, I., 92. The news had reached Pontefract before 
August loth, 1405, for on that day a proclamation was issued stating that 
the Duke of Orleans (sic) had landed at Milford with a large mounted 
force (a cheval), and calling up the levies of Lancashire to meet the King 
at Worcester by Thursday next after August I5th, 1405. Due. LANC. 
REC., XL, 16, 5. 7 Estimated at 10,000 men. MONSTB., xv. If this be 
true, it completely contradicts the view taken by THOMAS (134), that Owen 
was at this time hiding in caves and abandoned by all except the French. 
LARREY, i., 798. 8 DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 270. 9 Called Hereford West 
in HOLINS., ii., 531 ; or " Heleford " in ST. DKNYS, in., 322 ; RAMSAY, 
i., 93. I0 MONSTB., I., 82 (followed by TIERNEY, i., 282), says that it 
was under the Earl of Arundel, but he was then probably at York. 
11 "Canneby." ST. DENYS, in., 322. Not " Dinbigh," as HALLE, 18; 
or "Denbigh, "as GBAFTON, 418; MIB. FOR MAG., 299; HOLINS., n., 
531. It is proved to be Tenby by FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV., where the 



302 Owen and the French. [CHAP. LVI. 

country between. They summoned the castle to surrender in 
the name of Queen Isabel, its rightful owner. 1 But while they 
were thus occupied, a fleet under the Admiral Lord Berkeley, 3 
Henry Pay of Poole, 8 and Sir Thomas Swinburn * entered the 
harbour and set fire to fifteen of their ships. Seeing this the 
Welsh decamped, and the French were fain to follow their 
example. Some of them visited the great cromlech known as 
Arthur's Table, 5 and then the whole force proceeded to beset 
Carmarthen. After waiting in vain for relief, the garrison 6 
agreed to surrender, and marched out "with bag and baggage." 7 
The town was burnt and plundered, and the walls 8 were almost 
razed to the ground. Following up their success they entered 
Glamorganshire, 9 carrying fire and ravage wherever they were 
opposed, and they had advanced within ten miles of Worcester, 
when King Henry arrived from the North. 10 

As far back as July 20th, 11 Treasury Clerks had been sent 
down from London with rolls, memoranda, and tallies for 

King had given 200 Ibs. of saltpetre to Thomas Phelip for the defence of 
Tenby, March ipth, 1406. Phelip's receipt, dated March 22nd, 1406, is in 
Q. R. WARDROBE, \\, App. E. 

1 Vol. I., p. 121. 2 Page 296; NICHOLLS AND TAYLOR, i., 194. 3 In 
the Parish Church at Faversham are two brasses, one to Henry Pay (d. May 
26th, 1419, WEEVER, 276), another to Henry Page, esquire (d. November 
3rd, 1434). Both of these have been assumed to be identical with Henry 
Pay, of Poole. LEWIS, n., 12; HASTED, n., 716; BURROWS, CINQ 
PORTS, 154 ; ARCH^EOL. CANT., ix., Ixvi. The supposition appears to be 
based on WALS., n., 275. See LAMBARDE, 112; PENNANT, i., 37. In 
FB. ROLL, 12 H. IV., 18, Henry Page, esquire, is going abroad, April 
27th, 1411. 4 Vol. II., p. 55, note "7. In 1403-1404, he is Sheriff of 
Essex. Due. LANG. REC., XXVIIL, 4, 3, App. A.; MORANT, i., vii.; n., 
234; In REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., February ist, 1408, he is late 
Sheriff of Essex. $i.e., Bwrd Arthur at Llanboidy, near Carmarthen, 
unless it refers to the circle at Caerleon, in Monmouthshire. MONSTR., I., 
82; LA MARCHE, I., 120. For picture of Arthur's Stone, near Swansea, 
see WOODWARD, HIST. OF WALES, Frontispiece. 6 Vol. II., p. 7. It 
then consisted of 28 men-at-arms and 100 archers. FOR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., 
from August 2Oth, 1404, to August 24th, 1405. ? SPEED, 631 ; ECHARD, 
i., 429. 8 ST. DENYS, in., 328. 9 Morgnie." MONSTR., i., 82. The 
old reading was Linorgnie, altered to Lincolnie in the edition of 1603. 
10 i.e., August 22nd, see page 297. " ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., PASCH. 



1405.] Woodbury Hill. 303 

raising advances to pay the troops. One thousand Yorkshire 
sheep, lately confiscated in Pickering Lythe, 1 had been re- 
quisitioned for the royal use, supplies and luxuries had been 
sent down in abundance, and as soon as the enemy appeared, 
the King led out a force against them in person, though it was 
evident that he was in no position to attack. There is a 
tradition that the armies met at Woodbury Hill, 2 between the 
Severn and the Teme, where an ancient British entrenchment 
has long been misnamed Owen's Camp. 3 They took up strong 
positions on opposite sides of a valley, and neither of them 
was willing to begin the attack. For eight days they faced each 
other, and several skirmishes took place with the result that 
some 200 were killed on both sides, and many more were 
wounded. Among the Frenchmen killed were three knights, 
one of whom was Patroullart de Trie, 4 Lord of Plessis. The 
names of the others are given as Monsieur de Mathelonne 5 and 
Monsieur de la Ville. 6 Want of provisions and forage, however, 
soon told upon the French and Welsh, and they were forced to 
draw off. But the English were too weak to pursue them. 
Proclamations were already out, dated August 24th, 7 calling up 
the forces of ten Midland counties to join the muster at 
Worcester or " elsewhere in Wales," and on August 29th, 8 the 
order was given requiring the troops to be at Hereford "by 
Friday next," to move forward into Wales. In the beginning of 

1 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 11, August nth, 1405. 2 NASH, IL, 465; D. 
WILLIAMS, 224; APPLEYARD, in., 87. 3 For other instances, see 
ARCH^OL. CAMBR., N. S., u., 32. 4 DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 64; MORERI, 
x., 340. In ST. DENYS, in., 324, he is killed at Haverfordwest. He is 
called a brother of the Marshal jean de Rieux, in MONSTR., I., 83; or a 
son of the Admiral and Captain of Rouen, in GAMEZ, 573 ; but the Admiral 
had no son, and was succeeded by his brother. $ Possibly Mathefelon, or 
Francis Gattilusio or Gateluzzo, a Genoese, who became Lord of Metelin 
(Mytilene). FROIS., xvi., 48 ; xxn.,2oi; RABBI JOSEPH, i., 254 ; ASCH- 
BACH, i., in ; DELAVILLE LEROULX, i., 304, 307. 6 Possibly La Val, or 
Loys de Villers. DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 165. ? GLAUS., 6 H IV i 
8 Ibid., 6 H. IV., 6. 



304 Owen and the French. [CHAP. LVI. 

September 1 the King entered Hereford, where he was sur- 
rounded by a large gathering of lords, barons, squires, and 
others who had been summoned thither to attend another 
Grand Council. On September 4th, 1405,2 letters were sent to 
the sheriffs of counties representing that the King was powerless 
for lack of funds, and requiring them to contract loans from all 
who were willing to lend on the strength of the next moiety of 
taxation, which would fall due on November nth, and to 
hand over the proceeds to the "War Treasurers assigned 
by Parliament" in London, Coventry, or Worcester, by Sep- 
tember 26th. 

The King remained in Hereford till September zoth, 3 and 
then delivered his attack. The northern part of Mon- 
mouthshire had already been subdued, and Sir John Greindor, 
who had been in charge of Radnor 4 and Chepstow, 5 and was 
now Warden of Monmouth, 6 was arranging terms for the 
submission of the districts of Usk, 7 Caerleon, and Edelogon 8 
(which included Newport, Llandaff, Cardiff, and Cowbridge) in 
the Usk valley, and Dingestowe in the valley of the Trothy. 

1 For a document dated Hereford, September 4th, 1405, see Due. LANC. 
REG., XL, 15. 2 RYM., vin., 412. 3 p AT>j 6 H. IV., 2, 3, 6, 8, 12, has 
entries dated Hereford, September 4th, ;th, 8th, loth. See also Q. R. 
WARDROBE, 8 8 > App. B. 4 Vol. II., page 14. s PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 18, 
June nth, 1405. On July 27th, 1405, the Captain was Robert Atkyns. 
Ibid., 13; and on August 24th, Robert Giffard. GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 6. 
6 Due. LANC. REC., XXVIIL, 4, 4 b., App. A. On May 3oth, 1406, he 
has payment for defending the castles of Monmouth and Skenfrith. Ibid., 
XL, 16, 36"". ? PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 9, August 23rd, 1405. Ibid., ^ H. 
IV., 2, 42, March 29th, 1406, has his appointment as Steward of the 
domains of Usk and Caerleon during the minority of the Earl of March. 
Ibid., 9 H. IV., I, 13, has pardon dated February loth, 1408, to tenants 
and residents in domains of Usk, Caerleon, Tryllek, Tregrek, and Edlogan. 
See also ibid., 9 H. IV., I, 3, 15 (November 23rd, December 2nd, 1407, 
and January I4th and i8th, 1408), for pardons to Philip ap Howel and 
tenants in Dynas Ewyas, Hotheney, Crickhowel, Blenleveny (or Blenkeveny), 
La Mere, Stradewy, Hayesland, and Powys (see Vol. II., p. 20). 8 i.e., the 
district near the coast west of the Usk, spelt Eithaf-dylygion (PowEL, 19), 
Elegan (!NQ. p. MORT., I, 6), Edelegon (Ibid., 221), Edelygion, Eddlogan, 
(JOHNS, in., 9, 117, 121), Edlogan (PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 13), 



1405.] Coity. 305 

The Priory of Ewenny, 1 which was a cell to Gloucester Abbey, 
was wasted by the Welsh ; the efforts for the rescue 2 of 
Berkrolles 3 at Coity 4 had not yet been successful, and on 
September pth, 1405,' John Stevens, 6 Thomas Sanders, and 
John Drois, of Bristol, were again commissioned to endeavour 
to get supplies in to the famishing garrison. The King's army 
now advanced into Glamorgan, and Coity was relieved, 7 but as 

1 PAT., 14 H. IV., 8 (October 27th, 1406), grants alien priory of Llan- 
gethin, on the east coast of Carmarthen Bay, to Hugh Morton, Prior of 
Ewenny, for ten years, in compensation for his losses. Morton became 
Abbot of Gloucester, May 27th, 1412. MONAST., I., 535. 2 For " res- 
cousse," see GOWER, CONF. AM., 166, 174, 247, 365. 3 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 
29 d ; ARCH^EOL. CAMBR., 5th Series, n., 291 ; DEVON, 303. INQ. p. 
MORT., in., 248, 339, shows that Sir Laurence Berkrolles was then Lord 
of Coity. For documents signed by him at Coity, October 1st, 1411, see 
CLARK, CART,*:, n., 72, 73. For the family of Berkrolles at East Orchard, 
and their monuments in St. Athan's Church, near Cowbridge, see ARCH^EOL. 
CAMBR., 3rd Series, xv., 63-78; ibid., 5th Series, vu., 188 ; CLARK, 
GENEAL., 365 ; CART^:, i., 288; 11., 17, 18, 26, 35, 69, 78. 4 Vol. I., 
462. Not Coify, or Caerphilly, as RAMSAY, I., 92. For description of 
Coity, a thirteenth century structure, see CLARK, I., 487. For view, see 
BUCK, April 5th, 1740. s PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 9 d. 6 The names of 
" Stephins " and " Droyes " both appear as mayors, sheriffs, and bailiffs 
in RICART, 37. See HUNT, 92. In PIPE ROLL, 7 H. IV. (1405-6), 
Stevens and Sanders appear as collectors of the subsidy, and in REC. 
ROLL, 8 H. IV., as collectors of the small custom at Bristol. See also 
ISSUE ROLL, 12 H. IV., PASCH., May 28th, 1411. In PAT., 9 H. IV., 
30, November 3rd, 1407 ; REC. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., November 5th, 
I3th, 26th, 1408, Sanders is controller of the customs at Bristol. In Ibid., 
ii H. IV., MICH., October 23rd, 1409, Stevens is still collector; also 
ibid., 13 H. IV., MICH., November I7th, 1411 ; February 4th, nth, I2th, 
i8th, 20th, 1412; ibid., 14 H. IV., MICH., October 3rd, December 1st, 
1412; ISSUE ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH., December loth, 1412. ^ EUL., 
in., 408. ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV. MICH., has ^"20 on this account, Octo- 
ber 3rd, 1405, and ^"20, November I3th, 1405 ; also February 27lh, and 
March 26th, 1406. Coity was again besieged by armed bands under Sir 
Gilbert Denys and William Gamage, October 2Oth, 1412. PAT., 13 H. 
IV., 2, 6. Ibid., 14 H. IV., 16 d (October 28th, 1412), and GLAUS., 14 H. 
IV., 21 d (October 2Oth, 1412), show that it then belonged to Joan, widow 
of Sir Richard Vernon, Lawrence Berkrolles having died childless, October 
I5th, 1411. INQ. p. MORT., in., 339; ARCH.OL. CAMBR., 5th Series, 
vu., 191. In Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 23', April 24th, 1412, Lawrence 
Berkrolles is referred to as dead. The manor was then worth ^84 per 
annum. CLARK, CART^E, n., 76, 78. The attack was beaten off without 
difficulty by the forces of Hereford and Gloucester, and Denys and Gamage 



306 Owen and the French. [CHAP. LVI. 

he turned homewards, disaster l dogged his heels. He lost both 
men 2 and stuff in the swollen streams and flooded rivers, 
gangs of plunderers hung about his rear ; the army could only 
extricate itself by abandoning some forty or fifty carts stocked 
with provisions and treasure ; and tradition long preserved the 
rallying-cry of Cadogan-of-the-Battle-axe, 3 at whose summons 
every man and woman in the Rhondda Valley could be 
mustered in martial order in an instant to pursue. By Sep- 
tember 29th, 1405,* King Henry was back in Hereford, and he 
reached Worcester on October ist. 5 Here he arranged that 
Lord Grey 6 of Codnor, who was made Justice of Brecknock, 7 

were committed to the Tower. See order for their committal, dated Nov. 
1 9th, 1412, in GLAUS., 14 H. IV., 26. In 1414, Coity belongs to Sir 
Thomas de la Beere. INQ. p. MORT., iv., 9. 

1 ANN., 414 ; WALS., n., 271. 2 MIR. FOR MAG., 299. 3 IQLO MSS., 
97 (492). 4 For documents dated Hereford, September 29th, 3Oth, 1405, 
see Due. LANG. REC., XL, 15. s RYM., vni., 420, 421 ; ROT. SCOT., IL, 
176. PENNANT (i., 377), misled by entries in RYMER from ROT. VIAG., 
remarks upon the " wonderful rapidity with which the King flew from 
Worcester to Hereford, thence to Yorkshire and back again to Worcester, 
all within a month." For errors in RYMER, sub anno 1405, see HARDY, 
SYLLABUS, in., xx. The editor, however, has failed to notice two docu- 
ments from the ROT. VIAG., dated April 25th and 26th, 1405, in RYMER, 
vin., 394, where the year should be 1408. RAMSAY has fallen into several 
mistakes on this account, e.y., i., 86, 108. FRASER is still unconvinced, 
and frequently argues for 1405. DOUGLAS BOOK, I., 373, 433, 435. 
6 PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 40, October 7th, 1405. ISSUE ROLL, 12 H. IV., 
PASCH., July I2th, 1411, shows that he had an annuity of 400 marks for 
life granted to him November i6th, 1409. ? PAT., 7 H. IV., I, 36, Octo- 
ber ist, 1405. For his force employed in defence of Brecknock and other 
castles in Wales (Vol. L, p. 286), from September 3Oth, 1402, to January 
28th, 1403, see ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., November 3rd, 1405; 
Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, 132, and 16, 41 (November I5th and December 
7th, 1402). On October I3th, 1405, he was commissioned to represent the 
King in Hereford and the Marches for forty days. PAT., 7 H. IV, i, 39. 
He had been one of those appointed to conduct Queen Isabel to Leulinghen 
in May, 1401 (DEVON, 291), but ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., shows 
that he had not been paid for his outlay as late as November 3rd, 1405. 
As Admiral of the Fleet for the North, he had received .1919 125. 8d. 
(April, 1402), ^899 IDS. 6d. (May loth, 1402), and ,899 los. 6d. (Feb. 
23rd, 1403). ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH.; Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15 ; 
and had made his way far up the Forth, plundering the shipping in the 
harbour of Blackness. MENTEITH, i., 192. He held the Earl of March's 
lands at Kevenlleece (Rox. PAUL., in., 590), Presteign, Norton, Kington, 



1405.] Lord Grey of Codnor. 307 

and Sir Richard Arundel, the Warden of Hay, 1 should advance 
into South Wales with 200 men-at-arms and 300 archers, while 
a similar force would enter North Wales under the Earl of 
Arundel as Captain of Shrewsbury. 2 The King remained at 
Worcester 3 till October 8th, and on the 9th * he was at Oxford. 
By October nth, 5 he was at Kenilworth, where he remained 
with his family till November 2nd. 6 On November 3rd, 1405,' 
he was at Kingsbury, the old royal palace of Dunstable. On 

Pembridge, and Radnor (PAT., 6 H. IV., I, 13, January 28th, 1405), 
Werthrynyan (PAT., 10 H. IV., I, 5) or Warthregnon (INQ. P. MORT., 
in., 38) or Werthereyneon (ibid., IV., 94, 98), Cnwclas on the Teme, 
Comothoidour, Rhayader, Pilleth (called Pelalei in DOMESDAY, Pilluth in 
ROT. PARL., in., 590, Pillirth in PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 8), and Melienydd, 
which POWEL (12) calls a cantref in the district between the Wye and the 
Severn. It corresponded nearly to the modern Radnorshire, as is proved 
from LELAND, v., 12 (f. 13), who describes the Abbey of Cwm Hir as 
" betwixt two great hills in Melennith"; see also ibid., p. 60 (f. 70). " In 
Melennith is a good breed of horse on a mountain called Herdoel," i.e., 
Rhydd Hywell, north of Rhayader, which LELAND, p. 13 (f. 14), calls 
*' the chefe village of Melennith "; see also TYLER, I., 129, 351 ; MONT- 
GOM. COLL., IV., 326. For the will of Lord Grey's widow, Elizabeth, 
daughter of Ralph, Lord Basset of Sapcotes, dated Stamford, April 7th, 
1445 (not 1435, as DICT. NAT. BIOG., xxm., 200), directing to be buried 
by the side of her husband at Aylesford Priory, near Maidstone, see J. 
NICHOLS, IV., 11., 904, 968; GIBBONS, 168; NOTES AND QUERIES, 8th 
Series, i., 390 ; HASTED, 11., 168 ; DUGDALE, I., 711. For his autograph, 
" R. de Grey," see PRIV. SEAL, 651/6882, May 2Oth, 1411. For account 
of Codnor Castle, in Derbyshire, see JOURNAL OF DERBYSHIRE ARCHAEO- 
LOGICAL SOCIETY, xiv., 16. 

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 19 (May 23rd, 1405) ; ibid., 7 H. IV., i, 34, 40 
(October 8th, 1405). By October I3th, 1405, the garrison at Hay had been 
increased from 16 men-at-arms and 80 archers to 88 and 220 (for a list of 
all their names, see Q. R. ARMY, f|j, App. G.), at which strength it re- 
mained till December 1st, 1405 ; see Sir Richard Arundel's claim in FOR. 
ACCTS., 10 H. IV. He is still Captain of Hay in 1408. Due. LANG. 
REC., XXVIIL, 4, 5 b, App. A. 2 PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 35, 38, 41, October 
3rd, 1405. 3 For documents dated at Worcester, October 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 
4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 1405, see PAT., 7 H. IV., I, 26, 33, 35, 36, 38, 39; 
ibid., 2, 32; GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 26, 41 ; CAL. ROT. HIB., 182. < EXCH. 
ROLLS SCOT., iv., cxcviii. s For entries dated Kenilworth, October nth, 
I3th, i6th, 26th, 1405, see Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, Part 3, m. 6. 
* PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 36 ; GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 39 ; CAL. 
ROT. HIB., 181. On November 1st, 1405, his daughter Philippa attended 
mass at Kenilworth. M. A. E. GREEN, in., 353, from HARL. MSS., 319 
(39). 7RYM., vm., 421; PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 29; T. THOMAS, 142; 
TYLER, i., 213. 



308 Owen and the French. [CHAP. LVI. 

November i4th and 20th, 1 he was at the Tower of London. 
On November 26th, 2 he was at Lambeth for the betrothal of his 
daughter -Philippa to the King of Denmark. On December 
nth, 1 5th, and i7th, 3 he was at Hertford, and he spent the 
Christmas at Eltham, 4 making short visits to the Bishop of 
Durham's hostel, 5 or the Earl of Westmoreland's herber, 6 near 
Dowgate, in London, whither tapets 7 for his beds, embroidered 
with eagles 8 and feathers, were forwarded as he moved from 
place to place. We find him at Eltham on January yth, i4o6, 9 
and at the end of the same month (January 30), he was again 
at Hertford. 

The withdrawal of the King was followed by a pause in the 
hostilities with the Welsh. Lord Grey was to receive payment 
for his troops from the revenues collected from South Wales. 
But in many cases there were no revenues to collect, and in 
Monmouth, 10 where a little cash did come in, the Receivers 
claimed that the King wanted it for himself; and so it came 
about, that in November, 1405, Lord Grey had only received 
^"200 from Kid welly, ; 1 40 from Carmarthen, and nothing 11 at 
all from the other districts allotted for the maintenance of his 
men. Troops would not come from England unless they were 
paid a half-quarter's wage in advance, and consequently nothing 
could be done. In the Palatine county of Pembroke, the 

1 Due. LANG. REC., XL, 15, Part 3, m. 7. 2 COLL. TOP. AND GEN., 
i., 82. 3 Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, Part 3, m. 8, 19, 25, 43 ; FR. ROLL, 
7 H. IV., 15 ; ORD. PEIV. Co., i., 280. 4 RYM., VIIL, 426; PAT., 7 H. 
IV., i, 24 ; 2, 27, December 26th, 1405 ; FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., 15 ; M. A. 
E. GREEN, m., 353. 5 L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., 12, i, 
App. c. 6 SHARPE, IL, 122; STOW, 247; LAPPENBERG, IL, 35, where 
it is mistaken for a garden. ^ PROMPT. PARV. , 486 ; CATHOL. , 378. 8 Cf. 
tapet lectorum de egles et lectorum de plumis, L. T. R. ENROLLED WARD- 
ROBE ACCTS., 12, i, App. c, with Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., i, 4, App. A. 
9 Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, Part 3, 32, 33. I0 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 279. 
11 The accounts from February 2nd, 1404, to February 2nd, 1408, show that 
Henry's revenue from his manors of Monmouth, Ogmore, Ebboth, Kid- 
welly, Yskenyn, and Brecon was nil. Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., 4, 4, 
App. A. 



1405.] Pembroke. 309 

Earldom was in abeyance, and a long suit was pending in 
reference to the title and honours previously held by Sir John 
Hastings, the last Earl, who had been killed in a tournament 
at Woodstock, in I389, 1 leaving no children. The title was 
claimed by Reginald, Lord Grey 2 of Ruthin, but the govern- 
ment of the county was vested in the meantime in the hands of 
Sir Francis Court, 3 who is styled "Lord of Pembroke." Finding 
that there was no hope of relief for the ensuing winter, he came 
to terms with Owen. Representatives of the county met and 
agreed to purchase an armistice from the rebels. They were to 



1 Or 1390. BELL, HUNTINGDON PEERAGE, p. 8. 2 Adam of Usk was 
one of his counsel in the suit. USK, 57, 62. In GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 22 ; 
GRAVES, 266, he is Lord of the County of Wexford (I., 225), which he 
"claimed as part of the Hastings estates. DICT. NAT. BIOG., xxin., 198. 
On January I5th, 1402, Reginald, Lord Grey of Ruthin, had been appointed 
as one of the five principal residents in North Wales, to represent the Prince 
of Wales in his absence. DEP. KEEP. 36TH REPT., IL, 101, 442. At this 
time, plundering and cattle-lifting by the Welsh were proceeding unchecked 
even up to the gates of Rhuddlan castle. Ibid., 123, December I4th, 1401. 
After the capture of Lord Grey (I., 249), his castle at Ruthin held out by 
the help of troops sent by Hotspur from Denbigh, till further aid came from 
Chester. Ibid., 415, April i8th, 1402. It is, of course, a mistake to sup- 
pose that he married a daughter of Owen, as D. WILLIAMS, App. , 114. 
His ransom money was raised by selling his manor of Hartley, near Dart- 
ford, in Kent (DuGDALE, I., 717), and by remitting fines which he had 
incurred under the statute for non-residence on his lands in Ireland. His 
son John (I., 305) was therefore soon set at liberty, and in PAT., 7 H. IV., 
I, 39 (October 24th, 1405), both he and his father are to be in Ireland for a 
year. On January I5th, 1405, Lord Grey was summoned to a council at 
Westminster. ORD. PRIV. Co., IL, 98. On April I7th, 1405, he was 
about to proceed to Wales with the King. PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 28. For 
his presence as a witness, December I2th, 1405, see GESTA ABB. ST. ALB., 
ill., 499. He was present in the Parliament at Westminster, December 
22nd, 1406. ROT. PARL., in., 582 ; RYM., VIIL, 463 ; also January 27th, 
1410. REP. DIGN. PEER, in., 805. 3 See his order, dated November 
i4th, 1405, in THOMAS, 137, from FENTON'S PEMBROKESHIRE, App., p. 
43 ; RYM., VIIL, 588, 699 ; ORD. PRIV. Co., IL, 341. In REC. ROLL, 10 
H. IV., MICH., October 9th, 1408, he pays ^25 for farm of alien priory of 
Pembroke. In Due. LANG. REC., xxvin., i, 4, February ist, 1395, to 
February 1st, 1396, and DEP. KEEP. 3<DTH REPT., p. 36, Francis Court, 
esquire of Henry, Earl of Derby, comes from Italy with furr' de Calabre 
de dono domini, and receives a demilong gown, furred with Calabre, for 
Christmas. In 1398, he went with Richard Doncaster to Milan for Henry. 
Due. LANG. REC., XXVIIL, i, 5, App. A. 



310 Owen and the French. [CHAP. LVI. 

pay ^200 by Sunday, November 22nd, 1405, and thereby to be 
secure from molestation till the ist of May following. There is 
still extant an interesting record of the payments levied to raise 
this "redemption money," in the vicinate of Carew. Receivers 
were appointed under the seal of the chancellor of the county, 
who were to have power to distrain on the goods of those who 
failed to pay their quota. Every knight's fee was to find 45., 
and the twelve churches 1 included in the district paid ^13 
is. id. between them, in sums varying according to the value 
of the rectory, the lowest being 35., and the highest 4 135. 4d. 
The disgrace to the English Government of this instructive 
transaction is emphasized when we remember that this little 
vicinate alone was surrounded by a ring of vast Norman castles, 
upon whose walls neither Welsh nor French could make any 
impression. Pembroke, Benton, Upton, Carew, Picton, Castle- 
martin, Maenor Byrr, 2 and Tenby could have held their own 
against all assaults, and been provisioned at any time from 
Dublin 3 or Bristol by sea, while a little inland was the Bishop 
of St. David's stronghold of Lawhaden, 4 and the great fortress 
of Narberth, commanded by the doughty Thomas, Lord Carew, 5 
who had given so good an account of himself with the rebels 
two years before. Lord Grey, however, could only report that 6 
the Pembroke men did not watch their opportunity to resist, 
and ask that a Commission might be held to enquire why they 

1 Viz. : Carew, Picton, Lawrenny, Coedcanlais, Martletwy, Mynwere, 
Yerbeston, Loveston, Reynoldston, Begelly, Jeffreston, and Gumfreston. 
2 Called Mamor Beer in ANTIQ. REPERT., n., 354. 3 CAL. ROT. HIB., 
182, February l8th, 1406, has order for sending 10 weys of corn or bar- 
ley from Dublin to Tenby, Kidwelly, or Llanstephan. 4 Called Laghadyn 
in RYM., vin., 328. It is figured in BUCK as Llehaiden. D. WILLIAMS, 
219, throws no light on the errors in RYMER. 5 He was appointed Con- 
stable of Narberth, October igth, 1402, and subsequently received a grant 
of the castle with the town of St. Clears, April 24th, 1404. Vol. I., 347 ; 
Q. R. ARMY, 5 8 6 , App. o.; PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 15, August I2th, 1405. For 
his will dated at Luppit, near Honiton (proved at Lambeth, in 1429), see 
GENEAL., v., 325. 6 ORD. PBIV. Co., i., 279. 



1406.] St. Pol de Leon. 311 

acted thus, "being so near to the rebel country." But it 
needed no Commission to tell him that, and when, on Decem- 
ber 2nd, 1405, his request was granted, and his term of office 
as Lieutenant of part of South and West Wales was extended to 
February ist, I4O6, 1 he was probably no nearer to a practical 
settlement than before. On December i4th, 1405,* he des- 
patched a messenger from Brecknock to the Council to explain 
the " great danger " that beset him and all in South Wales. 

In the beginning of November, 1405^ the elite of the 
French forces returned to their own country, leaving 1,200 light- 
armed troops, and 500 archers under a Picard leader known 
as " le Begue de Belay," to face the winter in Wales. They 
were comfortably lodged, and when Lent came they returned to 
their own country. But the English admiral was awake, and 
did not neglect his opportunity. In attempting to put to sea, 
they lost 14 of their ships and eight of their leaders, but by the 
beginning 4 of March, 1406, they made their way across to St. 
Pol de Leon, on the coast of Brittany, and landed with a 
further loss of eight ships 5 and 60 men. The results of these 
expeditions must have been miserably disappointing to the 
ambition of Owen. He had been led to expect some per- 
manent support from the Government of France, but he had to 
content himself with the slender assistance of a band of private 
plunderers, who were "idle and not occupied in any way." 6 
They took up adventuring to while away the time. They 
would not strike beyond the coast, and when they wearied of 
the work, they left him to fight his own battle, and returned 
to France, leaving no traces behind. 

1 PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 19, 24, 30. 2 ORD. PRIV. Co., IL, 90. 3 ST. 
DENYS, m., 328; COCHON, 211. 4 Circa carnisprivium. ST. DENYS, 
in., 328; JUVENAL, 437. Early in April, 1406, news of some great 
success in Wales reached Bordeaux, where thanksgivings and processions 
were appointed for Easter Day, April nth, 1406. JURADE, 87, where the 
editor refers it to the success at Grosmont, March nth, 1405. s ANN., 
419. WALS., IL, 273, says 38. 6 JUVENAL, 427. 



312 Owen and the French. [CHAP. LVI. 

While the French were still with him, Owen had sent two 
envoys to Paris, who returned and had an interview with him 
on March 5th, 1406. Their names appear as Maurice Kery and 
Hugh Eddouyer (Eddowes ?), a Dominican Friar, and their 
mission is of especial interest in connection with an effort which 
it is known l that Owen made about this time, to secure a 
national independence for the Welsh Church. The envoys 
brought with them a despatch, 2 in which King Charles VI. 
expressed a hope that Owen was well, and would write to him 
often. He might be assured that the King and Queen of 
France and all their children were well, and felt a cordial 
friendship towards him, now that they were bound together as 
one. But being united in temporal policy, should they not be 
one in spiritual things, so that they might walk with one accord 
in the house of the Lord? To further this hope, Owen is 
urged to join with France in recognizing Benedict XIII. as the 
true Pope, and to make all his subjects do the same. Princes, 
above all others, should know the real truth about the Schism, 
so the document gives a little historical treatise about Urban 
and Clement, from the French point of view. If Owen will 
agree, King Charles will use his influence with Benedict, that 
all prelates and beneficed clerks in Wales shall be confirmed in 
their present holdings, and that, as vacancies arise, only those 
persons shall be appointed who will be faithful and grateful to 
Owen, and not rivals or suspects. 

On receiving this despatch, Owen, by advice of his council, 
called together the "nobles of his race" (proceres de prosapia 
nostril), and the " prelates of his Principality," and after 
diligent examination, decided to abandon Innocent, and to 
recognize Benedict. This decision was announced to King 

1 GERSON, i., xvm. 2 CART., 516, 29, in TRANSCR. FOB. REC., 135, 
3, with seal appended in yellow wax. PAULI, v., 33 ; not 1405, as WOOD- 
WARD, 572. 



1406.] The Pennal Despatch. 313 

Charles in a letter written by Owen, at Pennal, near Machynlleth, 
on March 3151, 1406^ in which he begged, that as the French 
King had deigned to lift the Welsh nation from darkness to 
light, so he would continue his help to save them from being 
crushed by the rage of the Saxon barbarians. He then sug- 
gested the following proposals, to be submitted to the Pope : 

1. That any ecclesiastical censures that had been 
issued against the Welsh, should be removed. 

2. That the church of St. David's, that had been 
trampled upon and made subject to Canterbury, should 
be restored to its old position as the metropolitan church, 3 
with Bath, Exeter, Hereford, Worcester, Leicester (i.e., 
Coventry and Lichfield), St. Asaph, Bangor, and Llandaff 
as suffragans. 

3. That no one should be appointed to a bishopric or 
any church dignity unless he could speak Welsh. 

4. That all appropriations of Welsh churches to 
English colleges or monasteries should be annulled. 

5. That two universities should be established, one in 
North and the other in South Wales, the exact places to 
be determined afterwards. 

6. That " Henry of Lancaster," the usurper, and his 
supporters should be branded as heretics and tortured 
(cruciatum) in the accustomed form, for burning cathe- 
drals, churches, and monasteries, and for hanging, 
beheading, and quartering archbishops, bishops, prelates, 
priests, and religious, and that full remission of all their 
sins should be granted to those who warred against him. 

1 Not May, as TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135, from TRES. DES CH., J, 516. 
2 A list is given of 24 of its Archbishops from Eliud to Sampson, taken 
from " chronicles and old books of St. David's Church," see GIRALDUS, 
vi., 102. For the claims of St. David's, see GODWIN, n., 151 ; MONAST., 
vi., 1301 ; STUBBS, REG., 154. 



314 Owen and the French. [CHAP. LVI 

The envoys who carried this despatch did not pretend l that 
Richard was alive, but pressed the claims of the Earl of March. 
They got little satisfaction, however, beyond presents and 
promises, and advice to stand firm till the time should come. 
On October 2nd, I4o6, 2 the French King issued a vague 
proclamation to the "friends of truth," calling upon them to 
rise and drive out the usurper from England, and set up the 
true heir, the Earl of March, assuring them that the late 
expedition sent to Wales would have been much more effectual, 
had the French King been certain that his help was really 
desired. 

On the clerical side, the chief result of the negociation was 
the appointment of a Welshman, Llewellyn Bifort, to the see 
of Bangor, and from this point the bards 3 dress out their war- 
songs with appeals to Peter's seal and the Holy Father's 
blessing. 

'Juv., 443. 2 See the very corrupt text from MSS. DE BRIENNE, 
xxxiv., 227, in TRAHIS., 299; ADD. MS., 30663. It is printed also 
among the letters of MONTREUIL (1323), and there is an extract in ST. 
DENYS, in., 428. 

3 e.g., May God and Rome's blest father high 
Deck him in surest panoply ! 
Where'er he wends St. Peter guard him ! 
And may the Lord five lives award him ! 

IOLO GOCH, in GORCHESTION, 79; LLOYD, 11., 105; translated by 
BARROW, 242. 

Come well begirt with arms of Rome, 
Coming possest of Peter's seal, 
Thy cause full just will God reveal. 
GORCHESTION, 81 ; LLOYD, i., 220; n., 107; CYMMRODOR, iv., 230. 



CHAPTER LVII. 
DON PERO NINO. 

BUT other parts, besides the coasts of Wales, had been kept 
alert by French enterprise during this trying year, and while 
the English admirals were watching the enemy on the coasts of 
Pembroke, the whole of the Eastern and Southern shores of 
England were open to attack. A fleet of 16 Breton and 
Flemish vessels made a dash at the coast of Yorkshire. They 
landed at Hornsea, 1 burnt the town, and set fire to some 
neighbouring villages. But they were not allowed to repeat 
their exploit. Seven armed vessels set out in haste from Hull, 
fell upon the marauders, and captured the whole gang, so that 
not a man escaped, and the 16 vessels with their booty were 
towed triumphantly into the Humber. 

Simultaneously with this little effort, large forces had col- 
lected to attack the English in Guienne. The leaders were Jean, 
Count of Clermont; 2 Bernard VII., 3 Count of Armagnac, a 
devoted partisan of the Duke of Orleans, more dreaded at 
Bordeaux than the "French of France" 4 ; and Archambaud 
de Grailli, 5 known as " lo Captan," 6 lord of the district called 

1 ANN., 413. 2 GODEFROY, 415 ; MONSTR., i., 173 ; ADD. CH., 11402 
(May 3rd, 1405), records payment to him of 4750 livres tournois. For his 
marriage with Marie, daughter of the Duke of Berri, January 1 5th, 1400, 
see CABARET, 270. 3 TILLET, 314; ST. DENYS, in., 354. * He was 
promised possession of all the lands that he could conquer from the 
English. JURADE, 87. s The name is derived from Grelly, near Geneva. 
FLOURAC, 4. For will of John Grailli, Mayor of Bordeaux, proved at 
Lambeth in 1401, see GENEAL., vi., 27. 6 EC. DBS CHARTES, XLVII., 63 ; 
" Capdal de Bug." FLOURAC, 198, 199 ; " Captan de Beu." ST. DENYS, 
in., 202. Cf. " San Capdet et Saint George m'aist." DESCHAMPS, I., 217. 



316 Don Pero Nino. [CHAP. LVII. 

"la Tete de Buch," on the Bassin d'Arcachon. His father, 
Pierre, 1 had done splendid service for England in the time of 
Edward III., who made him one of his first Knights of the 
Garter. But the son, although he had done homage to 
Richard II., 2 had transferred his allegiance in i4oi, s on 
becoming Count of Foix, 4 and now brought his great in- 
fluence to bear in attacking 5 the broken power of England. 

The fall of Courbefy 6 in -the autumn of 1403, had been 
followed by the surrender of St. Jean de Colle 7 near Thivier, 
Badefols on the upper Dordogne, Montsaguel near Issegeac by 
the Valley of the Dropt, La Force and Madurant near Bergerac, 
and Chalais 8 on the border of Saintonge. Perigueux 9 had long 
been in the hands of the French, and it required only a further 
strong effort to drive out every Englishman from the Limousin 
and Perigord. 

The invading force now moved down the Garonne 
from Agen, and captured Aiguillon, 10 Port Ste. Marie, 11 
Tonnien, 12 Caumont, 13 Langon, Bazas, 14 and other fortified 

1 MORERI, v., 206, and ANSTIS, n., 8, are more consistent than L'ART 
DE VEK., ii., 313; BELTZ, 28; and NICOLAS, i., 32; yet in a document 
dated July I4th, 1342, in BOUILLONS, 142, Pierre de Grailli is Vicomte de 
Benauges, and Jean de Grailli is Captal de Buch. 2 RYM., vn., 161, 189. 
3 Ibid., viii., 223; ROY. LET., i., 438-456, where both letters should 
probably be dated April, 1401. 4 He had married the heiress Isabel de 
Foix in 1381. ARCHIVES HIST. DE LA GIRONDE, m., 179. For acknow- 
ledgment of him by Charles VI., March loth, 1401, see EC. DES CHARTES, 
XLVII., 73 ; L'ART DE VER., n., 313 ; DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 220. He suc- 
ceeded Mathieu de Castelbon in 1398. FLOURAC, 5, 195. s RYM., VIIL, 
445; JURADE, 99. 6 Vol. I., page 388. Called " Corbuffyn," in ORD. 
PRIV. Co., i., 254; " Courbuffin," in ROY. LET., I., 451 ; " Querboffyn," 
in PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 26, which records pardon, dated April 2 1st, 1405, to 
Thomas Henry, Robert Walton, and John Kernell, for surrendering (pro- 
ditionem) the castle. For its position in the hills near Chalus, at the head 
waters of the Isle, see ST. DENYS, in., 202, 208; BLAEUW, vn., 430. 
EC. DES CHARTES, XLVII., 73 ; FROISS., xxiv., 255 ; ROY. LET., i., 456. 
7 Petite chronique de Guienne, in EC. DES CHARTES, XLVII. , 64. 8 ROT. 
VASC., 7 H. IV., ii. 9 DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 155; JURADE, 10. I0 EC. 
DES CHARTES, XLVII., 64, 74. " DOUET D'ARCQ., i., 271 ; JURADE, 89. 
12 ST. DENYS, m., 356. *3 L'ART DE VER., n., 276. * Called " Bom- 
batat," in ST. DENYS, m., 356. 



1405.] Mortagne. 317 

places on the border. 1 They then approached Bordeaux, 2 and 
surrounded it with a force of 1,600 men-at-arms and 4,000 
archers. But the citizens did not venture to face them, and 
bought them off after a few days by the payment of large sums 
of money. 

Further down the river, on the right bank, the English had 
established themselves at Mortagne, 3 and had " appatised " 4 the 
neighbourhood for the support of their troops. In the spring 
of 1405, the lords of Saintonge 5 attacked the place with guns 
and "coullars," but the garrison held out gallantly. En- 
couraged by the heroism of the Lady of Mortagne, they would 
listen to no terms. At length, in the latter end of June, 1405, 
after seven weeks' resistance, they slipped out through a postern 
before 6 sunrise and escaped by the river, leaving the place in 
the hands of their assailants. 

We have, also, an account of a raid carried out in this year 
(1405), upon the South coast of England, which is especially 
valuable, as the attackers were, this time, not merely robbers, 
but men of education, capable of observing what they saw and 
relating their adventures in a lively narrative form. A French 
" repenting clerk," 7 Charles de Savoisi, Lord of Seignelay, near 
Auxerre, member of the council, grand cupbearer, 8 and first 
chamberlain 9 to the King of France, was a turbulent adherent 
of the party of the Duke of Orleans. He had visited England 
in i4oo, 10 accompanied by 100 attendants, to give our country- 

1 Including " Daire," possibly Villefranche de Cayran. BLAEUW, vm. y 
479. 2 ST. DENYS, in., 356 ; JUVENAL, 438. 3 ibid., 434. * EXCERPT. 
HIST., 38, 40. See DUCANGE, s.v. appatisatio, and ROQUEFORT, 
s.v. appatisser. 5 BARANTE, n., 207. ^ST. DENYS, in., 278. ? II 
estoit clerc non marie. Juv., 428; SPONDE, i., 691. He says nothing of 
this in his own account of himself. BAYE, I., 106. He afterwards married 
(1410) lolande de Rodemach. MORERI, s.v. For CHRISTINE'S eulogy of 
him in 1402, see PISAN, II., 99. For clers repentiz en mil cas ne vault rien, 
see DESCHAMPS, vii., 74. 8 For duties of the royal cupbearer, see ibid., 
vn. 175, 355- 9 MONSTR., Chap. XIII. I0 RYM., vin., 140, 151 ; ST. 
DENYS, in., 158. For his pedigree, see F. DUCHESNE, 418. 



318 Don Pero Nino. [CHAP. LVII 

men a taste of his quality in the lists. In January, 1403,* when 
the French King was suffering from his "grave malady," seven 
of Savoisi's retainers entered the apartments of one of the royal 
officers, cut him about the body with swords, and beat him 
brutally with big sticks about the reins, the legs, and the soles 
of his feet. But Savoisi escaped 2 punishment owing to the 
intervention of the Duke of Orleans. On July i4th, 1404^ he 
again got into trouble for breaking up a procession 4 in Paris. 
His followers pursued the defenceless throng into a church 
during the time of the High Mass ; some seized extinguisher- 
sticks, or anything that came to hand, and a free fight ensued, 
the arrows whizzing 5 about the head of the Abbe officiating 
at the altar. Ladies 6 hid their little children under their 
cloaks ; a priest went mad ; and several persons were so badly 
hurt that for three days they could not be removed to their 
homes. Three of the leaders in the attack suffered the 
canonical punishment. 7 They were made to walk " sark-alane " 8 
from the Chatelet 9 to the church of Ste. Genevieve, with lighted 
candles in their hands, there to beg pardon on their knees, and 
to be afterwards publicly fustigated in five of the principal 
streets and squares of Paris. Savoisi's hostel, 10 which was built 
with unusual magnificence, 11 was demolished to the sound of 
trumpets, and he himself was heavily fined and banished the 
country (August 22nd, I404). 12 "Desolate, and in great 

1 BAYE, i., 53. Not 1402, as PISAN, 11., 310. 2 BAYE, i., 56. 3 Ibid., 
I, 93, 100; DOUET D'ARCQ., I., 261. 4 For Ste. Catharine du Val des 
Escoliers, near the Porte Baudet, see FRANKLIN, i., 197-201. 5 BAYE, i., 
102 ; ST. DENYS, in., 187. 6 GERSON, v., 574. ? For a similar punish- 
ment in 1410, at South Molton, in Devon, for a murderous assault in the 
Parish Church at Filleigh, see STAFF. REG., 103. Cf. JURADE, 346; 
WALS., i., 451; THOMPSON, 167. 8 ABERDEEN RECORDS, 212. All 
naked but here shertes on. GOWER, CONF. AM., 78. 9 La sont les prisons 
en merveilleuse nombre. G. METZ, 65. I0 On September I5th, 1406, a 
royal order was issued allowing him to rebuild it. BAYE, I., 175 ; n., 288 ; 
DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 264; ST. DENYS, in., 388. "Ibid., in., 192. 
12 BAYE, i., 113 ; JUVENAL, 428. 



1405.] Charles de Savoisi. 319 

heaviness," he repaired to Marseilles, 1 where he had two galleys 
built and fitted with great completeness, the pennons 2 alone 
costing as much as the whole furniture of an ordinary vessel. 

In the following year he sailed for La Rochelle, 8 where he 
was joined by a wealthy Spaniard, Don Pero Nino, 4 who had 
come from Santander with three galleys to put himself at the 
disposal of the King of France. Nino was a special favourite of 
the Castilian King, Henry III., who had been brought up with 
him as a foster-brother. 5 If we may trust the panegyric of his 
biographer, he was a very paragon of chivalry. He had vast 
possessions 6 in almost every province of Castile, and he after- 
wards became Count of the Valley of Buelna, near Santander. 
He was now 27 years of age, 7 and had just returned from his 
first expedition in the Mediterranean, where he had been roving 
in search of Moorish corsairs about the coasts of France, 
Sardinia, and Africa. In accordance with the terms 8 of a 
treaty then existing between France and Spain, he was now sent 
for at the request of the French Government, who were making 
great efforts to attack the English in Guienne, in Wales, and at 
every available point. On arriving at La Rochelle, about July, 
i4<D5, 9 Nino found great preparations making for the attack 
upon Guienne. He straightway asked and obtained permission 
of the Constable, Charles d'Albret, 10 to make a dash at Bor- 

1 MONSTR., i., 75. 2 GAMEZ, 270. 3 In ST. DENYS, in., 316, they 
meet at Hirbrac (? Isle de Brehac, or Brehat), in Brittany. 4 Not Nufio, 
as RAMSAY, i., 93. 5 The King was nursed by Ines Laso, Nino's mother. 
6 GAMEZ, 534-541. ? Ibid., 108. 8 TILLET, 314. In GAMEZ (309), is a 
letter from the Duke of Bourbon, dated July 7th (1404?), to the King of 
Castile, urging him to send the 40 ships promised. 9 GAMEZ, 269. I0 Called 
d'Alebret (PlSAN, I., 209, 231 : II., 98) ; or d'Alabret, or d'Elebret (MART. 
COLLECT., i., 1561) ; i.e., Lord of Labrit in the Landes, = Lebret. DOUET 
D'ARCQ., i., 247; ARCHIVES HIST. DE LA GIRONDE, in., 131. In 
JURADE, 10, he signs himself " Le Sire de Lebret." For ballads addressed 
to him by Christine de Pisan, see PISAN, I., 208, 210, 225, 231. He was 
one of Boucicaut's Knights of the White Lady on the Green Shield. Bou- 
CICAUT, 255; PISAN, I., 210, 220; 11., p. iv.; founded April n, 1400, 
not 1399, as Vol. I., p. 42. 



320 Don Pero Nino. [CHAP. LVII. 

deaux. It was known that an English fleet was approaching, so 
the three Spanish galleys crept cautiously round into the 
Gironde, and came to anchor off Talmont. Putting out under 
cover of the night, they passed the castle of Bourg, and 
approached Bordeaux in the early dawn. No French ships had 
ventured so close before, and the city was caught unawares. A 
party was landed, who set fire to some houses and corn mills. 
But the garrison was soon roused, and the galleys had to row 
for dear life between a cross fire of darts, arrows, and stone-shot 
from both banks of the river. 

Nino had on board with him a bannerer named Gutierre 
Diez de Gamez, who kept a record of the deeds of his chief, 
and his graphic narrative 1 of the events of the expedition is 
still preserved. It may be supplemented by a short but 
independent summary 2 from the Frenchman's point of view, 
and a still scantier reference to the same events in one of the 
contemporary English chronicles. 3 So that from the three 
sources we can put together a tolerably complete account of the 
whole operations. 

The five galleys (three Spanish and two French) coasted 
along from La Rochelle to St. Malo, and then stood across for 
England. Like their French comrades, the Spaniards had no 
love for the English. The Dorsetshire corsair, Henry Pay, 4 
had given them cause to dread the English name when he 
carried off the crucifix from the calvary at Finisterre, and 
burned Gijon, on the rocky coast of Asturias, soon after the 

1 LE VICTOBIAL, OR CRONICA DE PEDRO NINO, Madrid, 1782, imper- 
fectly edited by EUGENIC DE LLAGUNO AMIROLO. Considerable extracts 
were given by SOUTHEY (n., 20-45), an( l these were further condensed by 
NICOLAS, ROYAL NAVY, n., 374-382. Further extracts were published by 
L. G. LEMCKE at Marburg, in 1865. The whole has been well edited and 
translated into French by COUNTS CIBCOUBT AND PUYMAIGRE. 2 Juv., 
436, and ST. DENYS, in., 316-322. 3 ANN., 381. 4 ISSUE ROLL, n H. 
IV., Mich., October loth, 1409, has a reference to messengers sent to 
Henry Pay, at Sandwich, with summons to appear before the King. 



1405.] Looe. 321 

two sieges and the destruction of its walls by the King of 
Castile, in September, I395- 1 To them the English were a 
strange, 2 incomprehensible race, whose land was a healthy spot 
abounding in food and metals, but greatly overstocked 3 with 
people ; a nation of bowlers 4 and gluttons ; a drinking, 5 blus- 
tering set, who could never do with peace if they were not 
fighting at home, 6 they must be plundering abroad. 7 

The first start from St. Malo was unlucky. Storms swept 
the adventurers back, and set them wondering whether, after 
all, God was not somehow specially protecting this vile people 
whom they meant to chastise. Reflecting, however, that the 
storms might possibly be a punishment 8 for their own sins, they 
waited awhile, the weather cleared and they started afresh at 
nightfall with chart and needle, 9 the lantern 10 gleaming from the 
poop of Nino's galley to indicate that he held the command. 
Falling in with some fishing boats near the Cornish coast they 
gave chase, captured nineteen of them, 11 and drowned the 
crews, after getting sufficient information from them to guide 
them in their intended raid. Their first essay was at a place 
which they call " Chita." 12 This is probably the same as the 

1 GAMEZ, 109-116; MARIANA, i., 322. In 1404, Pay seized the 
"Marie" of Danzig off the Spanish coast, sold the cargo in Lisbon, and 
took the ship to Falmouth. It was afterwards restored by order of King 
Henry. HIRSCH, DANZIG, 84. 2 GAMEZ, 211. 3 CHALCO., 97. 4 HIG- 
DEN, in., 359 ; P. PLO., x., 194, and note, p. 193. s Quamvis fateor si quis 
eo modo bibat lit mos est Anglicis vinum hebetare hommis ingenium. 
^N. SYLV., in TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 158, iv., 89; WYCLIFFE, SERMONS, 
iv., 336; HIGDEN, ii., 166; DENTON, 204; SCHWAB, 64. 6 Bellicosissi- 
mum genus. MARTENE, ANEC., i., 1699 ; RTA., iv., 309 ; CHALCO., n., 
49. LA MARCHE, I., 112, 118, considers England the most powerful island 
in the world, and that had not Providence provided the civil wars of the 
fifteenth century, the English would have conquered most of their neighbours. 
7 For an estimate of the English companies in Switzerland in 1374, see 
Ju STINGER, 145 (400), where they are " morder, rouber, brenner, kilch- 
enufbrecher, frowenschender, ungliickmakher," &c., &c. 8 GAMEZ, 280. 
9 Ibid., 276. For "nedel and stone," see GOWER, CONF. AM., 330, 413 
(also p. 85, note 2). 10 GAMEZ, 275. See JAL, s.v. Fanal. "Thou art 
our admiral, thou bearest the lantern in the poop." HENRY IV., Part I., 
IIL, 3, 28. " ST. DENYS, in., 318; Juv ; , 436. I2 GAMEZ, 281. 



322 Don Pero Niiio. [CHAP. LVII. 

modern town of East Looe, then known as Shouta. 1 The high- 
road from Plymouth to Fowey passed over the bridge at the 
harbour head, and in 141 1, 2 the Bishop of Exeter offered the 
usual indulgence to all who would contribute to the cost of a 
new bridge, which however was not completed till after 1418. 
The Spaniard describes Shouta as an unfortified town on the 
side of a hill, with all the streets leading to the water, the 
inhabitants, about 300 in number, 3 being chiefly rich merchants 
and fishermen. The strangers had some difficulty in crossing 
the bar, where the rush of the tide made the galleys unmanage- 
able either by oar or rudder, but once in the creek they found 
themselves in a safe and sheltered anchorage. They landed, 
slew many of the people, plundered and burnt the place, and 
captured two ships and cargoes, which they sent across, to- 
gether with their spoils, to Harfleur. After three hours, 
however, the neighbours collected and gave them some trouble 
as they left the harbour mouth, attacking the galleys with 
arrows and stones from both sides of the entrance. Being in 
want of fresh water, they sailed westward and made for Fal- 
mouth, 4 which they mistook for Dartmouth, the scene of the 
Breton landing in the spring of the previous year, but seeing a 
large muster of armed men prepared to receive them, they 
prudently withdrew and put out again to sea for the night. 
On the following day, they put about and ran eastward for 



i LYSONS, in., 217, with charter temp. Edward II. NICOLAS (n., 377) 
refers to BOND, 49, 260, 265. In 1347, it furnished 20 ships and 325 
sailors to the fleet of Edward III., for the reduction of Calais. NICOLAS, 
II., 508. 2 STAFF. REG., 245. 3 In Leland's time it had decayed to a 
" Smaule Fisher Villag hard on the se shore," and the harbour was but 
"aTyde Creke " (!TIN., vii., 98). CAREW (128) in his SURVEY (1603) 
says : " the foundation of their houses is grounded on the sand, and the 
profit chiefly accrueth from industrious fishing with boats of a middle size, 
able to brooke but not crosse the seas." 4 Alamua. GAMEZ, 283. 



1405-] Saltash. 323 

Saltash harbour. 1 They found there as many as 26 vessels, 
which drew back for protection to the bridge close to the 
fortified quarter of the town. The place reminded the 
Spaniards of Seville, 2 with its lovely surroundings, its noble 
buildings, and its bridge made of seven or eight barges. 

Saltash was surrounded with substantial walls and towers, 3 
from which the inhabitants opened a heavy fire on the in- 
truders.. They shot stones which rose to twice the height 
of a tower and fell into the sea half a league off, or, at any 
rate, the bannerer consoled his countrymen by telling them 
so, when he wrote his account thirty years afterwards, for 
it was necessary to season the story with a spice of the 
marvellous in order to explain the haste with which his 
" ever- victorious " hero * had to tail off. The French people 
were even led to believe that they had scored a great 
success here. 

The little squadron then sailed on to Portland, 5 where the 
Frenchmen were burning to repeat the pillage of the previous 
year, and avenge the capture of the Norman knights. 6 The 
tide was in, and the wretched, ill-armed inhabitants of the 



1 Called Le port de Tasche in ST. DENYS, m., 318; Juv., 436; i.e., 
Saltash, then called Salthasshe (Rov. LET., I., 271), or Saltasshe (STAFF. 
REG., 206), though the earlier name was Esse or Asche (CABEW, 112; 
LEL., ITIN., in., 23), or Ayssh (STAFF. REG., 324). In GLAUS., 8 H. 
IV., 13 (April 24th, 1407), and 9 H. IV., 10 (May 3ist, 1408), are refer- 
ences to the desecration of the church and vicarage of " Saltassh," and con- 
sequent excommunication enforced by the sheriff. Juvenal has probably 
confused the events of Looe and Saltash. He makes the French have a 
great success at Tasche, after a good deal of " pretty rough work," 
(assez aspre besongne). 2 MARIANA, i., 329. 3 A petition in 1411, still 
speaks of Plymouth as defenceless. LYSONS, VI. , 391. For old Ply- 
mouth, see ANTIQUARY, May, 1886. 4 GAMEZ, 61, 62, 131, 535. 
s Prolent. ST. DENYS, in., 168, 318; Piolent. JUVENAL, 436. 6 Vol. 
I., page 436. GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 30 (October 24th, 1404), has order 
to the Constable of the Tower to give up French prisoners captured 
at " Portlond." 



324 Don Pero Nino. [CHAP. LVII. 

island seeing the galleys approach, fled to the caves for shelter. 1 
Plundering parties were landed, who made a few prisoners and 
fired some houses. 2 But, by this time, the tide was going out 
and the bank was bare. Archers and men-at-arms were seen 
to be approaching from the mainland. The bugle was sounded 
and the plunderers were recalled before they could do any 
damage to the church. 3 But, ere they could re-embark, they were 
engaged by the English archers, and others of their comrades 
had to be landed from the galleys to help them in their retreat. 
Arrows fell as thick as snow, and the marauders got back with 
difficulty to their boats when night began to fall. Both the 
French and Spanish accounts seem to claim credit for not 
doing so much damage as they meant, but the Frenchmen, 
who were always the first to shrink from landing in the face of 
real danger, have as usual a little the best of it in gasconade. 

The galleys then passed unmolested along the Dorset coast, 
landing without opposition here and there for wood and water. 
As they neared Poole, the Spanish commander ascertained that 
they were close to the home of the famous " 'Arripay." Up till 
now they had prided themselves on having spared churches, 
women, prisoners, and standing crops, but in the country of 
the sacrilegious rover they felt themselves free from such self- 
imposed restrictions. They landed, burnt houses and crops, 
and carried off cattle, and then made for the entrance to Poole 
harbour. At daybreak they sighted the haven, and another 
landing was proposed. The Frenchmen refused, not liking 
their last experience at Portland, but Nino insisted and sent a 
party from his own galleys with orders not to cumber themselves 
with plunder, but to plant a banner for bravado and set fire to 
the houses, if they could. The town of Poole was then un- 

1 GAMEZ, 296. 2 Juv. (436) says five villages. 3 In ST. DEXYS, in., 
318, and Juv., 436, it is " une abbaye," quDedam sollemnis abbacia. 






1405.] Poole. 325 

fortified, though " well inhabited and manned," l but the Spanish 
chronicler notes that there was a fair tower with a round, cup- 
shaped top made of tin, which formed a striking object as they 
entered the haven. The landing-party fired some houses and 
forced an entrance into a big building stored with guns, 2 ropes, 
sails, rigging, cordage, and other tackle. 8 But some archers in the 
town had torn down 4 doors from the houses, and advanced using 
them as pavises 5 or shelter-boards. They came on in pairs, 
the paviser 6 planting the door while the archer took aim. They 
got so close that the Spaniards could distinguish the dark men 
from the red, and so steadily did they shoot that the intruders 
did not dare to stoop to charge their cross-bows. Seeing his 
men draw back, Nino himself landed and persuaded the French- 
men to join him. With the banner at their head they raised a 
shout of " Santiago ! " and made a rush upon the English. The 
gallant Gamez describes his companions as very Sebastians all 
stuck about with arrows. He himself stood like a bull in the 
arena. 7 The yard-shafts fell round him so thick that you could 
not step without tramping on them, and they were to be picked 
up by sheafs. The fight was stubborn, but the English at last 
fell back, leaving a few prisoners in the hands of their enemies, 
and the body of one of Pay's brothers was left dead on the 

1 ROT. PARL., iv., 445. 2 GAMEZ, 302. 3 For " takell," see YEAR 
BOOK, ii H. IV., MICH., 13; MIRROR OF OUR LADY, 226 ; GOWER, 
CONF. AM., 152. 4 The same thing was done by the enraged fishermen on 
the Thames' banks in February, 1406, when their nets were seized by order 
of the Mayor of London. LIB. ALB., i., 515. s See RYM., vin., 384; 
GROSE, 27 ; MEYRICK, n., 140; VIOLLET-LE-DUC, s.v. pavois, vi., 215; 
for escudados (porte pavois), see GAMEZ, 120, 152, 191, 195, 312. In the 
combat at Montendre in Saintonge [(May, 1402), see GAMEZ, 285, 324; 
PISAN, I., 240-244] the English champions were provided with "targes et 
pavois pour le jet des lances." Juv., 422. Cf. HARD., 366, " And archers 
good well pauyshed in specialitee." See also FROIS. (JOHNES), ll., 208; 
KNIGHT, IL, 248, from HARL. MS., 4379. 6 PROMPT. PARV. s.v. quotes 
Talbot's Ordinances, 1419. " i j yomen made them a good pavise of 
bordes, that on may hold it while the other dothe shete." EXCERPTA 
HISTORICA, 42 ; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, Plate xl., 259. 7 GAMEZ, 303. 



326 Don Pero Nmo. [CHAP. LVII. 

field. From his prisoners Nino learned that the King's forces 
had been baffled by the Welsh, and the chronicler expresses his 
regret that the number of the galleys was so small : with twenty 
more, now would have been the time to do " marvellous things." 
Sailing on, they next came to the Isle of Wight, but when 
the islanders saw them approach, they were this time not at all 
dismayed. About 400 of them were drawn up armed on the 
shore, waving their caps l and shouting : " Come out of your 
galleys ! " and when a small party landed, they captured them 
and refused to allow them to return, but sent to enquire from 
the others in the ships the reason of their coming. The French- 
men answered that they came in the name of Richard the 
rightful King of England, and of Isabel his wife, to whom their 
tribute ought to be paid. But the islanders replied that they 
knew that Richard was dead, and that Isabel had returned to 
her father, and they would hear nothing of tribute. The 
French broke out upon them with threats that they would 
soon rue their insolent defiance. " Come on, then ! " said the 
islanders mockingly, and they offered to let them land and to 
give them six hours to refresh themselves before beginning 
their attack. The invaders, however, knowing that some of their 
party were already captured, and suspecting that they were 
^ /j being lured into a bushment, 2 declined the invitation and 
/j* prudently sailed away. This is the English account. 3 The 
* ' French 4 say that they landed and dispersed the English and 
left 22 of them dead, that they then advanced into the island, 
set fire to a large village, and returned in safety to their ships. 
Sailing into Southampton water, they found in the harbour 

1 ST. DENYS, in., 320. 2 Page 93, note 3, alsoWvcL. (M.), 421. Em- 
busshement. GOWER, CONF. AM., 384. 3 ANN., 381, where the events 
seem referred to 1404 (RAMSAY, I., 77). Following this date, I had already 
worked in the story in Vol. I., p. 445, but it is much more probable that it 
belongs to the year 1405. 4 Juv., 436. 






1405.] Southampton. 327 

a Genoese carack, which had been taken by the English. They 
could not bring it off, as the sails had been removed, and they 
were about to burn it when the master begged them to desist, as 
he had hopes that he would get restitution l ultimately from the 
English courts. They came within sight of Southampton, 
which was then a fortified town 2 with a strong intrenched 
castle, surrounded with towers, ditches, and walls more than a 
mile-and-a-quarter in circumference, recently strengthened on 
the south or Watergate 3 side facing to the sea. Against such 
works the marauders could make no stand, so they amused 
their crews by telling them that they were sailing up " a great 
river called the Thames," 4 and had come within sight of 
London. They then sailed up to Havant, 5 but found that 
stakes had been rammed into the mud to stop their course. 
Nothing daunted, they drove at them in small boats, made good 
a landing, fired the town, and did some plundering. 

The galleys reached Harfleur at the end of September, 
1405, where the crews got supplies of biscuit, 6 and lay up for 
the winter. But Nino, being " very valiant and well-reputed in 
love," 7 went up the Seine to Rouen with some of his comrades, 
and spent a few days in gaiety in the mansion of the gallant old 
Admiral Renaud de Trie, 8 at Serifontaine 9 near Gisors. He 



1 GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 25, has order to Mayor of Southampton (January 
igth, 1406), to release a carack of Genoa captured when Prince Thomas 
was across the sea. 2 RYM., ix., 293 ; DAVIES, 63-110 ; CLARK, n., 472- 
481 ; HIST. MSS., IITH KEPT., A pp. in., p. 7. 3 Vol. I., 385. PAT., 
12 H. IV., 18, in DAVIES, 112 ; PRIV. SEAL, 651/6816, March 26th, 1411, 
refers to Southampton as lately fortified. 4 In GAMEZ, 310, the place is 
called " Antone, near London." In ST. DENYS, in., 320; Juv. , 436, it 
is "Hantonne," Hantonia. LUSSAN, iv., 196, calls it " Anache." 5 Avon- 
othe, in ST. DENYS, in., 320. 6 See receipts dated October 3rd and 7th, 
1405, in GAMEZ, 306, 314; JARRY, 344. ^ GAMEZ, 62. His wife, Cos- 
tanza de Guevara had recently died. 8 Juv., 438 ; DESCHAMPS, vn., 202. 



328 Don Pero Nino. [CHAP. LVII. 

then went to Paris and took service in the household of the 
Duke of Orleans, and was ready, when the following year came 
round, to begin his piracies again. 

He was Keeper of the castle of Rouen. See documents dated July 1 2th 
and September nth, 1399, in THORPE'S CATALOGUE, 1835, p. 56. In 
BAYE, I., 7, he attended the council July I4th, 1401, as Messire R. de Trie, 
amiral de la mer ; also ibid., 66 (May 26th, 1403). He resigned April 1st, 
1405 (MAS-LA TRIE, 2184), in consideration of a large sum of money. For 
his ballads, see CHAMPOLLION, 129 ; LE LIVRE DE CENT BALLADES, 
QUEUX DE ST. HILAIRE, Paris, 1868 ; PISAN, I., xxvu. His will is dated 
on his death-bed, April I2th, 1406. GAMEZ, 570. After his death, his 
widow, the beautiful Jeanne de Bellengues, engaged herself to Nino, but he 
failed to carry out his promise. MORERI, x., 341; SOUTHEY, n., 33; 
CONTEMP. REV., January, 1893, P- 99- 9 ITLNERAIRES, 293. 



CHAPTER LVIII. 

CASTILE AND PORTUGAL. 

YET, all this time, there was peace and personal friendliness 
between the courts of England and Castile. King Henry's 
half-sister Catherine, had married Henry III., King of Castile 
and Leon. She was contracted to him when he was only eight 
years old, and she married him in I393, 1 as soon as he was 
fourteen. He was then a pale, delicate lad, 2 pleased with his 
hawks 3 and his kayle-pins, 4 but his handsome features were 
marred with the finger of premature decline, and he is known 
in the old lists as Henry the Nesh. 5 He was made a Knight of 
the Garter in i4oi. 6 After long and anxious disappointment, 
his wife at length bore him a son (afterwards John II.), in the 
Franciscan monastery at Toro on the upper Douro, March 6th, 
I405. 7 Torch fires were instantly lighted, and messengers 
posted to convey the glad news to the happy father at Segovia, 8 
some 100 miles away. Then followed great rejoicings and a 
feeling of national relief, for the kingdom of Castile was torn 
with internal factions, and threatened 9 on all sides by Portugal, 
by Aragon, and by the Moors. But, before the infant was two 

1 For the "reasonable aid" raised for her dowry, see FURNESS COUCHER, 
I., 224. 2 See the story of his mother shaking him violently when he was 
a baby, to get rid of the stranger's milk. GAMEZ, 108. 3 MARIANA, I., 
335- 4 Juvenem quemdam vidi ludentem. BONET, 223. NOTICES DES 
MSS., 569, and STRUTT, SPORTS AND PASTIMES, 202. s El Doliente. 
Le Maladif. GOWER, CONF. AM., 216, 273; COURT OF LOVE, 1092. 
6 BELTZ, xiv., xv. ; NICOLAS, n., li. For his arms in the cloisters at 
Canterbury, see WILLEMENT, 145. ? MARIANA, i., 332. She had already 
two daughters, Mary and Catherine. RYM., vni., 683. 8 GAMEZ, 205. 
9 Yet in 1411, Boniface Ferrer praises the independence of the courts in 
Castile. MART., ANEC., n., 1470. 



330 Castile and Portugal [CHAP. LVIII. 

years old, Henry III. died at Toledo, December 25th, I406. 1 
Some of his letters 2 to the King of England are still preserved, 
professing much attachment to his " dear and most beloved 
brother," and when a truce was concluded in 1403,3 between 
him and the King of Portugal, it was expressly stipulated that 
the King of England should be included 4 as the friend and 
ally of both, though Lisbon 5 and Oporto had the same tale to 
tell of English piracy as the Castilian 6 ports on the shores of 
the Bay of Biscay. 

Queen Catherine is described as a tall woman of a simple 
and liberal mind, who became very stout, owing to her English 
habit of over-indulgence in drink. She died suddenly on June 
2nd, I4i8, 7 and was buried in the cathedral at Toledo, and her 
English attendants returned to their native land. 

The King of Portugal, Joao I., known as John the Good 8 
or the Father of his country, was connected with the King of 
England by still nearer personal ties. Nineteen years previously, 
he had married Henry's own sister Philippa, 9 one of the two 
young girls 10 of genuine English parentage whom John of 

1 MURATORI, III., 2, 802 J SURITA, 275 '> RAYNALDI, XVII., 304 ; WAD- 
DING, ix., 317 ; NICOLAS, ORDERS, i., 49. 2 ROY. LET., i., in, has a fac- 
simile of his signature. 3 ROY. LET., i., 191, 228 ; RYM., vni., 329, 351, 
425 ; BAYE, I., 69. For compulation by the Era of Spain, see ROY. LET., 
i., xlvii. TRANSCR. FOB. REC., 153, xiii., has a document dated Leicester, 
August 2lst (s.a.), in which King Henry IV. informs King John of Por- 
tugal that he has heard from John Gomez de Silva of the ten years' truce 
with Castile, from Michaelmas last. Q. R. WARDROBE, \ s , App. B, shows 
136 expenses of ambassadors of King of Castile, 1403. 4 FRENCH ROLL, 
7 H. IV., 15, December 27th, 1405. For treaty between England and 
Portugal dated July 22nd, 1403, from Lisbon Archives, see TRANSCR. FOR. 
REC., 153, iv., xiii. s p^ R . ROLL, 7 H. IV., 14; RYM., vin., 727. 6 Page 
54. ? Not 1408, as MONSTR., i., 402. See MARIANA, i., 362 ; TURQUET, 
680. For her letters to King Henry, dated Tordesillas, April 1 7th, 1411, 
see RYM., vin., 683 ; and Valladolid, July 3oth (5th?), 1412, see WOOD, 
i., 86 ; VESP. F., in., 82. 8 LA MARCHE, i., 115. Juan el Vengador in 
FARIA Y SOUSA, 231. 9 Not "half-sister," as DICT. NAT. BIOG., xix., 102. 
10 For another named Isabel, who died in infancy, see NOTES AND QUERIES, 
7th Ser., vin., 424. 



1405.] Philippa of Portugal. 331 

Gaunt 1 had put under the charge of the infamous adulteress, 3 
Catherine Swynford. 3 The younger, Elizabeth, had an irregular 
experience 4 of "court ways and manners." She had been 
divorced, 5 when very young, from her first husband the Earl of 
Pembroke, and had been married in a hurry to her second hus- 
band, John Holland, afterwards Earl of Huntingdon, to save 
appearances, if possible, before the birth of her child. The 
elder, Philippa, sailed from Plymouth 6 to Corunna in July, 
1386, with the great expedition which her father was fitting out 
to fight for his claims to the crown of Castile, and her brother 
Henry saw her again no more, though, if his exile had lasted 
long enough, he had intended to pay her a visit in i399- 7 

At Candlemas, 1387, she was married to the King of Por- 
tugal, a "gracious prince" 8 of handsome form and well-stored 
mind, in every way suited to his English bride. English ways 
were continued in her new home, her chancellor being an 
English parson, Adam Devonport. 9 English ladies accom- 
panied her and married into Portuguese houses, 10 and French 
was introduced in her court as the courtly language of her 

1 So spelt in RYM., vin., 625, 656; GLAUS., 12 H. IV., 32; MURI- 
MUTH, 93; or Gawnt. GASC., 137; PRIV. SEAL, 646/6345, 647,6473. 

2 FROIS., xv., 238 ; SANDFORD, 253 ; WOOD, i., 78 ; EXCERPT. HIST., 152. 

3 In Due. LANC. REG., XL, 14, 30, 96, 132 (John of Gaunt's Register), 
Dame K. Swynford is " meistresse de nos filles," i.e., Philippa and Eliza- 
beth. HOLT, 148. 4 Malvern in HIGDEN, ix., 97. NOTES AND QUERIES, 
7th Ser., vm., 122; DOYLE, in., 13. s Viduatam," says CAPGR. DE 
ILLUSTR. HENR., 98. 6 KNIGHTON, 2676; not Bristol, as FROIS., XL, 326. 
7 FROIS., xvi., 107, -136. 8 Ibid., in., 124. 9 He had been a prebendary 
of St. Paul's till 1381. LE NEVE, 369; DUGDALE, 237 ; NEWCOURT, i., 
125 ; BLORE, 6 ; where the Earl of Arundel begs for him the living of 
Stokenham, near Dartmouth, probably because he was tired of living abroad. 
But the King put in Richard Prentys (Canon of Salisbury from September 
2nd, 1404, to October 7th, 1406. JONES, 420; will proved, 1416. Ibid., 
386), who was instituted July I4th, 1404. STAFF. REG., 211, 340. Devon- 
port did not get possession till May I7th, 1417, when he was over 60 years 
of age, and had no other benefice. He was presented by the Countess of 
Salisbury after the death of Prentys. The living was worth ^33 6s. 8d. 
STAFF. REG., 24, 80. I0 FOSTER, VISITATIONS, 200. 



332 Castile and Portugal. [CHAP. LVIII. 

English home. In 1400^ her husband was made a Knight of 
the English Order of the Garter. Every year their family in- 
creased, and as the boys ~ and girls were born, they received 
names familiar alternately in Portuguese and English homes. 
The first-born, Blanche, and her brother Alonso, 8 died young, but 
the rest all lived to fill great places in the world. One of them, 
Isabel, 4 became the wife of Philip the Good, Duke of Bur- 
gundy ; Edward (or Duerte), 5 known as the Eloquent, has left 
many treatises 6 on moral and philosophic subjects, breathing a 
spirit of warm affection towards his English mother ; Pedro, 
the " prince that travelled over the seven parts of the world," 
spent twelve years in visiting the cities of every country in 
Europe ; while Henry, Duke of Viseu, named after his English 
uncle and known as "the Navigator," has left a deathless name 
as the daring explorer who first ventured beyond Cape Bojador 
into the " Sea of Darkness," 7 and touched the secrets of the 
mysterious Western Ocean. At the time at which we have now 
arrived, he was but a boy, eleven years of age, with no hint of 
the great destiny that lay before him. Queen Philippa was 
regarded as a model of womanly goodness, 8 famed for her 



1 BELTZ, LIV., CLVI., 398, though NICOLAS (u., LII.) thinks 1406. 2 See 
their names in SANDFORD, 40-45 ; MAJOR, 24 ; FARIA Y SOUSA, 241. 
Besides the eight there given, MARIANA (n., 13) adds three girls Eleanor, 
Catherine, and Joan. 3 Or Afonso.-MuRPHY, 35. For his tomb by a Flemish 
artist in the cathedral at Braga, see LABORDE, 11., cxxx. 4 LA MARCHE, i., 
97, 106, 117; MONSTR., iv., 370. In the inscription on her father's tomb at 
Batalha she is called Elizabeth. MURPHY, 57 ; COLL. TOP. ET GEN., i., 85. 
In LEFEVRE, i., 3; n., 150, 158, 163, she is both Isabel and Elizabeth. 
Her portrait was painted by John van Eyck in 1429. BARANTE, iv., 289; 
LABORDE, I., xxx., cxxix., 251. For figure of her in the chapel of Notre 
Dame de la Treille at Lille, see VINCART, 50. 5 In 1405 he sailed from 
Venice to Jerusalem. ORIENT LATIN, n., 245, where he is called Azifar 
primogenito del Re di Portogallo. For portrait of his daughter Leonora, 
see ARCH/EOL., XLIII., 2. For his monument and that of his Queen, 
Dona Lianor, at Batalha, see MURPHY, 32. 6 MAJOR, 167. For his library, 
see GOTTLIEB, 268. i MAJOR, 87 ; PURCHAS, Bk. II., p. 4; ANDREWS, 
IL, ii. 8 MAJOR, 29, from MATTEO DI PISANO. 



1405.] King John of Portugal 333 

fasting and abstinence and her care for her children, and the 
wise training and splendid success of her family certainly tend 
to bear out the justice of the claim. She died of the plague, 
July i8th, 1415, and was buried in the monastery of Odivallis, 
where a most fragrant smell i arose from her body. Fifteen 
months later (October i5th, 1416), it was disinterred and placed 
in the Mausoleum in the great Dominican church' which King 
John built on the battlefield of Aljubarrota, 2 about sixty miles 
to the north of Lisbon, in memory of his victory over the King 
of Castile (August i4th, 1385). Philippa and her husband here 
lie side by side, 8 her right hand clasped in his, and her left hand 
holding a book. 

King John is known as " the King of Happy Memory," and 
he had a great reputation for piety. 4 His official letters 5 are 
plentifully sprinkled with Bible texts. When a young man, he 
had taken an oath of chastity, as became the Grand Master 6 of 
the Order of Avis, and previous to his marriage at thirty years 
of age, he was believed by those who knew him 7 to have been 
strict in keeping .it to the letter. He then went through the 
form of obtaining from the Pope an official dispensation 8 to 
free him from his strict obligation. But when we look a little 

1 FARIA Y SOUSA (STEVENS), 270, who says that she was then 64 years 
old ! 2 BONET, APPARITION, 26, 73 ; FROIS., XL, 163. 3 jr or h er epitaph, 
see MURPHY, 57, who made a beautiful sketch of the tomb in 1789. For 
fancy pictures of her and her husband in sixteenth century costumes, from a 
Portuguese MS. (circ. 1525), see SHAW, DRESSES, Vol. 2. 4 For his gifts 
of crosses, chalices, cruets, boats, censers, candlesticks, vestments, altar- 
cloths, &c. , to the church at Batalha, see MURPHY, 43. These have all 
been melted down or sold, but the church still possesses a small gold cross 
with relics of Peter and Paul, and a small piece of the Holytoat in a 
crystal shrine, set in gold, being a certain specific for curing women afflicted 
with hemorrhage. Both these curiosities were sent to him by the Emperor 
Manuel, on his visit to Paris, June I5th, 1401. s ROY. LET., i. , 228. For 
a stock of similar selected phrases suitable for addressing kings and others, 
see HARL. MS., 431, no (99). 6 LA MARCHE, i., 109; FARIA Y SOUSA, 
231. Religiosus fuerim non est diu. BONET, 221 ; MENEZES, 9. ? FROIS., 
in., 159. "Mis juz sa religion." NOTICES DES MSS., v., 569. 8 MAL- 

VERN, in HlGDEN, IX., 96. 



334 Castile and Portugal. [CHAP. LVIII. 

nearer, the facts are all against him, and it is certain that he 
had already played loose with his vow without Papal or other 
sanction in the matter. As the result of a liaison with a lady 
named Agnes Pires, 1 he had at least two children before his 
marriage, who must somehow be provided for. The mother 
became Superior of a convent, and the children were legiti- 
mated by royal order. The son, Alfonso Count of Barcellos, 
became Duke of Braganza and the ancestor of a line of Kings. 
The daughter, Dona Brites or Beatrice^ was now of age to be 
looking out for a husband. King John was himself a chance- 
child, 3 and his queen Philippa harboured no harsh thoughts 
against his left-hand offspring. At any rate, she interested 
herself in the advancement of the Lady Beatrice, and when 
Portuguese ambassadors had been passing into England in 
connection with the truce with Castile, they were authorised to 
approach King Henry with a view to obtaining for her an 
English husband. Henry's choice fell upon Thomas Fitzalan, 4 
Earl of Arundel and Surrey, an intimate friend and com- 
panion 5 of his son Henry, Prince of Wales. The Earl of 
Arundel had for some time kept up a friendliness by corre- 
spondence with the court at Lisbon, though we know on the 
best authority, that, when the match was really made, the young 
gentleman did not want a foreigner 6 whom he had never seen. 

1 COLL. TOP. ET GEN., i., 80, quoting Jos. SCARES DE SYLVA, i., 246, 
252. 2 MAJOR, 24. In TRANSCRIPTS FOR. REC., 153, xin., n, she is 
Senhora Da Brites ; but the King himself spells it Beatriz. BLORE, 8. 
In MENEZES, 407, she is Dona Beatriz. 3 LA MARCHE, i., 107, no. 
4 Vol. I., p. 21. For list of his father's confiscated beds, testers, costers, 
cushions, &c., see Q. R. WARDROBE, **. 5 For their visit together to the 
shrine of St. John at Bridlington, see DUGDALE, I., 321. The Earl of 
Arundel's mother was Elizabeth, daughter of William de Bohun, Earl of 
Northampton (MONAST., VL, 135), and his father's sister, Joan, was the 
wife of Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, the Prince's grandfather. 
SHROPSHIRE ARCH^OL. Soc., n., 198 ; DOYLE, i., 74. 6 WOOD, i., 81 ; 
dating his letter in BLORE, 6, June 25th, 1404, not 1405, from internal 
evidence. The living of Stokenham was filled up July I4th, 1404 (Page 



1405.] Dona Brites. 335 

He was now twenty-four years old, 1 and, a year or two before, 
he had paid a large sum of money to the King to be allowed 
to choose for himself in these matters. King Henry was urgent, 
however, and a dower of 50,000 crowns was to be had with the 
lady ; so the Earl put his scruples aside, and, " by the King's 
commandment," sent across Sir John Wilshere, 2 Mayor of 
Arundel, 3 Master John Snapp, and a squire whose name 
appears in the Lisbon records as John Vabelate, 4 to represent 
him in the transaction. Negociations were continued during 
the winter of 1404^ and the Earl's proxy, whom the Portuguese 
called " Huelcitsyra," 6 sailed from England in the following 
spring. On April 2oth, 1405, Beatrice was solemnly contracted 
in marriage to the Earl of Arundel in the royal palace at 
Lisbon. In October, 1405, she and her brother Alfonso 7 
crossed to England, attended by a retinue of knights, and 
on November 26th, 1405, 8 the marriage was celebrated at 
Lambeth by the Archbishop of Canterbury " with glory and 

331, note 9). The Earl speaks of it (June 25th) as " now vacant " (ore. 
voide). JONES (315) puts the death of Thomas Montague on August 3ist, 
1404, which is too late. 

1 He was born October 1 3th, 1381. TIERNEY, i., 277 ; YEATMAN, 324. 
He was dubbed a knight, and got his gilt spurs (P. PLO., XXL, n) in the 
Tower, on the eve of Henry's coronation. L.T.R. ENROLLED WARDROBE 
ACCTS., II, shows payments on his account, together with the King's 
sons, Thomas, John, and Humphrey, three other earls, five barons, Lord 
Beaumont, and thirty-three knights, pro apparatibus suis ad ordinem mili- 
tarem accipiendum, making a total of forty-six (Vol. I., p. 43), as ZANT- 
FLIET, 355; HOLINS., 511. For picture of the ceremony, see STRUTT, 
ANGEL-CYNNAN, II., PI. ix. 2 DALLAWAY, II., 2, 244. PAT., 8 H. IV., 
2, II, June 20th, 1407, refers to John Wilteshyre, knight, going to Wales. 
He was one of the executors of the Earl's will in 1415, and was present at 
Agincourt. SUSSEX ARCH/EOL. COLL., xv., 127. In RYM., VIIL, 730, 
his name is Wilteshire. 3 PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 23. 4 TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 
153, xiil. 5 Ibid., 153, XITL, II, refers to a document showing that 
negociations were commenced in England by John Vas de Almada, and 
concluded on February 7th, 1405, by Martin d'Ocem. The original docu- 
ment does not exist, but is quoted from FERN. LOP. CHRON. 6 COLL. TOP. 
ET GEN., i., 81. Or Huelscira, in a letter dated October I7th, 1413, in 
TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 153, xm. In the same letter Arundel is called 
Conde de Rondel, i RYM., VIIL, 428, 430. 8 CoLL. TOP. ET GEN., i., 82. 



336 Castile and Portugal. [CHAP. LVIII. 

magnificence," in presence of the King and Queen of England, 
the Duke of York, 1 who had been released from durance at 
Pevensey, the Earls of Kent and Warwick, and many dis- 
tinguished personages, both English and Portuguese. King 
Henry received the bride at the west door 2 of the ante-chapel, 
where she stood at his right side as he gave her away. The 
Bishops of Winchester, Bath and Wells, and Chichester assisted 
at the function in full pontificals, and the bride and bridegroom 
offered each a candle of white wax, unpursed a gold noble 
and laid it on the book 8 after the nuptial-mass. All these 
details, together with long extracts from the marriage service, 
were taken down by notaries and forwarded officially to Lisbon, 
in a document 4 which is preserved to the present day. 

Of the promised 50,000 crowns of dowry, the Earl got half 5 
on his marriage-day, but the rest was still only in prospect and 
might remain a doubtful factor so long as rovers held the sea. 
His lands around Oswestry 6 and the adjoining districts of Yale 
and Bromfield, 7 in Denbighshire, had been laid waste, and he 
had had to borrow 2,000 marks (.1,333 6s. 8d) to meet the 



1 Page 48. 2 For bridal-mass and marriage at the church door, see 
ROCK, IV., 172. 3 That ever was the gold unpursed, 

The which she laid upon the book. 

GOWEB, CONF. AM., 223 ; cf. HOLT, 30. 

4 TBANSCR. FOR. REC., 153, xin., from ARCHIVO REAL DA TORRE DO 
TOMBO CASA DA COROA GAV., 17, Mac. 6. DUGDALE, i., 320, places the 
marriage in 1404, and his mistake is followed by GOUGH, STOTHARD, and 
BLORE. The true date (1405) is given in ANN., 416; WALS., n., 272; 
HYPOD., 417 ; CAPGR., 293 ; GREY FRIARS' CHROX., n ; MILLES, 655 ; 
and TIERNEY, I., 283. s i.e., 25,000 crowns, which was equal to 6,250 
English marks (^4,500), at the rate of four crowns to the mark. TRANSCR. 
FOR. REC., 153, xin., dated April 2oth, 1405 ; BLORE, 8, 9. See also 
the Earl's letter dated Arundel, June 25th, 1404. 6 PAT., 10 II. IV., I, 
21, shows that Owen had burnt and wasted the domain of Whittington ante 
hcec tempora, i.e., before 1408. 7 These had been forfeited by his father, 
together with the castles of Chirk, Holt (known as Chastel Lyons, or 
Castell Lleon, Castrum Legionis) and Great Dawley, near Shiffnal (called 
Dalileye in DEP. KEEP. 36x11 REPT., n., 30; INQ. P. MORT., in., 222). 



1405.] Thomas, Earl of ArundcL 337 

preliminary expenses for his wedding. When his " moillere " ] 
came over in 1405, she brought letters 2 from the King and 
Queen of Portugal to King Henry, urging reasons in his favour 
for delay in payment of his dues, and from time to time wel- 
come casks of Portuguese wine 3 found their way across to aid 
the young couple in their housekeeping. 

When restoring the fortifications and re-building the streets 
of Oswestry, which had been burnt* by the Welsh, the Earl 
called the north-eastern gate after his Portuguese bride, and 
the townsfolk knew the Beterich or Baderikes Gate 5 (disguised 
at length as Partridge Street) long after the memory of the 
Countess Beatrice had been forgotten. She survived her hus- 
band 6 many years, but found that her foreign birth 7 and 

1 " Ma muliere." see p. 39, note 9. This would be the legal descrip- 
tion for a child born en mulerie (Du CANGE, s.v. ), i.e., the union was at 
first illegitimate, but the child would have been born after the form of 
marriage had been gone through, or otherwise legitimated. BLACKSTONE, 
II., 248; ROT. KARL., in., 343; iv., 375. See the case of Joan Harley 
in 1400, in BLOUNT, s.v. mulier. For Beaufort, see NOTES AND QUERIES, 
7th Ser. , xn. , 402. Though there are plenty of cases where the word is 
used in French (" moiller," or " moller ") simply for wife. See Du CANGE, 
S.v.; P. PLO., in., 120, 145. Cf. "out of matrimonie nat moillere. "- 
Ibid., xi., 209; xix., 222, 236. For "molher," see JURADE, 80, 158, 
I 78, 359; VERMS, 589. In TRANSCR. FOR. REG., 153, XIIL, Constance 
is called the mulher of John of Gaunt, and Philippa is the mulher of King 
John I. For "mulier," see YEAR BOOK, 7 H. IV., HIL., p. 9 b. In 
STAFF. REG., 271, 275, 281, there seems to be a distinction between 
mulier and wife. 2 See their letters dated Lisbon, October 3 1st and Novem- 
ber 4th [1406?], in BLORE, 9; WOOD, i., 80. Among the archives of 
Cluni is a letter from Beatrice, dated Arundel, September 2nd (probably 
1409), addressed to the Abbot of Cluni, in reference to the "reformation 
of all his jurisdiction in England," and requesting that the Prior of Lewes 
might be made an Abbot : i.e., she told the Prior that he might write what 
he liked (scriberet quod vellet), and he wrote praising himself as the most 
religious man in England. DUCKETT, I., 201, 207, 209. 3 GLAUS., 9 H. 
IV., 31, January 2Oth, 1408, records arrival of 60 casks. 4 TRAIS., 284; 
SHROPSHIRE ARCH^EOL. Soc., n., 201. 5 HOLINS., i., 69; LEL., ITIN., 
v., 32; CAMBRO-BRITON, in., 100; HULBERT, 11., 216; PENNANT, i., 
263. It was taken down in 1782. SHROPSHIRE ARCH^EOL. Soc., v., 162; 
vni., 149. 6 He died October I3th, 1415. His will is dated October 
loth, 1415. DUGDALE, i., 320; COMPLETE PEERAGE, i., 147; FENIN, 
20; DOYLE, i., 74; GENEAL., v., 212. ^ ROT. PARL., iv., 130. 



338 Castile and Portugal. [CHAP. LVIII. 

doubtful antecedents caused difficulties in connection with her 
title to his grants. After seventeen years of widowhood, her 
charms secured for her a second English husband in the person 
of John Holland, 1 second Earl of Huntingdon; She died at 
Bordeaux, October 23rd, 1439, but her body was brought to 
England and buried beside that of her first lord beneath a 
splendid monument 2 in the choir of the parish church at 
Arundel, where her enormous head-dress has supplied the 
historian of costume 8 with a telling illustration of the folly of 
fifteenth-century female fashions. One of her ladies, Agnes 
d'Olyvere,* who married an Englishman, Thomas Salmon, lies 
near her in the same resting-place. 

1 See license dated January 2Oth, 1433, in DUGDALE, n., 80; COMPLETE 
PEERAGE, I., 147. In King John's epitaph at Batalha she is called 
" Domina Beatrix Comitissa Hontinto et Arondel." MURPHY, 57. 
2 Figured in BLORE ; STOTHARD, 83; GOUGH, in., 45; TIERNEY, n., 622. 
For her seal, see BOUTELL, HERALDRY, p. 424, edition 1863. 3 PLANCHE, 
i., 135 ; KNIGHT, IL, 240; BLOXAM, 205. 4 COLL. TOP. ET GEN., i., 86; 
TIERNEY, n., 637. 



CHAPTER LIX. 
SAINT RICHARD SCROPE. 

AFTER the collapse of the movement in the North, commissions 
were issued to deal with cases of treason and riot. As usual, 
there was no lack of informers. At Huntingdon, a locksmith l 
connected with Ramsey Abbey was put on his trial before Sir 
John Cokayn, 2 Chief Baron of the Exchequer, 3 one of the 
Judges of Assize. 4 The man was condemned; but, in the 
hope of saving his life, he pledged himself to prove that 
the Abbot of Ramsey (Thomas Butterwick) 5 and 58 other 
abbots, priors, and " honourable persons," were far more guilty 
than himself. The whole of them were cited by the King's 
order to appear at Huntingdon and were there confronted with 
the lockyer, who said that he had often carried sums of money 
from these high ecclesiastics to help the rebels in Wales. But 
the judge was not inclined to give much for the word of a 
wretched informer. By a little shuffling he soon entangled him 
in a contradiction, and hurried him off to be drawn and hanged. 
And now the King had his first opportunity of feeling the 
power of the priest and of trying his first fall against the 

1 CAPRGAVE, 292, translating " Serrator." 2 Not WiHiam, as ANN., 415. 
So spelt in ROT. PARL., in., 561 ; iv., 57 ; PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 3 d ; and 
in deed of foundation of Kniveton's Chantry at Ashbourne, 1392. JOUKN. 
OF DERBYSHIRE ARCH^OL. Soc., xiv., 145 ; or Cokeyn (ORD. PRIV. Co., 
L, 162); Cokain (DUGDALE, WARWICKSHIRE, 1120). See his effigy in 
Ashbourne church in Derbyshire, figured in DUGDALE, ORIGINES, 100, and 
PULLING, ORDER OF THE COIF, p. 18. For a battle-axe and helmet stolen 
from Ashbourne church and probably used by Edmund Cockayne at the battle 
of Shrewsbury, see ANTIQUARY, March, 1890, p. 92. 3 Appointed May 
i4th, 1405. Foss, iv., 134; ROT. PARL., in., 578; ISSUE ROLL, 10 H. 
IV., MICH., October 9th, 1408. 4 Ibid., 7 H. IV., MICH., October 27th, 
1405; Ibid., PASCH., June 7th, 1406; Ibid., 8 H. IV., MICH., October 
igth, 1406. 5 CHROST. ABBATLE RAMESEIENSIS, 345. 



340 Saint Richard Scrope. [CHAP. LIX. 

dogged resistance of a populace fanatically devoted to the 
memory of a departed idol. Archbishop Scrope was dead ; 
but round his mangled remains a legend was already shaping, 
in which the few thin threads of truth can scarcely now be 
unravelled from the prodigious aftergrowth of pious lies in- 
vented and pieced firmly together in an ignorant age to suit the 
palate of party malice or outraged superstition. That Heaven 
should " breed revengement and a scourge " ! for the king who 
beheaded an archbishop and dethroned a dynasty, was the 
natural creed of all his enemies in Church and State ; and 
within a year after his death, the scanty literature of that 
narrow age gloated over the sadness that clouded his declining 
days, ascribing it to the stroke of God laid heavy on the usurper 
who dared to lift an impious hand against His priest. The part 
played by Scrope in the deposition of King Richard was con- 
veniently forgotten, and, by some confusion, he comes out as a 
champion of the claims of the House of York. In this after- 
light the rebel Archbishop is a sainted martyr ; the posterity 2 of 
his judges is blasted with a curse ; and a power emanates from 
his tomb which could work wonders and suspend the course of 
nature. The head of the Earl Marshal, when taken down after 
two months exposure, showed no discoloration or decay. Five 
selions 3 of the barley-field where the martyr's blood had trickled 
from the block, though left untilled, 4 bore, as he had promised, 



1 HENRY IV., Part I., in., ii., 7. 2 GODWIN, n., 271. 3 ANGL. SACK., 
ii. , 370. For " selion," a ridge or measure of land, see COKE ON LITTLETON, 
5 b; SHAW, STAFFORDSHIRE, i., 166* ; also Documents relating to Ful- 
beck (Lines.), temp. Ed. III.-Hy. IV., in CATALOGUE OF FYTCHE MSS., 
PUTTICK AND SIMPSON, p. 92, December 22nd, 1885; HIST. MSS., 4TH 
KEPT., 580; NOTT. REC., ii., 32, 114, where a selion = 3 roods; also 
WILLIS AND CLARKE, i., 123 ; in., 618 ; TRANS. SHROPSHIRE ARCH^EOL. 
Soc., i., 28. For two selions of moor and pasture, see MONAST., vi., 614. 
In a document dated 1341, in ARCH^EOL. CAMBR., 1852, p. 40, one acre = 
four selions. 4 In ANN., 410, the miracle is represented as a tradition, 
vouched for by the testimony of several witnesses, ut proditum est testimonio. 



1405-] Miracles. 34 1 

prodigious crops, 1 each stalk on this portion of the ground 
yielding two, four, five, or even seven full and fair heads of 
grain ; while miracles of healing were wrought which defied 
enumeration. Writers who lived at the time record these mar- 
vels with decent reserve : " as the multitude assert." a Dean 
Langley of York, within six months of the Archbishop's death, 
referred cautiously to the phenomena as " alleged miracles," 8 
and, but for some recently-found authentic records, we should 
be tempted to brush them all aside as harmless, though necessary, 
fictions. It was impossible for the whole of the North to be 
excited as it had been and to calm down all at once, leaving no 
trace of the commotion behind. The victims of the treachery 
in the Forest had bitter memories to avenge. The whole popu- 
lation of York was in suppressed rebellion and waited only some 
cheering news of the King's defeat to cast off the iron rule of 
his officers ; but, as news of the fall of castle after castle came in, 
and the northern rebels were beheaded in batches at Berwick 
cr Durham, the mutinous spirit lapsed into dull helplessness 
and stolid submission. 

On the 24th of August, 1405,* a general pardon, with resti- 
tution of goods, was offered to any citizen of York who was 
compromised in the events which had occurred between the 
ist of May and the last of July, on submitting and suing in the 
usual form, and on the following day, 5 all tolls were taken off 
from the bridge, that the river might be perfectly free of dues as 
before. But these remissions would only be felt by the sub- 
stantial men ; the poorer sort, who had nothing to lose, were 
still a prey to the old lying spirit which had misled them before. 
Then began visits to the Archbishop's tomb. Zealots brought 

1 GASC. , 228, is cautious, and gives aliquis calamus quinque spicas ordei 
produxit. 2 ANN., 410. 3 Miracula prcetensa. FABRIC ROLLS, 194, dated 
December 3rd, 1405. * PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 10. s GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 3. 



342 Saint Richard Scrape. [CHAP. LIX. 

offerings and prostrated themselves in the church ; the priests 
and officers of the minster fanned the flame; the tomb was 
fenced about with a parclose of wood, and crowds approached 
in reverent adoration. Within three months of the Archbishop's 
death, the movement was certainly dangerous. On September 
2ist, 1405^ Prince John sent an order from Seamer, 2 near 
Scarborough, to the sub-treasurer of the cathedral at York, 
requiring him to have the fence immediately removed, to pile 
old logs and good-sized stones some distance out between the 
pillars, and to put a stop to the crowds of " false fools," who 
went there under pretence of devotion. But the Archbishop's 
spirit appeared in a vision to an old man named John Sibsun, 3 
at Rocliffe, 4 in the haunted district near Boroughbridge, com- 
manding him to remove the fusts 5 and stones ; under which 
supernatural guidance his aged arms moved weights that three 
strong men could hardly lift, and laid them down before the 
altar of the Virgin, which stood a few yards further in the centre 
of the east wall. 6 The governors of the city interfered, broke 
up the processions and disturbed the services, and the church 7 
became a constant scene of brawling and contention. At 
length, the King took counsel with the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, and it was agreed that notice should be sent to the 

1 FABR. ROLLS, 196. 2 ROT. VIAG., 15 (July 23rd, 1405), confers on 
Thomas Canmer custody of the warren of Seamer, near Scarborough, for 
life. It was one of the manors forfeited by the Earl of Northumberland. 
WHTTBY CHART., IL, 504; DEVON, 408; LEL. ITIN., VIL, folio 66. 
3 GASC., 229. The story comes through Joan, wife of Sir Robert Roos, of 
Ingmanthorp, sister to Thomas Gascoigne. Sibsun's confessor, William 
Kexby, penitencer (P. PLO., vn., 256; xxni., 319), of York, who died 
February, 1410 (TEST. EBOR, ill., 43), tells another story of the old man's 
visions and communications with the dead Archbishop. 4 Called Rouclif 
juxta Boroughbridge, in PAT., 14 II. IV., 29. s DICT. TREVOUX, s.v. 
" Fust," quotes HIST. DE BRETAIGNE, n., 1639, for " escu defuust," = a 
wooden shield. See also COTGRAVE, s.v., and BAYE, i., 177. ECOLE DBS 
CHARTES, D. , v., 403, has du fust de la croix nostre seigneur. Ibid., F., 
I., 247, has escuelles de fust and fustailles. Cf. DESCHAMPS, vi., 91. For 
the fusters or joiners of London, see LIB. CUST., 80, and Du CANGE, s.v. 
Fusterius. 6 TEST. EBOR., i., 353. ? ANN., 410. 



1405.] Offerings. 343 

governors to abstain in future from all interference, on condition 
that Archbishop Arundel and Dean Langley would use their 
influence to moderate the violent partisanship of the priests. 
No efforts were to be made by the clergy, either by word or act, 
to advertise the miracles, but none who chose to come to the 
tomb of their own accord were to be hindered, till Holy Church 
should determine whether these things were from God, in which 
case they would endure and nothing could ever stop them ; or 
whether they had arisen from the "violent, vain, and super- 
stitious inventions of man," when, with the turn of fashion's 
tide, they would wear themselves out and die away. A letter 
to this effect was directed by the Archbishop and the Dean 
in London to the Chapter at York on December 3rd, 1405,* 
and on the 5th of April 2 in the following year, further directions 
were sent down from the council, in the name of the King, 
according to which the clergy at York were to abstain from 
publishing any miracles worked at the tomb, and were not to 
invite or induce anyone to pray to the dead Archbishop. On 
the other hand, they were not to prevent anyone from approach- 
ing the tomb for the purpose of offering prayer for the dead 
man's soul. Three of the minster clergy were to be appointed 
to tell any persons who might come with offerings, to place 
them on the tomb of St. William, or any other holy spot 
within the building in the meantime, till the decision of the 
Church should be known. But if, in spite of that expostulation, 
the devotees should still persist in laying offerings 3 on the 
Archbishop's grave, such offerings, whether in wax, or gold, or 
silver, were to be at once removed, and appropriated for the 
benefit of the Church. 

1 FABR. ROLLS, 193. 2 Ibid., 195. 3 For protest that " the wast tresour 
hanged on stockis and stones be wisely spendid in defence of the rewme 
and releuynge of the pore comouns," see WYCLIFFE (M. ), 279. 



344 Saint Richard Scrope. [CHAP. LIX. 



Nine days after the execution, June lyth, 1405,* the King 
issued his conge d'elire to the Chapter of York to choose a 
successor to Scrope " of good memory." They chose their 
young Dean, Thomas Langley, 2 a Lancashire man, 8 who had 
risen rapidly into prominence through the patronage of John 
of Gaunt. 4 On January 20th, 1401, when only thirty years of 
age, 5 he had been made Dean of York. In 1402, he was 
Keeper of the Privy Seal with the usual handsome allowance 
of 2 os. per day 7 and free quarters in the King's household at 
the public expense, and on the resignation of Bishop Beaufort, 
he became Chancellor of England, March i4th, 1405. 8 The 
King had already marked him out for the vacant bishopric of 
London 9 in 1404. He now agreed with the choice of the 
York Chapter, and despatched a young lawyer, Master John 
Caterick, 10 to Rome, to announce the election" of Langley as 
Archbishop of York and " other important matters " to the 

1 GODWIN, IL, 271, from PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 20. 2 RYM., VIIL, 291, 
407. Called " Langley " in his will. DUNELM. HIST., ccxlv., and RYM., 
vill., 579, but " Longley " in the inscription on the Cuthbert window which 
he placed in the Minster at York. See YOBKS. ARCH. AND TOP. JOURN., 
iv., 260, also ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., MICH., January 3oth, 1405 ; DEVON, 
298. 3 He was born at Langley, near Middleton, Manchester. CHET. 
Soc., 59, 119. Not a Yorkshireman, as SURTEES (i., Iv.), followed by 
CAMPBELL and Foss. 4 Langley was one of the executors of his will, in 
which he is styled " mon trescher clerk." WILLS OF KINGS, 163-170. 
GIBBONS, 100; TEST. VET., I., 140. 5 He was born circ. 1370. BAINES, 
i., 605. 6 OBD. PRIV. Co., i., 188, April 3rd, 1402; HOCCL., MIN. Po., 
xiv. ; DEVON, 298 (December, 1403) ; ROT. SCOT., n., I72a; RYM., VIIL, 
364 (July 9th, 1404). 7 ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., PASCH., has payment to 
him of 507 6s. 8d., since Oct. 1st, 1403. 8 In Ibid., MICH., March 2nd, 
1405, he is still Keeper of the Privy Seal, though HARDY (47), following 
Foss, iv., 339, thinks that the seals must have been delivered to him 
between February 27th and March ist, 1405. 9 ROY. LET., i., 415 ; GOD- 
WIN, i., 186. I0 ISSUE ROLL, 6 H. IV., PASCH., July 2Oth, 1405, allows 
him ,66 35. 4d. for his journey. Ibid., 13 H. IV., MICH., February l8th, 
1412, has payment to Master John Caterick, Bachelor in Decrees, of ^42 
155. 6d. out of ^219 due to him for embassy to Roman court, anno vi. In 
ROT. VIAG., 9 H. IV., 6, April 8th, 1408, he is commenceour es loye. In 
ISSUE ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., February I3th, May gth, 1409, he is 
Bacalarius in dicret. and Licentiat. See also SoLLY-FLOOD, 124. The 
name is pronounced and written " Katric," in ELMHAM, LIB. METR., 103. 



1405-] Dean Thomas Langley. 345 

Pope for his formal sanction, August 8th, 1405.* But others 
had already secured the ear of Pope Innocent, who paid no 
heed to the King's request, but proceeded to nominate to the 
archbishopric Master Robert Hallum, 8 Archdeacon of Canter- 
bury 3 and Chancellor of the University of Oxford. 4 Hallum's 
claims had been pressed on the Pope for the bishopric of 
London 5 in the previous year in opposition to the King's 
nominees. He was now at Rome in person, 6 and matters were 
so far in train that it had been arranged that the archdeaconry 
of Canterbury, which would become vacant by his promotion, 
should fall to one of the Italian cardinals, Angelo Acciaiolo, 7 
Bishop of Ostia. King Henry now refused to recognise 
Hallum's nomination, and the see of York remained vacant 
for more than two years. Langley, however, had not long to 
wait. He became Bishop of Durham, May lyth, 1406," on 



It is spelt Catrick in his will (BRUSHFIELD, 256), and on his tomb in the 
Franciscan church of Santa Croce, in Florence ; not " Catterick," as 
OLIVER, 100. In DICT. NAT. BIOG., xxi., 78,. he is called Ketterich. 
For a good account of him see T. N. BRUSHFIELD, in DEVONSHIRE Assoc. 
FOR ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE, c., Vol. XVIIL, 229-244, Plymouth, 
1886, who however is wrong in fixing (p. 232) 1409 as the first start of his 
diplomatic career. 

1 RYM., viii., 408. 2 YEAR BOOK, 1409; TYLER, n., 42, 62, &c. 
Not Richard, as NIEM, 178 (p. 245, edition ERLER), who calls him virum 
valde industrium et virtuosum. For his will, proved 1417, see GENEAL., 
vi., 29. For his brass in the cathedral at Constance, see ARCH^OLOGIA, 
iji., 364; HAINES, I., xciii. Not to be confounded with his namesake, 
who was Canon of Exeter from August nth, 1400, till his death in 
1406. STAFF. REG., 168. 3 Since 1400. JONES, 97; LE NEVE, i., 
42; not 1401, as HASTED, iv., 783. 4 WOOD, n., 402. BOASE, 
EXON., xv., 12, has 33. 4cl. for cheese and wine for him in 1399; 
also 55. 8d. in 1402. s ROYAL LETTERS, i., 415. 6 ANN., 419; WALS., 
n., 273. 7 p AT . ,g H. IV., I, 30; CIAC., n., 658. The King con- 
firmed the appointment of Angelo, October 28th, 1406. LE NEVE, I., 
42. 8 GODWIN, II., 331 ; DUNELM. HIST., 146, cxcviii. For the rights 
of the Bishops of Durham, including a mint, a chancery, and coroners 
of their own, see RYM., viii., 572. 



346 Saint Richard Scrape. [CHAP. LIX. 

the death of Bishop Skirlaw, and Hallu.m was made Bishop of 
Salisbury, June 22nd, 1407. : 

But the dead-lock continued at York. Pope Innocent VII. 
prepared an excommunication against all " of whatever station, 
pre-eminence, dignity, or condition," who had helped in the 
death of the Archbishop, " whether by word or counsel or act." 
The document was brought across by a Neapolitan, Jacopo di 
Hugolino, and Louis, Bishop of Volterra, 2 whose face was quite 
familiar in England ; but Archbishop Arundel 3 preferred not to 
publish it; and, as the envoys had " Peterspenny " 4 to collect 
from English pockets, and distraints to make upon English 
churches and monasteries, they thought it wiser not to insist. 
Moreover, the Archbishop did not venture to allot any part of 
the Convocation grants 5 to pay the usual expenses 6 of the 
envoys, owing to the general poverty and discontent among his 
flock, but sent them round " like begging " 7 among the wealthier 
clergy for money to get along with. They started on their way 
back to Italy at the end of February, i4o6, 8 taking with them 
the usual stock 9 of cups, chalices, basins, and other vessels in 
gold and silver, besides Essex cloth, tin vessels in barrels, brass 
candlesticks, and other more homely articles, to be turned into 
money and paid over to the Roman court. 



1 LE NEVE, u., 602. For letters of Hallum addressed to Henry IV., 
London, in hospitio nostro, February 8th, 1410, and in manerio nostro de 
Sonnyng, March 1 7th, 1409, see ROYAL LETTERS, Box 15, in Public 
Record Office. 2 TEST. EBOR., IIL, 60; RYM., vin., 86, 117, 222, 277. 
He is probably the person described as Untluanus Episcopus (i.e., Vul- 
teranensis), who applied in 1404 for admission as a "brother" in connection 
with Salisbury Cathedral. JONES, 304. 3 EUL., in., 408. 4 OLIVER, 280; 
RYM., i., 182. s HIST. MSS., IOTH REPT. (WELLS), 277 (1407), refers 
to grant of l^d. in the pound to be sent to the Roman curia, granted 
in the last convocation. 6 STAFF. REG., 342. ?Velut emendicatum. 
ANN., 417. 8 RYM., VIIL, 428, 431 ; GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 17, also ibid., 32 
(January 26th, 1406), which records that Master John Southam is starting 
for Rome. 9 ROT. PARL., in., 626; STAT., n., 76, 165. 



1405.] "An evil beast hath devoured him" 347 

On July i8th, I406, 1 Sir John Cheyne 2 and Doctor Henry 
Chichele, 3 accompanied by a clerk, John Pygot, 4 were preparing 
to leave London for Rome with explanations, and, lest the Pope 
should be acting without due knowledge of the facts, they 
carried with them the iron jack-of-fence 5 or habergeon 6 that 
the Archbishop had on at the time of his capture, in proof of 
his red-handed rebellion, with the caustic query to the Holy 
Father whether "this was his son's coat or no." But the Papal 
wit was ready with the smart reply that "an evil beast had 
devoured him." 7 The English envoys appear not to have 
left for Rome till after November 25th, i4o6, 3 but before that 
date Innocent VII. was dead, and Gregory XII., his successor, 
was disposed to look at the question with other eyes. At first, 
he calculated on reserving the archbishopric of York for him- 



1 RYM., viii., 446. Not 1405, as BROWNE, 287 (copying a misprint in 
RYMER). Following DRAKE, App. cxvii., he gives another commission 
dated August i8th, 1407. 2 FB. ROLL, 7 H. IV., i. ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. 
IV., PASCH., May i8th, 1406, has ^100 paid to him going to Rome with 
letters to the Pope. 3 ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., PASCH., August I4th, 1406, 
has payment to him of ^100 for the journey ; though HOOK (v., 13) thinks 
that "the expense of the embassy was defrayed by Dr. Chicheley." FR. 
ROLL, 8 H. IV., 22, shows that Cheyne and Chichele were just leaving 
on October 5th, 1406. ISSUE ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., April 25th, 1408, 
shows ;ioo a-piece paid to them at the Roman court as ambassadors on secret 
business for the King. 4 FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., 4. s Pages 218, 224 ; GIB- 
BONS, 95 ; ibid., ELY REC., 196; PROMPT. PABV., i., 256; TEST. EBOR., 
i., 150; WALS., i., 435 ; SHARPS, n., 164; ARCH^OL., xix., 224. In 
1403, a " jakke de defence " cost 245. 4d. in London. Due. LANC. REC., 
XXVIIL, 4, 3, App. A. 6 CHRON. R. II. to H. VI., 33; MARTIN, 119, 
Appendix xxii.; JAMIESON, I., 13. Cf. "haberion." P. PLO., XXL, 22 ; 
"habirion." FIFTY WILLS, 12; SHABPE, n., 149, 341; RIPON MEM., 
ii., 141; NICOLAS, AGINCOURT, CCLXL; " habarioun. "APOLOGY, 98, 
99; PLANCHE, i., 236; "haubergon." DESCHAMPS, v., 113; " hab- 
geon." FOB. ACCTS., 10 H. IV.; GOUGH, i., cxli.; STRUTT, DRESS, n., 
176; GBOSE, 15; PBOMPT. PARV., 220; " aulbergeon." CABARET, 308; 
"hauberk." GOWER, CONF. AM., 254. For specimen, see brass of Sir 
John de St. Quintin (1397), at Brandshorton, Yorkshire, in BOUTELL, 
BBASSES, 32. 7 CHBON. GILES, 48 ; DE LABREY, i., 798 ; SPONDE, i., 
696. For another application of the passage (GEN. xxxvii., 32, 33), see 
WYCL., DE BLASPHEMIA, 223. 8 FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV., i, November 25th, 
1406, still refers to John Cheyne as going to Rome. 



348 Saint Richard Scrope. [CHAP. LIX. 

self, 1 together with the patriarchate of Constantinople, and some 
benefices in the neighbourhood of his native Venice, so that, if 
he had to resign the Papacy, he might not " sue Christ naked," 2 
like a Bishop of Nout. 8 But in April, 1407,* Cheyne and 
Chichele were again despatched to chaffer with the Court of 
Rome, 5 and, this time, the troubles that were gathering round 
him made Gregory more wide-awake to his own interests than 
Innocent had been. A Papal envoy, Lawrence, Bishop of 
Ancona, came to England in June, 1407, and it was evident 
that matters were nearing a settlement. The King's envoys 
had approached the Pope with bare feet 7 and distributed large 
presents amongst the cardinals, for it "had long been a recog- 
nised maxim that no poor man 8 was looked at in Rome, that 
letters without presents were barren and fruitless, and that 
nothing could be done there with empty hands. The Apostolic 
Chamber was an ocean 9 into which all rivers ran without over- 
flowing it. It swarmed with leeches 10 crying " Give ! Give ! " while 
usurers " and moneylenders went about the streets clad in silks 
and showy stuffs, as if they belonged to the best families in 

1 NIEM, 176. On page 305, he calls it Oxford, qui habet magnos reditus 
ut dicitur (page 308), followed by CHRISTOPHE, in., 263. J. C. ROBERT- 
SON, vii., 249, supposes that NIEM means Exeter. MILMAN, v., 448, 
speaks of York as "then expected to fall vacant." CREIGHTON, i., 157, 
has: "wrongly supposed to be vacant." HOOK (v., 16) seems to think 
that he meant to reside in England, adding : ' ' this was, so far as 
England was concerned, a popular act." 2 RAYNALDI, xvn., 321; 
SPONDE, i., 701. "In pouert sue Cristis cross." WYCLIFFE (M.), 50, 
60, in, 118, 122, 189, 195, 221, 252, 266, 308, 312, 320, 373, 
374, 381, 382, 408, 409, 410, 412, 416, 430, 437, 438, 449, 
451,457,460,471,476,478,481; APOLOGY, 43; P. PLO., XIIL, 166; 
xx., 79. 3 For Episcopus Nullatensis, see WYCLIFFE, LAT. SERM., n., 65; 
P. PLO., A, vi., 119 ; PROMPT. PARV., 359. 4 RYM., vin., 479. 5 The 
Pope with his court chaffarith with simple men in beneficis and assoilyng. 
WYCLIFFE (M.), 66, 303, 357, 436, 446. 6 RYMER, VIIL, 483, 571. 
? ANGL. SACR., IL, 371. 8 HIST. TASCHENBUCH, iv., 59, 64, 76, 80, 87, 95, 
126 ; WRIGHT, EARLY MYST., xxiv.; WYCL. (M.), 245 ; POLEM. WORKS, 
(BUDDENSIEG) n., 691. In the court of Rome may no man get no grace 
but if it be bought. APOLOGY, 12. 9 NIEM, 504 ; LENZ, 17. I0 WYCL., 
DE BLASPH., 54. JI NIEM, in MEIBOM, i., 9. 



1405.] The Court of Rome. 349 

Rome. No man could enter his benefice by the door, 1 but by 
threats or bribes or armed pressure. Woe to the man that was 
snared in the Camera's net! 2 They stripped him like Turks 
and Tartars when he entered that Place of Torment. All must 
be feed 3 the secretaries, auditors, briefers, 4 bull-writers, 6 taxers, 
plumbers, 6 correcters, copiers, 7 engrossers, 8 examiners, 9 chan- 
cellors, proctors, advocates, councillors, solicitors, notaries, 

1 MART., ANEC., n., 1447. z NIEM, 504 ; MEIBOM, i., 8. God amende 
the Pope that pileth holichurche. P. PLO., xxu., 444. For expenses of 
living at Rome, see ROGERS, i., 137 ; II., 633. 

3 Papa quserit, chartula quserit, bulla quaerit, 
Porta quserit, cardinalis quserit, cursor quserit, 
Omnes quserunt, &c. WRIGHT, POL. SONGS (CAMD. Soc.), 17. 
Coram cardinalibus, coram Patriarcha, 
Libra libros, reos res, marcum vincit marca. Ibid., 31. 
Moche gold goth out of oure lond bi long pledynge at rome. WYCL. (M.), 
93. In 1376, it was believed that the amount of English money paid to the 
court of Rome every year amounted to five times the total taxation of the 
country. ROT. PARL., n., 337. 

Car nulz horns mortels ne scet bien, 

L'or qui a court de Rome vient. BONET, APPARITION, 47. 

4 GEST. ABB., i., 309. For oath of abbreviator, see NIEM, LIB. GANG., 7, 
174; HARDT, i. , 303, in which he swears that he will take nothing pro 
signatione notarum aut petitionum ; the pay allowed for forming a note was 
3, 10, or 20 groats Tournois, according to circumstances. s In spite of all 
precautions, forged bulls were very common in England. WYCL., LAT. 
SERM., n., 343. In GLAUS., II H. IV., 29 (December 2nd, 1410), is a 
reference to John Broke, a Franciscan friar, Bishop of Alden. (sic) in Ire- 
land, who had fabricated letters patent, and forged the seal of the Pope and 
of divers lords spiritual in England. He was caught at Deptford and sent 
to the Tower, but afterwards handed over to the Minorites of London for 
punishment. In Due. LANG. REG., XL, 13, 213 (John of Gaunt's Register), 

5 marks are paid in 1375, for a bull from Rome, concerning the appropria- 
tion of a church. For the cost of bulls, from 3 to 1,000 gulden, see HIST. 
TASCHENBUCH, iv., 132. The Bishop of Ermeland once offered 200 gul- 
den, but was told that he might as well have drunk it in good Rhine-wine. 
Ibid., 132. 6 Du CANGE, s.v. Plumbator. Thes rom-renneris beren the 
kyng's gold out of oure lond and bringen agen deed leed, and heresie, and 
symonye, and Goddis curse. WYCL. (M.), 23. Give him gold for his lede. 
Ibid., 66. A litel deed leed costith many thousand pound bi yere to oure 
pore londe. Ibid., 82. 7 For oath of a rescribendarius, see NIEM, LIB. 
GANG., 4. He received 2 groats Tournois per day when there was audience, 
and 30 per month in vacation. See also ERLER, 25. 8 In 1356, there were 
100 yrossatores in the Papal Chancery at Avignon. EHRLE, 177. 9 GEST. 
ABB., ii., 57, 114. 



350 Saint Richard Scrope. [CHAP. LIX. 

grooms, ushers, 1 doctors, savants, prelates, and cardinals, 2 
while "something special" 3 in the way of honorarium was 
always needed " to soften the greed of the Holy Father." No 
doubt these methods were well understood by the English 
messengers. A bull 4 was sent to King Henry, assigning him a 
penance, on fulfilment of which he was absolved ; " and so by 
privy means of money the matter was ceased." 5 On October 7th, 
1407, the Pope signed a bull consenting to the translation of 
Henry Bowet from the see of Bath and Wells to the arch- 
bishopric of York. The new Archbishop had been Constable 
of Bordeaux 6 and Chief Justice of Aquitaine, had served 
in embassies 7 all over Europe, and, when Henry was in exile, 
had been condemned 8 to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, on 
account of his devotion to his cause. On November 2oth, 



1 For duties of ostiarius, see MURAT., III., Part n., 812, 822. a WYCL. 
{M. ), 66. For wealth of the cardinals, compare : 

Treize pourtant chappeaulx rouges, 
Qui tiennent 1'estat sans mensonges, 
Plus curieux que roys du monde, 
Plus net servy hostel, plus blonde, &c. 

BONET, APPARITION, 36, 41. 

Mais pour Dieu regardons, 
Les estas, les grans cuisines, 
Les grans destriers, robes, manteaulx, ermines, 
Les escuiers, la tourbe des chevaulx, 
Qui sount a court et les divers couvines, 
Au jour d'uy font ainsi les cardinaulx. 

DESCHAMPS, in., 117; v., 279. 

Les rouges chapeaulx, 

Qui de tous poins 1' (i.e. 1'Eglise) ont prinse et estranglee, 
A 1'aide de pluseurs loups rapaux. Ibid., VI., 178. 

The countrey is the cursedour ther cardinales cometh ynne, 
And ther thei lyggen and lengen most lecherie ther regneth. 

P. PLO., xxii., 419. 

3 HIST. TASCHENBUCH, iv., 102. For specimen of a Christmas " Ehrung," 
see ibid., 107. 4CAPGR.,3O2. 5 CHEON., R. II., to H. VI., 34. 6 RYM., 
vni., 7, 43, 116, 127, 141; ix., 41, 113. In PRIV. SEAL, 654/7125, 
February 1st, 1412, John Bowet, one of the King's squires, is Controller of 
the castle at Bordeaux. ? RYM., vni., 709. 8 ROT. PAUL., in., 385. 



1405.] Archbishop Henry Bawet. 351 

140I, 1 he had been consecrated Bishop of Bath and Wells. In 
September, 1403,2 he was in charge of 10 men-at-arms and 
20 archers, in the retinue of the Earl of Somerset 8 at Car- 
marthen, and he was afterwards allowed to import wine 4 from 
Bordeaux free of duty. Amongst his accounts is an entry of 
2 os. for a pair of silver spectacles, but it is going too far to say 
that he was " one of the first Englishmen to wear them." 5 

On April i2th, 1408, Pope Gregory issued fresh directions 
authorizing the Bishops of Durham and Lincoln to cancel the 
censures of his over-hasty predecessor, specially exonerating 
King Henry for his share in the business, on the ground that 
he was not actually present when the Archbishop was seized, 
and that he only gave his consent to the death-sentence under 
pressure from those about him. The King, on his side, is said 
to have undertaken to found three monasteries of the strictest 

1 LE NEVE, i., 140; STUBBS, REG., 62. In a letter dated from London, 
July 19th, 1406, he is called Mosenhor de Bada (JURADE, 49), and on 
September I3th and 22nd, 1407, he stills signs his name as Bishop of Bath 
and Wells (ibid., 373, 433). For his tomb in York Minster, see Gou-GH, 
ill., 75. For brass of Ele Bowet at Wrentham, Suffolk (died February, 
1400), see HAINES, 105 (edit. 1848). 2 Q. R. ARMY, 5 4 , App. G. 3 Vol. 
!> 375> 376. 4 CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, LETTRES, n., 362. 5 PROCEED- 
INGS OF Soc. OF ANTIQU ARIES, xin., 62, where two of his seals are 
engraved. For spectacles see ANGLIA, v., 35; HOCCLEVE, 12; MINOR 
POEMS, 21. In LYDGATE, 105 ; CHRON. LONDON, 262 ; SKEAT, 25 ; 
" spectacles to reede " are sold by the Flemings at Westminster. For gold 
eyes or spectacles of Duke Philip of Burgundy (1403), see BABROIS, xvn., 
1 08 ; LABORDE, I., 55. Platina d'argent dore pour mettre ez ( = ces ais, 
ceilles d'or) du livre du due pour mettre ses lunettes afin qu' elles ne fussent 
cassees. Cf. LABORDE, i., 32, quoting PEIGNOT, AMUSEMENT PHILOSO- 
PHIQUE, 403, 460, 463, Dijon, 1824, where spectacles (besides, besiecles, 
bis oculi, though said to be connected with bericle or berique, i.e., beryl, in 
LEROUX DE LINCY, 477) are traced to the thirteenth century. In SENLIS 
(G. METZ, x), besides pour les yeux are sold in the Halles in Paris before 
1322. In the Nancy tapestry (circ. 1450) a scribe wears spectacles. 
JUBINAL, Plate vi. See also LYDGATE, TEMPLE OF GLAS, xcvu.; HOC- 
CLEVE, MINOR POEMS, 51. In DESCHAMPS, vn., 234, they are called 
bericles and oeillez. 

Poverte a spectakel is as thinketh me 
Thurgh which he may his veray frendes see. 

CHAUCER, WIF OF BATH, 6785. 

6 DRAKE, App. xcvii.; RAYNALDI, xvn., 291 ; not April I3th, as MILMAN, 
v., 484. 



352 Saint Richard Scrope. [CHAP. LIX. 

orders, 1 in honour of the three principal feasts. If Henry ever 
made such a promise, he forgot to carry it out and made no 
sort of provision for it in his will, 2 though after his death his 
son took up the work, re-confiscated 3 the property of many 
alien priories, and built the great religious houses on his manor 
at Shene. 4 

And so ended this singular travesty of the Interdict of 
Innocent the Great. Discountenanced by the higher powers, 
the miracles at York promptly ceased, and we have a curious 
little anecdote 5 that very effectively illustrates King Henry's 
cynical contempt for the pliability of the Church, and the 
whole batch of mitred glosers 6 who had managed to extricate 
him from his grave embarrassment. One day, when talking 
with Scrope's successor, Archbishop Bowet, he asked if he 
could tell him how it was that bishops worked no miracles 
now-a-days, and got no " translation " after death as they used 
to do ? The new Archbishop had nothing to say, but a witty 
clerk who was present ventured to put in a reason or two. 
He thought it might be : ist, Because in the old days, God 
used to point out by means of miracles who were the men 
whose learning and good lives made them worthiest to be 
bishops ; but now the king chose the bishops, 7 and, of course, 
they could only do the same kind of miracles that kings, who 
made them, could do. Again, kings used to go down on their 
knees and beg of holy men to undertake the burden of a 

1 i.e., Carthusians, Celestins, and Brigittines. 2 WILLS OF KINGS, 203 ; 
WEEVER, 208. 3 MYROURE OF OUR LADYE, xi.-xx. 4 CAPGBAVE, DE 
ILLUSTR. HENBICIS, 114; WALS., n., 300 ; TIT. Liv., 5; ELMHAM, 24; 
CHAUCER, LEG. OF GOOD WOMEN, vin., 61. The palace had been aban- 
doned since the death of Queen Anne in 1394. CHRON. GILES, H. V., 9. 
5 GASC., 21. 6 WYCL. (M.), 135, 148, 154, 284; not "commentators," as 
Editor, 550. A gloser also kepethe his silence. HOCCL., DE REG., in. 
But who that couthe glose softe and flater. GOWER, CONF. AM., 370, 372. 
7 Quid quod suam promotionem rege instante factam regi ipsi et non Deo 
nee ecclesiae imputant? CLAMENGES, 17. 



1405.] Translation. 353 

bishopric, and they got their translation after death ; but now 
bishops get their translation when they are alive, from one 
bishopric to another, if there is more money to be got (propter 
majores dividas), so that they do not deserve to be translated 
after their death. Besides, they have to pay l so much for their 
bishoprics while they are alive that it is not worth God's while 
to work miracles for them and get them translated after, 
" And you, my lord," he added, with a sly look towards Bowet, 

1 Men comen to grete prelacies and othere degres of the chirche bi money 
and worldly favour, and pledynge and fizttynge. WYCL. (M.), 122. For 
frystefruytes for gifte of a chirche, see ibid., 66, 92, 245, 277, 393. Hus 
states that many thousand florins were paid to obtain the archbishopric of 
Prague. PALACKY, Doc., 724. Every ecclesiastical office, from an arch- 
bishopric down to the poorest parish living, paid a tax to the Exchequer at 
a vacancy and presentation, e.g., the Prior of Selby, 80 (REC. ROLL, 9 
H. IV., PASCH., May 7th, 1408), on appointment of William Pygot (Rox. 
VIAG., 9 H. IV., 7, March i6th, 1408); the Dean and Chapter of St. 
Paul's, ,100 (REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., November 28th, 1407), and 
5 (February 25th, 1408), GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 30; the Dean and Chapter of 
Salisbury, 80 (REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., February I7th, 1408). 
Every bishop on his appointment had also to give an annuity to a clerk 
nominated by the King, to continue until he was provided with a benefice. 
See YEAR BOOK, 10 H. IV., HIL., p. 6 a. For Bishops of Bath and 
Wells and Worcester, see GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 13 d, 34 d. Or the King or 
Queen could secure provision for an old servant by nominating him for a 
corrody at the expense of one of the religious houses, and we have plenty of 
evidence that King Henry exercised this right to the full, e.g., for a valet 
of his kitchen, at Brackley Hospital, Northamptonshire (CLAUS., 14 H. IV., 
14 d); for one of his valets, at Leicester Abbey (YEAR BOOK, 1 1 H. IV., 81 ; 
PRIV. SEAL, 647/6488); for a marshal of his hall, at St. Andrew's Priory, 
Northampton (GLAUS., 12 H. IV., 28); for a clerk in office of Privy Seal, 
at Reading Abbey (ibid., 10 H. IV., 2; n H. IV., 9); and many similar 
cases. e.g., Peterborough (CLAUS., 12 H. IV., 3) ; Eynsham (ibid., II ; 
13 H. IV., 20 d); Michelney (ibid., 12 H. IV., 13); Buckfastleigh (ibid., 
13 ; and PRIV. SEAL, 651/6899); Glastonbury (CLAUS., 12 H. IV., 18 d); 
Llanthony (Due. LANG. REC., XL, 16, 27*); Daventry (ibid., 28'); Norton, 
near Runcorn (ibid., 37'); Winchester, St. Swithin's Priory (PRiv. SEAL, 
652/6985); Winchester, St. Mary's Nunnery (CLAUS., II H. IV., 9); 
Northampton, St. James (ibid.); Bardney (PRIV. SEAL, 648/6548); Cerne 
[CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 37 d); Bordney (ibid., 38 d); St. Mary Graces, in East 
Smithfield by the Tower (ibid., 3 d ; M ON AST., v., 717); Canterbury, Christ 
Church (Hisr. MSS., t>TH REPT., 449); Kirkstall (Due. LANG. REC., XL, 
15, 77 1 ); Mottisfont (ibid., 16, 58'); Spalding Priory (ibid., 16, 130"') ; 
Westminster (Pniv. SEAL, 652/6925); Bristol, St. Austin (ibid., 644/6109). 
For other corrodies, see page 25, note 10. For fees paid to the crown for 
founding chantries, see page 119, note I. 



354 Saint Richard Scrope. [CHAP. LIX. 

"you know somebody 1 who gave 2,000 marks to a great 
earthly 2 lord before he could get his translation." And the 
King and all the company enjoyed the joke. 

On June 3rd, I4o6, 8 it was considered safe to relax the state 
of siege in York, and to restore to the citizens their forfeited 
liberties. They at once proceeded to elect their two Sheriffs,* 
and certified the names to the King, according to their old 
chartered rights, on June 23rd, I4o6. 5 After this, all who 
would might make offerings to " Bishop Scrope" 6 without let or 
question. The central tower 7 of the Minster, with its nine bells, 
had fallen suddenly with a crash in the previous November, 
owing to insufficient care 8 in working out the alterations. No 
one had been killed, but great damage had been done to the 
" new work." Two years later, William Colchester, 9 the most 
skilled mason in England, was sent for to superintend the 
re-building of the tower, and stonecutters and workmen were 

1 GLAUS., 6 H. IV., 28, has ^735 advanced by Bowet to the King. 
2 APOLOGY, 7; WYCL. (M.), 82, 171, 207, 232, 241, 335, 338, 452, 470, 
478. 3 PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 29; ibid., 10 H. IV., i, 21. 4 Viz., Robert 
Kirkeby and John Useburn. DRAKE, 362. s For this and similar notifica- 
tions in 1401, 1404, 1407, 1408, 1412, see ROY. LET., Box 15, in Public 
Record Office. 6 HARD., 372. ^ Page 206. G. STONE in a letter written 
soon after November 26th, 1405, reports from York : opus est novum con- 
struct' campanile quoniam antiquum cum novem campanis corruit paucorum 
dierum spatio vix transacto sed plus nocuit campanarum quassatio quam 
ejusdem destructio campanilis. He adds that it fell in a place where it 
could not have damaged either the church or any living person : ymo per 
se solum occidit, quod diutius stare non potuit pro nimia putrefacti meremii 
vetustate quod cum in terram sic corruerat ceciderat (sic) .... si de- 
posuissent manus artificum, plus gravasset in duplo sumptuum effusio quam 
ruina. HARL. MS., 431, 130 (m). RAINE (YORK, 149) speaks as though 
the Norman tower were only re-cased. For unstable bell-towers, see 
WYCL., LAT. SERM., IT., 123. 8 Per incuriam seu nimis sufficientem et 
improvidam gubernationem lathomorum subito conquassatum et ad terram 
funditus collapsum et ecclesia ilia tam in novo opere ejusdem quam in aliis 
loci illius partibus magnam patiatur ruinam. PAT., 9 H. IV., I, 21, De- 
cember I4th, 1407, which grants protection to masons coming and going. 
See also PAT., II H. IV., 2, 17 (June 6th, 1410), where workmen are 
pressed for the re-building. 9 In FABRIC ROLL of Westminster Abbey, 
Master William Colchester receives loos, in 1400 as chief mason. G. G. 
SCOTT, App., p. 27. 



1408.] Beatification. 355 

brought from all parts of the country to repair the ruin. 
The work was certainly not completed within the next three 
years, and money was needed more than ever. Accordingly, 
the minster authorities wisely turned the tide of fanaticism 
to practical effect, and directed 1 that all offerings at Scrope's 
grave should be used for the repair of the fourth column 
supporting the new Tower, one of their own clergy being 
appointed keeper of the tomb 2 to prevent pilfering by devotees 
and pilgrims. In 1415, 3 the yield was ^73 8s., and in 1419, 
it amounted to ^150. 

No shrine 4 was ever made for Scrope's remains ; no formal 
translation, beatification, 5 canonization, or other official recog- 
nition was ever allowed him by the Church; yet he was 
shrined as a saint in the hearts of many who bore no love to 
King Henry and his house. These reverently spoke of him 
as the "Blessed" Richard Scrope; 6 they cherished relics of 
him with pious care, or styled him outright " Saint Richard 
Scrope," 7 in defiance of the legal technicalities of a luke-warm 
hierarchy. As early as 1409, it was thought a special privilege 
to be buried near the martyr's grave. 8 In 1413, a bell-tower 

1 FABR. ROLLS, 200. 2 e.g., John Stytenam in 1421. TEST. EBOR., 
TIL, 63, 232 ; CORP. CHRIST. GILD, 21. 3 FABR. ROLLS, 32, 37. * There 
is mention of a feretrum in FABR. ROLLS, 235, though probably the gold 
chain was for the proposed shrine, if it ever came. 5 For modern form of 
these ceremonies, see ALBAN BUTLER, I., xxiii. For specimen, see 
Peter of Luxemburg, in ACTA SANCTORUM, July 2nd, 486 ; Pierre Thomas, 
by MEZIERES, ibid., January 6th, xvi., 221. 6 TEST. EBOR., 11., 231. 
7 Rows, EARLS OF WARWICK, 359; HIST. REG. ANOL., 207. For 
Richard Fitzralph, called by Wycliffe " St. Richard," see WYCL. (M.), 128, 
507; LAT. SERM., in., 311; DE APOSTAS., 36; DE EUCHARIST., 293. 
LECHLER, i., 53, 112, quotes Gascoigne for the statement that Grostest was 
called "St. Robert," but the only passages that I can find in GASCOIGNE, 
pp. 74, 140, speak of him merely as " Lincolniensis sanctae memorise doctor." 
For Gian Galeazzo who was called a saint at Pavia, see COMMINES, n., 353, 
who adds : " nous appelons sainctz tous ceulx qui nous font du bien." See 
also PERRENS, vi., 97. 8 TEST. EBOR., i., 353; T. BURTON, HEMING- 
BOROUGH, 57 ; FABR. ROLLS, 86. See also will of Thomas Parker (1423), 
in BROWNE, 289. 



356 Saint Richard Scrope. [CHAP. LIX. 

took fire near York, 1 and was partly burnt down. When nothing 
could be done to save the building, some one in the crowd of 
bystanders put up a vow to " Saint Richard "; 2 the fire abated, 
and the half-burnt stump remained to record the efficacy of the 
intervention of the sainted dead. In one of the minster 
windows, which must be earlier than 1418, there is a figure of 
the Archbishop, and below it his nephew kneels, with the 
legend : " Good Shepherd Richard, have mercy on Stephen 
thy servant ! " 3 A century ago, there was extant in manuscript 
a missal, 4 certainly written before 1445, containing a prayer to 
Saint Richard Scrope, the " glory of York " and the " martyr 
of Christ," with a picture of a suppliant praying for his 
intercession. 

Fifty years after the Archbishop's death, when the last 
Lancastrian King was a phrenetic 5 and a fugitive, and the 
name of Scrope had become in some illogical way identified 
with the cause of the House of York, another outburst of 
devotion arose, and a strong effort was made to canonize him 
as a saint. In 145 8, 6 the owner of the precious book, 7 which 
had been taken from the martyr's body at the block, left a 

1 For frequency of fires quae frequenter contingunt, see OLIVER, 271 ; 
ANN., 415. 2 EUL., ill., 421. 3 O Ricarde pastor bone tui famuli miserere 
Stephani. BROWNE, 234. For will of Stephen Scrope (died 1418), see 
TEST. EBOR., T., 385. 4 NOTES AND QUERIES, Ser. n., 25. p. 489. In 
July, 1715, it was in the possession of " Mr. Thomas Fairfax, of London," 
who lent it to Dr. Harbin, librarian at Longleat. The BODL. MS., I/AT. 
LITURG., f. 3, has: 

Pro nobis ora quesumus 

Ricarde martir Christi. ATHEX^UM, 4/8/88, p. 161. 

For similar premature cases, see suffragium de beato Henrico rege, i.e., 
Henry VI., who was never canonized after all. YORKSHIRE ARCH. AND 
TOP. JOURN., iv., 269 ; FABR. ROLLS, 82, 208 ; STANLEY, 521. s WYCL. 
(A.), L, 26. 6 TEST. EBOR., n., 233, reading precularum (see ibid.,n., 
259) for precarum. See Du CANGE s.v. precula, and PROMPT. PARV. s.v. 
"Bedys." TEST. EBOR., L, 381, has precum. In will of Alice Pulter, 
dated 1458, is unu par prec' de corall (RELIQUARY, N. S., II., 30); also 
1455, par precularum de gett. MUNIM. ACAD., 584, 663. ? p a ge 240. 



1458.] Canonization. 357 

rosary of 50 coral beads with gold gaudies, 1 to his "beloved, 
most blessed Saint Richard Scrope," to help in his canonization, 
with a prayer to God that it might be granted of His great 
grace. In 1462^ the Convocation of York solemnly took into 
their consideration the "holy work of the canonization and 
translation of Richard Scrope of blessed and pious memory." 
In 1467, 8 one of the canons of Ripon left 20 gold nobles to be 
used for the shrine of the Blessed Richard Scrope, " when God 
should grant that he should be translated;" and, in 1472,* a 
pious worshipper left a large silver spoon to be placed on the 
shrine of " Saint Richard le Scrop, when he is translated and 
has one." But the authorities at Rome were by this time 
keeping a sharper look-out, 5 and it was becoming every year 
more difficult to impose on the credulity of the world with 
flimsy evidence and " old wives' tales " 6 in face of the growing 
scepticism of educated critics. 

In a chronicle 7 written in the reign of Henry VI., the 
*' signs and miracles " are spoken of as continuing to that day; 
and opinions must differ as to whether the miracles of healing 
arose from the application of a " most salutiferous oil which 
distilled from the body," 8 as in the case of St. William two 
centuries and a half before, or were the effect of " a quick or 

1 For gaudez d'or, see SURREY ARCH^OL. COLL., IL, 187. Cf. A pair 
of bedes gauded all with grene. CHAUCER, PROL., 159 ; SHAW, DRESSES. 
For gaudes, see GOWER, CONF. AM., 442; HOLT, 144. For par pater- 
nosters de coralP cum guadees aur', see Due. LANC. REC., xxvill., I, 5, 
App. A. ; FIFTY WILLS, 102. For " gaude," see SHARPE, IL, 27, 210, 698 ; 
ATHEN/EUM, 25/7/91, p. 136. 2 BROWNE, 245. 3 RI PO N CHAPTER ACTS, 
232. See ARCHBISHOP GRAY'S REGISTER, 148, for translation of St. 
Wilfrid's body at Ripon in 1224. 4 TEST. EBOR., in., 232. For cochlear 
( = spone, PROMPT. PARV.), see CHRON. OF ABINGDON, n.,4Oo; REGISTER 
OF ST. OSMUND, IL, 137. s See Bull of Sixtus IV., 1475, in MARTENE 
COLLECT., vi., 1382. 6 See the remarkable protest against old wives' tales 
(anilitales), after seeing St. Ursula and the 11,000 virgins at Cologne, in 
MONTKKUIL, 1418. See also CONG., in., 342; WYCL., DE ECCLES., 32 
(POLLARD) ; LATIN SERMONS, IL, 164. ? GODSTOW CHRONICLE, 239. 
8 DRAKE, 419. 



358 Saint Richard Scrope, [CHAP. LIX. 

strained imagination," producing a " cessation of palpable 
symptoms," in an age characterized by its ignorance of medical 
science. But there is no room for doubt as to the multitude 
of votive offerings which poured in as tokens of gratitude from 
rich and poor. We see them in the great " wall of glass " 1 put 
up, soon after King Henry's death, by Lady Margaret de Roos 
in honour of St. William in York Minster ; and we have a list 
of the most precious of them compiled about 1500, before they 
were impounded by the voracious courtiers of King Henry the 
Eighth. The list includes silver and gold models 2 of "teeth, 
legs, feet, hearts, eyes, heads, breasts, ships, anchors, rods, 
girdles, buckles, oxen, lambs," and what not, all fastened to 
the Archbishop's tomb. 

A word or two may be entered here as to the writers on 
whose credibility we have had to rely in dealing with the Scrope 
legend. Thomas Gascoigne was a Yorkshireman, born at the 
manor of Hunslet, 8 near Leeds, in 1403. His father, Richard 
Gascoigne, 4 Marshal of the Exchequer, was a younger brother 5 
of the Chief Justice, and had been retained, in i39i, 6 as Henry's 
attorney in the Exchequer. In 1400, he appears as one of his 
Head Stewards, 7 with an annual fee of ^"40, for all manors 
belonging to the Duchy of Lancaster north of the Trent, and 
in the counties of Lincoln, Leicester, Nottingham, Warwick, 
and Northampton. When he made his will 8 in 1423, he 

1 YORKSHIRE ARCH^OL. AND TOP. JOURN., in., 198. 2 FABR. ROLLS, 
212-234; MONAST., vi., 1206. 3 GASC., 128, 207. 4 ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. 
IV., MICH., October 24th, 1406 ; RECEIPT ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH., March 
4th, 1407; ibid., 10 H. IV., PASCH., July i6th, 1409. For duties of a 
Marshal of the Exchequer, see H. HALL, EXCHEQ., 79. s The relationship 
rests upon something more than "a constant tradition" (as ROGERS, in 
GASC., xvii.; DICT. NAT. BIOG., xvi., 41). It is proved by TEST. EBOR., 
I., 293, where the Chief Justice names his brother Richard in his will. See 
also ibid., 249. 6 Due. LANC. REC., xxvni., 3, No. 4, 5, App. A. 7 Capi- 
talis seneschalius. Ibid., xxvni., 4, No. I, 2, 3, App. A, where there is 
a note of a journey made by him from Lincoln to Hunslet in February, 1403. 
8 Proved April 23rd, 1423 (TEST. EBOR., i., 403). 



1405.] Doctor Thomas Gascoigne. 359 

left an " honest and competent sustentation " to his son for 
"learning and scholarizing at Oxford or London." This son 
was Thomas Gascoigne, a sickly youth 1 then scholarizing 2 at 
Oriel College, Oxford, where he had been entered since his thir- 
teenth year. He was ordained priest in 1427;' and, in 1432,* 
he was offered the post of Chancellor of York Minster, in which 
capacity it would have been his duty to write notices 5 of the 
Archbishops, and to record topics of general interest in con- 
nection with the history of the cathedral. It is evident, 
however, from his own account, 6 that he never actually took 
up the office. On July iQth, I433, 7 he became Rector of the 
parish church of Kirk Deighton, 8 near Wetherby. His father 
had been an intimate friend of Sir Thomas Roos, who lived at 
the neighbouring manor of Ingmanthorpe, and was one of the 
executors under his will in 1399. Sir Robert Roos, 9 his son 
and heir, subsequently married Joan, a sister of Thomas Gas- 
coigne, and presented his brother-in-law to the living of Kirk 

I >eighton. The benefice was small, but Gascoigne resided on 
it at intervals for ten years. 10 The rest of his life he spent at 
Oxford, 11 and he died March i3th, I458, 12 after writing indus- 
triously upon every possible subject 13 bearing on churchmen 

1 Propter diversa impedimenta in corpore meo. GASC., 51. In 1445,. 
he describes himself as infirmus. Ibid., 232. 2 For " scholarizantibus," 
see STAFF. REG., 414. 3 RAINE, n., xx.; not 1437, as RAMSAY, i., xiv. 
4 LE NEVE, in., 164. 5 RAINE, n., xxi., xxv. 6 GASC., 51, 194. 7 See 
extracts from TORRE'S MSS., in TAYLOR, ECCLESI^E LEODIENSKS. 8 He 
calls it " Dighton," or " South Dighton," p. 205. In KIRKBY'S INQUEST, 
45, it is " Suth Dithon." In NOMINA VILLARUM, 348, it is " Magna 
Dighton." 9 CORP. CHRIST GILD, 31, 49. He died in 1451. GASC., 202. 
10 His successor was appointed September 29th, 1443. TAYLOR, ut sup. 

II He was chancellor of Oxford University in 1434. GASC., 116. According 
to LE NEVE, in., 467, he was commissary or vice-chancellor in 1434, 1439. 
His name appears as a witness to Lord Level's will at Oxford in 1454. 
GIBBONS, 186. I2 For his epitaph and brass, formerly in the ante-chapel at 
New College, Oxford, see WOOD (edition GUTCH), i., 207; GOUGH, in., 
180. 13 One of the two volumes now in the library of Line. Coll., Oxford, 
was transcribed by the Rev. Wm. Fleming, Fellow of Oriel, who held the 
living of Plymtree in Devonshire in 1796. GOUGH, ill., 181. 



360 Saint Richard Scrope. [CHAP. LIX. 

and their lives. His notice 1 of the execution of Archbishop 
Scrope was probably put together while he was at Kirk 
Deighton, and he drew many of his facts from the recollections 
of personal friends. His sister Joan 2 had heard old Sibsun 
tell the story of the logs, though she must have been a very 
little girl at the time; and he was familiar with Sir Thomas 
Cumberworth, George Plumpton, and Stephen Palmer, all of 
whom had something personal to relate in reference to their 
share in the events. It is obvious that Gascoigne's narrative 
is entitled to great respect, and the conscientiousness and 
candour of the man, as shown in his later writings, form an 
additional evidence of his trustworthiness of intention. Never- 
theless, there can be no doubt that he was to a large extent 
disqualified to sift evidence, by his known readiness to accept 
the marvellous. 3 This mental twist led him to devote much 
attention to the story of the lately-canonized Swedish Saint 
Brigit. 4 He translated a life of her into English from a Latin 
copy made in Rome, and by his will 5 he left his books to the 
monks of the new Brigittine convent at Sion, where his friend 
Thomas Fishbourne 6 had been the General Confessor ; and it 

1 The extract in ROGERS, 225, from GASCOIGNE'S LATIN PSALTER, in 
BODL. AUCT., D, 4, 5, appears to have been written in 1432. See DICT. 
NAT. BIOG., xxi., 43. 2 Page 342, note 3. 3 He knew a man at Oxford 
in 1450, who kept crying out that he was lost, that the sentence had gone 
forth : " Depart, ye cursed !" and that there was no God but the Devil. 
Gascoigne urged him to say: "Lord Jesus, have mercy on me !" but the 
man could not till the by-standers prayed to St. Brigit. Then the Devil 
was driven out, the man said the magic words, kissed the crucifix, and died 
two days afterwards, fortified with the sacraments of the Church. GASC., 
140. 4 GASC., 53, 156, 165, 170. A. WOOD, n.. 107, refers to COTTON 
MS., OTHO, A, 14, now lost. Cf. MIROURE, ix. 5 Dated March I2th, 1458. 
TANNER, s.v.; MUN. ACAD., n., 671 ; proved March 22nd, 1458. GRIF- 
FITHS, 23; not 27th, as DICT. NAT. BIOG., xxi., 43. 6 GASC., 170, 
where primi cannot mean the first appointed, who was William Alnwick. 
MONAST. , VI., 542. The election of Fishbourne was confirmed by the 
Bishop of London, May 5th, 1421. ORIG. LET., n., i., 91, where Bishop 
Clifford calls him "Sire Thomas Fyscheburne, my well-belovyd cousyn." 
He was a native of the district about York, and had been a squire in his 



1405.] Richard Maidstone. 361 

is doubtless in this connection l that his story has come down to 
us through the medium of Clement Maidstone, who repeats it 
with omissions and additions of his own. 

Several persons bearing the name of Maidstone are known 
to have been living about this time, though it is not easy to 
connect them with our Clement One of them, Richard Maid- 
stone, had been a fellow in Walter Merton's Scholars-House at 
Oxford, confessor to John of Gaunt, and a member of the 
brotherhood of the Carmes 2 or White-Friars at Aylesford, 8 on 
the Medway. He has left a Latin poem describing King 
Richard the Second's passage through London with his Queen 
in 1392 ; and a volume of his sermons long held the field 
under the curious title of "Sleep sound ! "* because they would 
be found useful for priests, pastors, and chaplains to incorporate 
without great study, in preaching to their congregations every 
Sunday throughout the year. Beyond this we know little of 
him, except that the flavour of his flattery was particularly 
fulsome, and his Latin particularly canine. Another Richard 
Maidstone was appointed one of the Tellers of the Exchequer 
on September 3oth, i4o8, 5 at a salary of 5d. per day, and held 
the office for many years after. On March ist, I409, 6 he was 

earlier days, possibly taking part in the rising of 1405. GASC., 170. He 
is mentioned in Bishop Skirlaw's will, 1404. TEST. EBOR., I. , 309, 315. 
He died September I3th, 1428 (or 1427, according to AUNGIER, no), and 
was succeeded by Robert Bell. EXCERPT. HIST., 415, from BISHOP GRAY'S 
REGISTER, LONDON, f. 69. For his obit, dated 1431, at which date two of 
the nuns are called Joan and Isabel Fishbourne, see AUNGIER, 32, 55. 

1 MYROURE, xxi. 2 HOCCL., DE REG., 72, 155. 3 Where he is buried. 
He is said to have died there in 1396. BALE, 498 ; WRIGHT, CAMD. 
Soc., 3, p. vii.; POL. SONGS, i., 282; STRICKLAND, i., 421 ; HCEFLER, 
ANNA, 130; though his name still appears on the books at Merton in 1399. 
BRODRICK, MERTON, 224; A. WOOD, i., 103; MONAST., vi., 1578. 
4 Dormi secure. Editions printed in Lyons, 1494; Paris, 1520, 1527. See 
EC. DES CHARTES, LI., 308. * ISSUE ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH.; DEVON, 
311, 312, 375, 385. In 1408-9 he was a member of the Fraternity of SS. 
Fabian and Sebastian in St. Botolph, Aldersgate. HONE, 80. For Richard 
Maidstone at Canterbury, 1399, see HIST. MSS., IXTH REPT., I., 137. 
6 PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 2. 



362 Saint Richard Scrope. [CHAP. LIX. 

made Assayer and Controller of the King's Mint in the Tower. 
William Maidstone, the squire who championed the Lady 
Spenser in the Duke of York's conspiracy, has been already 
noticed. 1 

Clement Maidstone is known to have been the son of a 
squire named Thomas Maidstone, 2 who was one of the repre- 
sentatives of the county of Middlesex 3 in the parliament of 
1399. Clement was born at Isleworth, 4 and was entered as a 
scholar at Winchester in 1403, in the same year with Thomas 
Beckington, 5 who afterwards became Bishop of Bath and Wells ;. 
and, as Richard, Thomas, and John Maidstone, of Isleworth, 
also appear in the Winchester Registers as scholars admitted 
in 1393, 1399, and 1406 respectively, it is probable that the 
family was in some way akin to the founder, William of 
Wykeham. Clement entered religion early. In September, 
1410, he joined the Priory of the Trinitarian Friars at 
Hounslow as a sub-deacon, and was ordained priest September 
i9th, 141 2. 6 Six months after this, Henry the Fourth died, 
and Clement 7 says that, within a month after the King's death, 
he was sitting with his father at a meal in the Priory, when a 
man entered and told them how a terrific storm had sprung up 
in the Thames, between Barking and Gravesend, as the 
corpse of that wicked king was being conveyed to Canterbury 
for burial ; how he and two other men on board had taken the 
body,out of the coffin and pitched it into the river, and how 

1 Page 43. In ISSUE ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH., May 23rd, 1409, 
William Maydeston receives j 155. 2d. for fish, cattle, &c., supplied for 
the use of the King's household. 2 He was in receipt of a pension of $ per 
annum, granted by Edward III. ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH., November 
24th, 1406 ; ibid., 9 H. IV., PASCH., June nth, 1408 ; 10 H. IV., MICH., 
December 4th, 1408. 3 RETURN PARL. , T., 258. 4 KIRBY, 19, 26, 29, 33. 

5 Ibid., 31 ; BEKYNTON, i., xvi., cxviii.; HIST. MSS., 2ND REPT., 134. 

6 TANNER s.v., quoting REG. CLIFFORD. 7 ANGL. SACR., n., 372; PECK, 
vii., 5; ANDREWS, n., 14; GENT. MAG., xxxvu., 346; WAURIN, i., 
cxlii.; WALL, 297. 



1405.] Clement Maidstone. 363; 

immediately there was a great calm. Such a miracle, he says, 
must tend to declare the glory of Archbishop Scrope and 
establish it in our memories for ever. He tells us that they 
took the coffin, filled it with stones, and deceived the country 
by burying it without the body * in Canterbury Cathedral ; but 
this last touch shows the whole story to be false, for *he 
coffin was opened in i832, 2 and the body was then found in it 
undisturbed. 

Clement Maidstone afterwards became a Brigittine monk, 3 ^ 
and entered the monastery of Sion-by-Shene, 4 which Henry 
the Fifth built at Isleworth, 5 in memory of his father and 
mother. 6 Here he set his ingenuity to work to reform the 
Ordinal 7 or the " Pye," 8 a set of rules for finding the different 
offices in the daily service-book, which varied with the move- 
able feasts in the calendar. This improvement he called the 
Priest's Directory, and as the Ordinal was a working book, a 
copy of which was frequently chained in the parish church,^ 
it was one of those selected by Caxton 10 for publication as a 
" well and truly-correct Table, to be sold good cheap to 
any man, spiritual or temporal, at the Almonesrye at the reed 
pale " at Westminster. 

1 Cf. the substitution of the body of Harold at Waltham. NOTES ANI> 
QUERIES, 21/3/85. 2 ARCH^OLOGIA, xxvi., 440; ARCH^OL. CANT., 
VIIL, 294; BRENT, 295 ; RAMSAY, i., 142. 3 BLADES, CAXTON, n., 193. 
It is possible that he was the author of the MIRROR OF OUR LADY. 4 STAFF. 
REG., 25. Quern vulgus vocat Scheene. GASC., 170. $ Juxta villam de 
Braynford, i.e., Brentford. MUNIMENTA ACAD., n., 671. In parochia 
de Iselworthe juxta Braynford. ANNALS OF BERMONDSEY, 487. 6 MONAS- 
TICON, vi., 542. 7 If a prest faile a poynt of his ordynal he schal be re- 
proved scharply. WYCL. (M.), 170, 193. 8 WHEATLY, 142 ; STAT., 3, 4 
Edward VI., c. 10 (iv., no); Du CANGE, s.v. Ordinale. The sub- 
chantress at Syon was to have experience of the ordinal and making of the 
table for the quire. AUNGIER, 361. 9 HIGDEN, VIL, 294 ; RIPON MEM., 
in., 114. On December 2ist, 1410, John Leycestre and Cecily, his wife, 
stole one valued at .5 from the church at Stafford, and were hanged for it. 
BOOK LORE, iv., 163. I0 See his advertisement in BLADES, n. , 101. 
For a specimen, see ibid., p. 103 ; e.g., Feria vi et sa de jejiinio cu resp 
histo 6 p ordine et resp. fel' ptrmittat 1 " Do ii to cantel r histo ij e v e erut de 
sacto mattheo. et sol' meo de sacto Laudo Dem de d5, &c., &c. 



364 Saint Richard Scrope. [CHAP. LIX. 

But Maidstone's industry was not only displayed in making 
a pye ; he tried his hand also on the Scrope myths, and being 
at the monastery which was said to have been built as an 
expiation for the martyr's blood, he worked up the story of 
Gascoigne and enlarged it with exaggerations of his own. 

We have also a small Latin poem l of great interest, written 
while the wars of the Roses were raging. The writer has 
gathered up the facts of the Archbishop's death as told in 
Gascoigne and the St. Alban's chronicle, but with some remark- 
able omissions. He leaves out all mention of the refusal of 
the Chief Justice to convict ; he knows nothing of the leprosy ; 
and, although he is full of pity for the shameful death of 
Scrope, and full of admiration for his character, and full of 
detail in his story of the execution, he never hints that his hero 
was treacherously betrayed, being, perhaps, too cautious to 
repeat the slur that clung to the powerful name of Nevill. 

In a metrical chronicle 2 of the Archbishops of York, 
written by a chantry priest of Ripon between the years 1452 
.and 1464, the martyrdom of Scrope is absolutely ignored, two 
lines alone being devoted to him, and no fact being given 
except his high birth and good connections. One is inclined to 
suspect that there has been some excision here, or that the 
omission must have been designed. 

The failure of the English to secure an official place 
.among the saints for their Archbishop may be read in con- 
nection with another effort for canonization that was making at 
the same time in a very different part of the world. Widow 
Dorothy, the patroness of Potnesania 3 in Prussia, was a plain 

1 POL. SONGS, n., 114-118; ATHEN^UM, August 27th, 1887, p. 280. 
2 RAINE, u., 485, from MS. RAWLINSON, OXFORD, 446, and CLEO- 
PATRA, C. IV. 3 It was a bishopric on the right bank of the Vistula. For 
its boundaries, see VOIGT, i., 479 ; n., 481. 



1 3 94-] & Dorothy of Prussia. 365 

peasant woman ' born at Montau, in the swamps of the Vistula. 2 
She became the wife of a blacksmith, and during 26 years of 
married life, when she had born nine children " without any 
pleasure," 8 she had practised fastings and severities till she 
passed into states of ecstasy. In one of these the Lord Jesus 
shot five shafts* and marked her body within and without. 
In another, He took out her heart and planted a lighted piece 5 
of flesh in her instead, which made her body like a boiling pot. 6 
It fumed and sweat so that she could not touch it with her 
hand, and, though she wore very little clothing, she needed no 
fire even in the coldest Baltic winter. She saw her own soul 7 
clear as crystal and flecked s with the tiniest faults. She could 
smell the foul stench of other people's sins. 9 Her body swelled, 10 ' 
and something fluttered quick within her as she felt the sweet 
kiss of her bridegroom Christ. After years of sanctity and 
pilgrimage she entered religion, 11 and on May 2nd, I393, 12 was 
bricked up in a small cell 13 built in the church at Marienwerder r 
lighted only from above, but with a little hole in the side 
through which she could receive the sacrament as soon as night 
was past. Here on June 25th, 1394," her confessor found her 
with her eyes closed, her feet covered, 15 her head facing east 

1 Mulier idiota. LILIENTHAL, 69 ; VOIGT, v., 664-681. 2 Cf. civitates 
stagnales, i.e., the Hanse Towns, in OLAI ERIC, 124. 3 LILIENTHAL, 30. 
4 Ibid., 47. s Eyn hitzcig stucke fleischis. MARIENWERDER, in HIRSCH, 
ii., 231. 6 LTLIENTHAL, 32. 7 Ibid., 75. 8 CATHOL., 134. 9 HTRSCH, 
ii., 262. I0 Ibid., 365. JI Intravit religionem. FANT, i.,H3. I2 HIRSCH, 
ii., 287 ; VOIGT, v., 657. I3 For measurements, see LILIENTHAL, 79. For 
the ankerhold at Bengeo, see ARCH.OL. JOURNAL, XLIV., 28. For mulier 
clausa, see SHARPE, I., 700. For inclusi and ankrets, see ROCK, in., 114, 
117. For anchoresses in England, see SHARPE, n., xxiii., and ANCREN 
RIWLE, CAMD. Soc., 1853. Compare: 

To every church and recluse of the town, 
Bade he give eke of golde a quantitee. 

HOCCL., DE REG., 156; SKEAT, 20. 

14 POSILJE, 193. '5 Cf. Whan that she fell so as she might, 
Her clothes with her hand she right, 
That no man downward fro the knee 
Should anything of her then see. 

LUCRECE, in GOWER, CONF. AM., 402. 



366 Saint Richard Scrope. [CHAP. LIX. 

and resting on the palm of her right hand, " dead for the heart- 
breaking love of her dearest Lord." 1 No wonder that a sweet 
odour arose from her tomb, that she appeared four times, and 
answered prayer by countless miracles, not only healing pains 2 
in old women's toes, and curing broken-winded horses, but 
even raising 31 persons from the dead. The miracles are 
monotonous repetitions of the neighbouring marvels of Saint 
Brigit, 3 whose Order found a footing in Danzig in 1396.* On 
June 24th, 1404^ a commission sat in the church at Marien- 
werder, under an order from Boniface IX., concerning whom 
Dorothy had had a revelation 6 that God loved him and called 
him a good man. Two hundred and sixty men and women 
deposed to the reality of the miracles from their personal 
knowledge, and so great was the crowd of witnesses, that 
selections had to be made as samples only. Before they had 
all been examined, Boniface died, 7 but Innocent VII. took up 
.the threads, and, at length, on February loth, 1406, the papers 
were finally forwarded to Rome. But for lack of funds no 
.action followed. 8 Eighty years afterwards, the case was pressed 
.again at Rome, and Innocent VIII. 9 was furnished with an 

1 " Das sy tot in der worheyt von der hertczbrechenden libe." HIRSCH, 

II., 328, 337. ~ LlLIENTHAL, I2O. 3 HlRSCH, II., 257, 367. 4 Ibid., 258; 

ibid., DANZIG, 9. 5 Ibid., n., 180. 6 VOIGT, v., 676. 7 October 1st, 
1404. Vol. I., p. 484. 8 VOIGT, v., 680. For bull, dated March 6th, 
1486, see HIRSCH, IT., 181. For miracles at the tomb of Edward II. at 
Gloucester, see DEVON, 248, 259, 264. For Simon de Montfort, see Ris- 
H ANGER. Cf. also the interesting facts as to the " abstractions and ravishing 
and manner of most singular living of St. Catherine of Siena," from the ac- 
count of an eyewitness dated thirty years after her death (Oct. 26th, 1411), 
in ANGLIA, vin., 195 ; ACTA SANCTORUM, April 3Oth, pp. 961-967. She 
was a " vile, little woman," and died before she was 34 years of age. She 
loathed flesh, wine, confections, and eggs, and sucked the juice of grapes 
" without the gross matter," living upon green herbs and a " mess of worts 
with oil." Yet she could read men's thoughts, command the sick to rise from 
their beds, and when "ravished into a swogh,"she did not feel a needle 
pricked into her foot, though when she came again to her bodily wits, her 
foot began to ache sore. For impostures in Bohemia, see Hus, MON., I., 

dx.J LOSEBTH, 102, 



13 94-J & Dorothy of Prussia. 367 

authorized copy of the depositions; but the influence of the 
Teutonic knights had then vastly declined, and the saintly 
Dorothy failed of her well-merited reward. 



CHAPTER LX. 
THE TRIPARTITE CONVENTION. 

WHEN the Earl of Northumberland left Berwick, 1 he seems- 
to have made for the monastery of Coldingham, 2 on the 
coast near St. Abb's Head. This singular community was a 
settlement of English Benedictines in the district of the Merse, 8 
subject to the Bishop of Durham, though actually situated in 
the Scottish diocese of St. Andrew's. While the Schism lasted,, 
the Coldingham monks refused to acknowledge the sovereignty 
of the King of Scotland, 4 affirming that he was excommunicated 
because he recognised the Avignon Pope. They stood as an 
outpost for damaging the Scots. If troops were gathering for a 
raid on England, the monks got word of it, and found means 
to forward warning across the border. On the other hand, so 
jealous were they of their neighbours, that no Scottish boy 
was allowed to stand in their kitchen, lest he should find out 
awkward secrets and betray them to the Scots; and, if the 
Percies crossed in force enough to plunder in the Merse, the 
Prior of Coldingham would take arms and join in the burning 
and the slaughter. Nevertheless, the monks were fairly safe 
even in the jaws of their enemies, for they were rich and could 
be squeezed by either side when money was scarce. But so- 
battered were their tenants, that, in 1400, their rent-roll had 
fallen to one-fifth of its normal value, 3 and no tithe could be 
got because the corn was " wasted by the Scots." 

1 Vol. II., p. 264. 2 GROSE, i., 95 ; GORDON, MONAST., i., 359. 3 Vol. 
I., 290. Called "Merkis." WALCOTT, 92'; or "The Marshe" in 1575. 
DOUGL. BOOK, IV., 202. Cf. Morthyngton infra Mariscum in Scotia. 
ROT. SCOT., ii., 193. 4 See the fragment of twelve charges brought against 
them before the Bishop of St. Andrews in Edinburgh, in 1379. 5 Viz. , from 
.263 33. 2d. to ^53 43. 6d. COLDINGHAM CORRDCE., p. lxxix.,65, &c. 



1388.] St. Andrews. 369 

As the Schism increased in bitterness, Pope Urban VI. 
chose to assume that the see of St. Andrews was vacant 1 
because the Scots did not acknowledge his authority. In 1388, 
Archbishop Nevill, being deprived of his see at York, was 
translated to the bishopric of St. Andrews. 2 But the appoint- 
ment was a mere sham and perfectly inoperative, so far as 
concerned any practical connection with the duties or emolu- 
ments in Scotland, except in places such as Berwick and 
Roxburgh, which, though locally in the diocese of St. Andrews, 
were actually in English hands. 3 As a matter of fact, Nevill 
never went near his supposed Scottish diocese, but died in 
1392, at Louvain, where he had served as a parish priest 4 for 
three years. Similarly, there were at the same time Bishops 5 
of Caithness, Dunkeld, and Glasgow, figuring as suffragan 
bishops in England, though the Scottish people disregarded 
them as schismatics and got on quite well without them, and 
if it had not been for one or two obscure notices, we should 
never have known of their existence. 

Pope Boniface IX., shortly after his accession in 1389, 
placed the care of St. Andrews diocese in the charge of the 



1 RYMER, vn., 573; vin., 31. 2 MALVEBN in HIGDEN, ix., 179. 
FULLER (i., 129), who will have his joke, calls this a "post-ferment " to an 
" arch-no-bishoprick." 3 A similar complication occurred in the Channel 
Islands ; they formed part of the diocese of Coutances, but the Bishop was 
a "schismatic" to the English, who held the islands. FR. ROLL, 9 H. 

IV., l8. 4 MALVEBN in HlGDEN, IX., 267; STOW, CHRON., 304; RAINE, 

HIST., ii., 424. 5 WALCOTT, 6, 213; JONES, 96, 97; STAFF. REG., 53. 
For William, Bishop of Tournai, who had "nothing to live on," and had 
^40 per annum from the English Exchequer, see Vol. II., p. 205, note 3 ; 
STUBBS, REG., 144; ISSUE ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH. (March 26th, 1406); 
ibid., 9 H. IV., PASCH. (April 25th and August 2nd, 1408). In ibid., n 
H. IV., MICH. (December 4th, 1409), he has ,60. He expresses himself 
willing to resign his pension in PRIV. SEAL, 657/7436, January 8th, 1413. 
For other- claimants to the see of Tournai, viz., Jacques Gaite and Martin, 
see GALL. CHRIST., m., 230; D'ACHERY, VL, 363. The Bishop actually in 
possession was Louis de la Tremoille, installed April 2ist, 1392. ITINE- 
RAIRES, 227, 262, 312, 379, 394, 401. 



370 The Tripartite Convention. [CHAP. LX. 

Bishop of Durham, calling the other Pope l a " son of damna- 
tion," and his nominees " sons of iniquity." The diocese of 
St. Andrews bordered on that of Durham, and included 2 the 
whole of the south-eastern side of Scotland, from Brechin to 
the Tweed. The Bishop of Durham straightway appointed 3 
the Prior of Coldingham to have jurisdiction as his represen- 
tative ; but we may judge how far his power extended, when we 
know that he had to submit to bullying letters * from the Earl 
of March, and to pay a "pension" of ;ioo every year "of 
usual money of Scotland" to the Earl of Douglas, as Keeper 5 
of his land and rents and " Sovereign Baillie and Governour of 
all his lordship." 6 In 1397, another sham appointment of an 
Englishman was made to the see of St. Andrews, 7 in the 
person of Archbishop Arundel. But it made no difference to 
the position. Constant bickerings went on between the Prior 
and the Scottish Bishop in possession, and the property of the 
monks was continually exposed to be plundered both by Scots 
and English. On the accession of Henry IV., and the return 
of Arundel as Archbishop of Canterbury, his appointment as 
Bishop of St. Andrews was annulled, 8 and the monks of 
Coldingham seem to have seen the wisdom of giving up the 
struggle. The Scottish Bishop of St. Andrews visited the 
monastery, and a large sum 9 was spent in coal, wine, food, 
and presents on the occasion. After the escape of the 
Earl of Northumberland from Berwick, it is probable that he 
also rested at Coldingham, and met there the newly-appointed 
Bishop of St. Andrews, Henry Wardlaw, 10 of Torry, who 

1 HIST. DUNELM., SCRIPT. TRES, CLX. 2 For the eight rural deaneries, 
see WALCOTT, 91. 3 RAINE, NORTH DURHAM, App. 94, dated October 
2oth, 1390. 4 COLDINGHAM CORRDCE, 65. 5 RAINE, App. 34; DOUGLAS 
BK., in., 367, from NATIONAL MSS. SCOT., n., 47. 6 COLDINGHAM, 86 ; 
DOUGLAS BOOK, i., 374. 7 Not St. Albans, as CREIGHTON, i., 305. 
8 October igth, 1399. CONC., in., 246 ; RAMSAY, i., 2. 9 COLDINGHAM, 
Ixxix. 10 WALCOTT, 87. 



1405.] Coldingham. 371 

became afterwards the founder 1 of St. Andrews University; 
for the Prior's accounts 2 for the year 1405 include receipts to 
the amount of 62 95. 8d. from " Lord Henry Percy and 
other friends," while the Bishop of St. Andrews and "other 
friends of the realm of Scotland " came in for presents to the 
amount of ^8 125. od. 

What arrangements were made we do not know, but the 
Bishop soon after received the fugitive Earl and his grandson, 
together with Lord Bardolph, in his castle at St. Andrews 
" with great honour k and honesty ; " s and a second time the 
Earl had leisure to meditate over the wreck of his imprudent 
schemes in the solitude of enforced retirement. He did his 
best to incite 4 the r Scots to move before the season was past, 
and not without success. The Scots had, indeed, their own 
reasons for anticipating a very different termination to the 
difficulty. Their King, Robert III., was fast sinking to the 
grave in senile dotage. He was. only 58 years of age, 5 but he 
had been kicked by a horse when young, and had never been 
*' feirie " 6 since. His authority 7 had long ago been set aside, 
and his name had become a by-word for feebleness throughout 
Europe. 8 He was still shifted about 9 between Rothesay, 
Stirling, Dundonald, and Linlithgow, but it was seen that 
the end was fast approaching, and it behoved all who had 



1 SCOTICHRON., ii., 445 ; BOECE, 342 ; BUIK, in., 497 ; BELLENDEN, 
257. 2 COLDINGHAM, Ixxx. 3 WvNT., ix., xxiiii., 137; SCOTICHRON., 
xv., ch. XVIIL, 439 ; LESLEY, 254. 4 ROT. PARL., in., 606. s D. SCOTT, 
223. 6 \\ T YNT., ix., 970; JAMIESON, ii., 216. ? In January, 1399, the 
Parliament at Perth records that "it is wele sene and kennyt that our lorde 
the kyng for seknes of his person may nocht travail to governe the Realme." 
ACTS PARL. SCOT., i., 210. 8 CHEVALIER ERRANT, written in 1394 in 
the form of a dream, by THOMAS, THIRD MARQUIS OF SALUZZO (d. 1416); 
NOTICES DES MSS., v., 569 ; TRAIS., 225; NOUVELLE BIOG., s.v. Orleans, 
p. 800; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 181. Saluzzo was at Jerusalem November 
nth, 1391. ORIENT LATIN, i., 540. * EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., in., 624, 
May 28th, 1405. 



372 The Tripartite Conventio7i. [CHAP. LX. 

interests to serve to be on the spot when the change should 
come. Four years before, his gifted son David had been taken 
from him, just as he was rising into the promise of manhood. 1 
The old King could offer no resistance, and the murderers had 
justified their crime on the plea of high policy of state. 

But King Robert had yet another son, 2 James Earl of Carrick, 
a short, big-boned, passionate lad, 3 with brown eyes, " abourn " 
hair, and a leaning to stoutness. 4 He was now eleven years of 
age, 3 and " not far past the state of innocence," 6 but we have 
already evidence that he was not to be allowed to succeed to 
his father's throne. In 1404^ it was believed in Paris that the 
succession would fall to the Earl of Douglas, who, besides 
being brother-in-law 8 to the dead Duke of Rothesay, had 

1 Born 1378, died 1402. Vol. I., p. 288. For the Tyronensian Abbey 
of Lindores near Newburgh, where he was buried, see G. S. AITKEN, 
ABBEYS OF ABBBOATH, BALMEBINO, AND LINDORES. For the stone coffin, 
tradionally ascribed to him, see LATNG, 102. 2 A son named Robert had 
also died. EXCH. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., clxxii.; TYTLER, in., 159; MEN- 
TEITH, I., 162. 3 SCOTICHRON. , II., 504. The contemporary account in 
PINKEBTON, I., 462, 469, is not very consistent. In one passage he is 
" meane of stature," in another "a man right manly and strong." See his 
portrait in CHALMEBS. 4 ^Eneas Sylvius, who was afterwards an envoy to 
his court, describes him as parvo corpore pinguique, oculis clarus, sed torvus, 
iracundus et vindictse cupidus. TBANSCR. FOR. REG., 158, n, from 
VATICAN MS., 3, 887. 5 HABD., 364 ; WYNT., in., 62. He was born at 
Dunfermline, July, 1394. CHALMERS, i; EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., 
clxxii.; not fourteen, as SCOTICHBON., xv., 18, followed by MAJOB, I25a; 
BUBTON, IL, 384; MENTEITH, i., 188 ; or twelve, as POL. VERG., 438; 
or nine, as BELLENDEN, in HOLINS., 255 ; HALLE, 27 ; GRAFTON, 432; 
BAKEB, 234; STOW, 334; TBUSSEL, 86; DE LABREY, i., 799; CARTE, 
IL, 668; HUME, IL, 291; SH. TUBNEB, IL, 371. 6 CHALMEBS, 32. 
7 Vol. I., p. 399. Mr. Fraser seems to have lost sight of this, when arguing 
that Douglas had no interest in the removal of Rothesay. MENTEITH, I., 
174. 8 Rothesay's wife is usually called Marjory (Vol. I., p. 127), but her 
name is proved to have been Mary from EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., in., 566, 
620; PLUSCARD., L, 339; DRUMMOND, Preface. In DOUGLAS BOOK, i., 
348, 354, 362, she is " Mary or Marjory." In 1403, she married Walter 
Haliburton. EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., clxxi., and she died in 1421- 
Ibid., IV., 343. In 1411 a safe conduct for England is made out for Eliza- 
beth (sic), Duchess of Rothesay. RYM., VIIL, 694 ; ROT. SCOT., IL, 197; 
PBIV. SEAL, 652/6921. See also STODABT, IL, 10. 



1405.] James of Scotland. 373 

married Margaret, 1 the King's eldest daughter. But Douglas 
was still a prisoner in England, 2 and through he and Murdach 
were treated with every courtesy and consideration, yet time 
was pressing, and King Robert's death might be announced at 
any moment. The boy James was in charge of his kinsman, 3 
Sir David Fleming,* of Biggar and Lenzie or (Cumbernauld), 
who had been one of the custodians 5 of the mysterious 
" Maumet," and had just returned from negociating with King 
Henry at Pontefract. 6 Fearing some foul play, Fleming had 
the boy 7 sent to the castle of St. Andrews, 8 where he would be 
under the care of Bishop Wardlaw, and could be immediately 
removed, if circumstances should require it, by mooring a boat 
close under the walls. 

At such a time, it must have been especially galling to the 
Earl of Douglas to be lolling his life in London, while intriguers 
at home might supplant him at the last and gather the prize 
for which he had played so deep. He still drew pay as Keeper 
of Edinburgh Castle, 9 though the duties had to be performed 



1 ACTS OF PARL., SCOT., i., 220; MENTEITH, i., 157. See inscription 
in DOUGLAS BOOK, I., 398, from her tomb at Lincluden, near Dumfries, 
where a new college had just replaced the nunnery, partly because the nuns 
had broken their vows of chastity, and partly to "make provision for de- 
pendents on the family" of Douglas. GODSCRO FT, 114; CARDONNEL, s.v.; 
SCOTICHROX., ii., 430 ; WALCOTT, 370 ; BOECE, 337a ; BUIK OF CHRON., 
59278; DOUGLAS BOOK, I., 348. For confusion of Margaret with her 
sister Egidia, see EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., clxxii. Two other of King 
Robert's daughters, viz., Mary and Elizabeth, were married to Douglases. 
EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., clxxiii. ; MENTEITH, i., 175. 2 Page 60. 
3 " That cusyng nere wes to the king." WYNT. , ix. , 2639 ; SOUTHEY, n., 
17. Fleming's son, Malcolm, was married to Elizabeth, daughter of the 
Duke of Albany. EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., clxxxviii.; MENTEITH, i., 
191. 4 VESP. F. vii., 89 (82), has remonstrance from David Flemyng de 
Byger to Henry IV., dated Combyrnalde, January loth, 1405. He was 
Lord of Lenzie, or Lenyie, the old name for Cumbernauld. HUNTER, 480; 
MACPHERSON, s.v. 5 Vol. I., 268. 6 Vol. II., 62. ? " By their avise 
that had of me the cure." CHALMERS, 32. 8 For view of it in 1790, see 
GROSE, IL, 290. 9 EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., in., 591, 619; iv., 19, 43, 
Si, 115- 



374 The Tripartite Convention. [CHAP. LX. 

by his deputy, Sir William Crawford. 1 Messenger after mes- 
senger passed from Scotland into England about catching 
thieves 2 who had stolen money, or making the pilgrimage 
to Canterbury, 3 or points of arms, 4 or one thing or another; 
and, as they usually provided themselves with bags full of 
" Scot-mailyies," 5 which had only as much silver in them as an 
English farthing, 6 the victuallers, 7 taverners, and hostlers 8 in 
England had reason to remember them, when they found 
themselves inundated with this billon 9 trash in payment for 
their harbourage. 10 There was no lack of proposals for the 
ransom of the distinguished prisoners, and, if the money had 
been forthcoming on the Scottish side, there would have been 
every readiness on the part of the Court at Westminster to 
hasten their release. On August 8th, 1405," Sir William 
Douglas, of Drumlanrig, 12 in Nithsdale, had permission to visit 
England. A similar permission was granted on August 27th, 
to John Stewart, Lord of Lome, and Sir William Borthwick, 
both of them practised negociators, 13 accompanied by four 

1 Called Crawford of Haining and Ferme, in EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., 
IV., Iviii., i.e., the Ferm of Rutherglen. DOUGLAS BOOK, I., 347; in., 
403, 405. 2 ROT. SCOT., ii., 177. 3 Ibid., 200. RYM., vin., 421. 

SjAMIESON, S.V.; ROT. PAUL. , II., 318; III., 127, 280, 409,600,644; 

iv., 69; STAT., i., 313; LIB. ALB., i., 233, 575; LIB. CUST., i., 187, 
189; DESCHAMPS, iv. , 299 ; KEUTGEN, 15 ; LEBLANC, xv.; COCHRAX- 
PATRICK, i., 14, 15. In John of Gaunt's Register (Due. LANG. REG., XL, 
13, 206) the Scottish groat was only worth 3d. of English money : August 
6th (no year, but probably 1375). 6 Rather than with a ferthyng him releeve. 
HOCCL., DE REG., 47, The kyng may not ponysche hem bi o ferthing 
worth. WYCL. (M.), 130, 222. i WYCL. (M.), 174. 8 WYCL. (M.), 181; 
P. PLO., xx., 74; HOLT, 182. " Vicious hostelars, who are often unclean 
women of their bodies." ENGL. GARN., vi., 84. For " pandoxator," see 
PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 31. 9 Du CANGE, s.v.; J. D. ROBERTSON, 109; 
NUM. CHRON., N.S., xn., 99; 3rd Series, iv., 189, Plate ix.; COCHRAN- 
PATRICK, i., cxvi., 15; IL, Plate ii.; NOTES AND QUERIES, 7th Series, 
in., 383 ; LEBLANC, xin. I0 "With a riche hoost he toke his herbegage." 
HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 46. Cf. CHAUCER, 4567; GOWER, CONF. AM., 
114, 177. " ROT. SCOT., n. , 175 ; renewed November 3rd. RYM., VIIL, 
421. I2 He was a "base son" of James, second Earl of Douglas, who 
was killed at Otterburn. GODSCROFT, 92. He died in 1421. DOUGLAS 
BOOK, i., 320, 406. J 3 EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., in., iv., passim. For 
further permit, see ROT. SCOT., n., 176. 



i46-] The Mouldwarp. 375 

diplomatists. Then came the news of the flight of the Earl 
of Northumberland, and though he was in Scotland under 
the sacred trust of hospitality, yet the temptation proved too 
strong to be resisted, and the negociators, who appear to have 
stayed at " The Bell " in Carter Lane, 1 offered to deliver him 
up into King Henry's hands in return for the release of the 
Earl of Douglas. It was found that the castle of St. Andrews 
was no place for the English fugitives, and they were courteously 
invited to remove to Perth, 2 which they did, leaving young 
Henry Percy 3 behind as a playmate for Prince James. But 
Fleming 4 having conveyed to them a friendly hint of what was 
in store, the Earl of Northumberland and Lord Bardolph made 
good their escape and crossed into Wales. 

Many sympathizers 5 from England had preceded them on 
pretence of joining the King's forces ; the French were still in 
the country, triumphant from their recent autumn success ; the 
bards were pressing round Owen with renewed predictions of 
his great destiny ; and the moment of final deliverance for 
Wales seemed at length to be at hand. The Prophet had been 
worked on the death of Richard II., that lamb 6 with the feet 
of lead, the head of brass, the fox's heart, and the swine's skin. 
It had been found that after him should come a mould warp 7 

1 Q. R. WARDROBE, 8 a , App. B. 2 Tyl Sanct Johnstoune syne past he. 
WYNT., in., 93. 3 SCOTICHRON., xv., 18, 19. On May nth, 1415, 
he was still in the hands of the Scots, at which date he is said to be " deinz 
age." RYM., ix., 242. Cf. HARD., 373. He was exchanged for Murdach 
in the same year. ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 160 ; SCOTICHRON., n., 448; 
PLUSCARD., 350. 4 ANN., 418; WALS., u., 273; HYPODIGM., 418. 
Fraser (MENTEITH, I., 188) seems to think that there is no authority for 
this fact, because none is given in TYTLER, in., 153. s PAT., 7 H. IV., 
2, 39, March iyth, 1406. 6 HALLIWELL, SHAKESPEARE, ix., 401, from 
WALTER SCOTT, quoting Chronicle penes John Clarke of Eldin, now in pos- 
session of the Duke of Hamilton. In other versions he is the crowned ass. 
See B. M. CATALOGUE OF ROMANCES, i., 300, 309, 311, 319, 322. COTTON, 
FAUSTINA, B. ix., ff. 241 and 242; CLEOPATRA, C. iv., 15 ; JULIUS, A. 
v. 3 ; GALBA, E. ix. See HALL, Edition of MINOT, p. 103. ^ MIR. 
FOR MAG., 300; APOLOGY, 57 ; WYCL. (M.), 89, 95, 97, 147. Cf. wadd, 
or gwadd, in PRYS, 134. 



376 The Tripartite Convention. [CHAP. LX. 

cursed of God's mouth, a caitiff and a coward, with " an eld- 
ryche skin as a goat," on whom vengeance should fall for 
" suffering his people to live in great pride without chastising." 
Then a Dragon 1 should come "out of the North, 2 and war 
against the mouldwarp upon a stone." 3 The Dragon from the 
North would be joined by a Wolf from the West, and the two 
would " bind their tails together." To them would then be 
linked a " Lion out of Ireland." Many castles would fall on 
the banks of the Thames, the chief rivers in England would 
run blood, the great hills would be cloven for dread, and the 
Thames would be choked with corpses. Henry would flee 
before the Wolf, the Dragon, and the Lion, and escape, when 
the sea is dry, in one ship to an "isle in the sea." 4 Thence 
he should return and give up three-fourths of his kingdom, 
retaining one-fourth only for himself. Another version 5 allowed 
him one-third, but even this would not remain with him long, 
for he was fated to be drowned, and his seed would be 
" fatherless for evermore." On his death, the land would be 
divided into three parts, and shared by the Dragon, 6 the Wolf, 

1 Owen had a dragon for his crest (Vol. I., 247 ; Vol. II., 15, note 8), 
and on his seals ; cf. Gryffyth Llvvyd, in PENNANT, I., 336 ; D. WILLIAMS, 
App., 117. 2 In Edward the Third's time ; 

Merlin said thus with his mowth : 
Out of the north into the sowth 
Suld cum a bare (boar) over the se, 
That suld mak many men to fle. 

He was also to make great play with his tail. MINOT, in POL. SONGS, I. , 
75 (circ. 1352). See the specimens of the same kind of thing, with quota- 
tions from "Merlin Ambrose" and " Sibille," in THE LAST AGE OF THE 
-CHURCH, xxxin. (written 1356), with TODD'S Notes. VAUGHAN, i., 255, 
and ALZOG, n. , 947, attribute it without question to Wycliffe. In France 
the Prophet was quoted in proof of the coming downfall of England. 
DESCHAMPS, I., 106, 164; n., 34, 58; vn., 244. For Joachim, see ibid., 
v., 169; GOWER, CONF. AM., 136. 3 "Founded on a stane bese that 
bataile." GALBA, E. ix., 230; HALL, p. 104. 4 GALBA, E. ix., 260. 
5 The twa ptes sail he gif oway of that land, 

For to save the thrid part in his owin hand. Ibid., 261. 
6 Ibid., 272, drops out the wolf, and gives all to the dragon and the lion. 



1406.] " Merlyn ahua mystyly" 377 

and the Lion, and " so shall it be for ever." The land would 
be called the Land of Conquest, and the " rightful heirs " 
would be " disherited." 

It is clear that this jargon x was circulating in the first out- 
break of the rising in Wales, probably about the time of the 
capture and recovery of Conway in 1401. But the Thames was 
not yet choked with bodies ; the Lion of Ireland was still a 
puzzling item in the programme; the bards were still at sea as to 
" wat hate the toupe 2 and wat the bare," 8 and in other respects 
the "badges 4 scarcely well agreed." Owen, however, was still 
"o'erruled by prophecies," 5 the time might come when the 
mouldwarp would be really forced to fly, and it was well to have 
everything in train for emergencies. But if there were any trust 
to be placed in the inspired prediction, he would himself have 
to play the Wolf from the West, and tie his tail to the Earl of 
Northumberland as the Dragon from the North. Meantime, in 
the prevailing fogginess with regard to Ireland, it might be 
possible for Sir Edmund Mortimer to play the Lion, from the 
connection of his family with the earldom of Ulster, 6 this 
interpretation being evidently open to revision as events should 
dictate. And, indeed, with such a wealth of bards, there was a 
wide field for choice. According to some, vengeance 7 would 
soon fall on the proud, wretched, bloated mouldwarp for his 
sins, and the land would fall to the ass, or the boar, or the 
dragon, or the lion. According to others, a far grander destiny 
awaited Owen. He was led to hope that the time had come 

1 GOWER, CONF. AM., 266, 285. 2 LANGTOFT, 11., 458. s cf. MER- 
LIN, GEOFF. OF MONMOUTH, vn. , 3, p. 137. Superveniet aper commercii 
qui disperses greges ad amissa pascua revocabit. ARCH.^EOL., xx., 261 ; 
LAXGTOFT, i., 270. See Vol. I., p. 19. 4 MIR. FOR MAG. , 300. s HENRY 
IV., Part I., iv., 4, 18. 6 Page 43, note 2. In PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 27, the 
Earl of March is Earl of Ulster, Lord of Clare, Trim, and Connaught. 
7 BODL. MS., 1787, in ARCH^OL., xx., 257. The only certainty here is 
that the ass is Richard II. 



378 The Tripartite Convention. [CHAP. LX. 

when the Almighty, seeing all the ruin and bloodshed going on 
around, would stir up the hope of wisdom and courage in 
Brutus (i.e. the Welshman), the king of beasts, who would 
gather his herds in the desert to the rescue, so that he might 
spoil the robber and his herds and reign in his stead. Then 
should there be peace in the land, and Owen should conquer 
Jerusalem and set free the Red Lion (i.e. the Welsh) in all the 
world. 

With all this skimble-skamble stuff still ringing in his ears, 
Owen went out to meet the Earl of Northumberland. He took 
with him his son-in-law, Sir Edmund Mortimer, who had now 
been more than three years in his power, and showed no 
ambition to play any higher part than that of a humble family 
dependent. The meeting took place on February 28th, 1406, 
at the house of David Daron, 1 Dean of Bangor, at Aberdaron, 
by the sea-shore on the extreme south-west of Carnarvon. 

The place was typical of the cause : the very ultima Thule 
of Welsh land, with the Earl cast out of England by enemies, 
and out of Scotland by friends, and just able to catch a 
momentary foothold before taking ship for France. Oaths 
were taken with all solemnity ; the principals laid their hands 
on the gospels z and swore to be true to each other, and then 
signed their names to a bond, doubtless drawn up and carefully 
discussed by the lawyers beforehand, and subsequently known 
as the Tripartite Convention. The only writer 3 living near the 
events who mentions the bond places it in the year 1405, and 

1 He was outlawed in 1406, as a partisan of Owen. MONASTICON, vi., 
1298 ; LE NEVE, I., in ; LEWIS, s.v. Bangor. According to THOMAS, 106, 
149, he was son of Evan ap Dafydd ap Gryffydd, descended from Caradoc 
ap lestyn, Prince of Wales. 2 CHRON. GILES, 42. Cf. " Haly Wangelis." 
DOUGLAS BOOK, in., 38. 3 CHROX. GILES, 39. He seems to quote 
_from the original, in which England is " Leogria," and the ash trees are 
" onnene margioum." The earliest official reference to it is in ROT. PARL., 
ill., 612, December 2nd, 1407. 






1406.] ''And our indentures tripartite are drawti." 379 

since Hall's time it has been usual to suppose that it was signed 
before the battle of Shrewsbury ; * but this is impossible, and, 
on a general view of all the circumstances, I am convinced that 
-the meeting took place in the spring of I4o6. 2 

The opening articles of the agreement are identical with 
those of the treaty between Owen and the French. The parties 
bind themselves to act together as "good, true, and trusty 
friends," but they do not name the person against whom they 
are to act. Then follows the curious compact : If by God's 
disposing, it should appear to the aforesaid lords, in process of 
time, that they are the very persons between whom the Prophet 
says that the government of Greater Britain shall be divided 
and shared, then they shall work, each according to his power, 
that this may be effectually carried into effect. 3 In case they 
should ever be called upon to act under this inspiring belief, it 
was considered wise to provide beforehand against a possibility 
of disagreement over the proposed division of the spoil. To 
guard against ambiguity in interpreting the meaning of the 
Prophet, a schedule of boundaries was mapped out for the 
guidance of the three when the time for the division should 
arrive. Owen and his heirs were to have all Wales from the 
Severn to the Mersey. The boundary line would run from the 
Bristol Channel (then called the Sabrinian Sea)/ following the 
course of the Severn as far as Worcester ; thence from the north 

1 MIR. FOR MAG., 305; ROBERT WILLIAMS, 171; LLOYD, i., 208; 
CYMMRODOR, iv., 229; WOODWARD, 570; APPLEYARD, m., 74. ROW- 
LAND WILLIAMS, xv., 206, thinks that the convention was "a mere fable, 
"imagined by popular alarm." Cf. PAULI, v., 24, also TYLER, i., 153 ; II.,- 
433, who discredits the document because it dates the meeting after the 
battle of Shrewsbury. FoNBLANQUE, I., 213, goes back without hesitation 
to the old mistake, and RAMSAY, I., 58, 86, assigns it both to 1403 and 1405 ! 
2 See also BELTZ, 158. TOUT in DICT. NAT. BIOG., xxi., 433; xxvi., 
39, inclines to 1405, but appears to doubt the story altogether. 3 Ad 
effectual efficaciter perducatur. 4 CHRON. GILES, 41; POLYOLBION, i., 
4; GEOF. MON., vn., 3. 



380 The Tripartite Convention. [CHAP. LX. 

gate of Worcester to a point on the road halfway between 
Bridgnorth and Stourbridge, on the border of the counties of 
Stafford and Shropshire, marked by a group of ash trees and 
still called Four Ashes on the Ordnance Survey map ; l thence 
it followed " the old road " northwards to the sources of the 
Trent, thence north-east to the head-waters of the Mersey, and 
down that river to the sea. This division would include the 
whole of the counties of Cheshire, Shropshire, Hereford, and 
Monmouth, together with the western portions of Gloucester- 
shire, Worcester, and Stafford, in addition to the twelve counties 
now reckoned as the Principality of Wales. The Earl of 
Northumberland would take the northern portion of England, 2 
that is to say, so much as lay to the north of a line drawn from 
Worcester to the southern boundary of Norfolk; leaving the 
remainder for Sir Edmund Mortimer 3 if he could get it. Of 
the northern section, it is noteworthy that the Earl of 
Northumberland was not to have the counties of Durham 
and Cumberland : the former on account of the claims of 
its Prince-Bishop, without whose co-operation no portion of 
the scheme could hope to succeed ; the latter as, perhaps, a 
debateable land, too valueless and precarious to be worth 
enumeration. On the southern side, however, where defini- 
tion was most urgently required in the absence of any clear, 
natural boundary, the frontier was left in a condition of 
tempting chaos. Northamptonshire and Norfolk were to go 
to the Earl of Northumberland, but the intervening counties 
of Huntingdon and Cambridge were to be wrangling-bones, 
left to be tugged for by the Triumvirs, backed each by his 

1 Sheet Ixi., S.E., marked also in KITCHEN'S MAP OF STAFFORDSHIRE, 
near Enville. 2 According to BOECE, xvi., 339 (followed by GODSCROFT, 
119, and HOLINS., 522), the Earl of Douglas was to have had Berwick 
and the larger part of Northumberland, if the Percies had succeeded at 
Shrewsbury. 3 Not the Earl of March, as FONBLANQUE, I., 213. 



1406.] Fugitives in Paris. 381 

own interpretation of the Prophecy. When the three had 
settled any ugly disputes that might fairly be expected to 
arise, they were to combine for the common defence of the 
country against all enemies except the King of France, as 
Owen's special confederate and ally. 

Such was the substance of the singular scheme which 
passed for statecraft in those distant days ; but, fortunately 
for England, the time was not favourable for attempting its 
fulfilment. It was rumoured that the Prince of Wales 1 was 
approaching with a large force; the French were in a hurry 
to be gone; and, by the middle of March, i4o6, 2 the Earl's 
supporters from England were creeping back stealthily to their 
homes, hiding during the day and making what progress they 
could under the cover of each night. The Earl himself 3 and 
Lord Bardolph remained in Wales to do a little mischief during 
the summer. Letters were sent about 4 in the joint names of 
Northumberland, Mortimer, and Bardolph, to stir the sym- 
pathies of Englishmen for the fate of Archbishop Scrope, who 
died for his efforts to restore " the right line," and Welsh 
envoys were again sent to Paris, urging help in dethroning 
the usurper Henry. In the summer of 1406, the Earl of 
Northumberland and Lord Bardolph crossed to Brittany, 5 and 
arrived in Paris before the middle of July, 6 where the Earl 
begged " piteously " for help, 7 offering to give hostages that he 
would ever hold himself at the service of the King of France. 

1 REP. DIGN. PEER, in., 795. 2 PAT., 7 II. IV., 2, 39 (March i;th, 
1406), has orders to arrest them. 3 He was certainly in Wales as late as 
June 7th and igth, 1406. ROT. PARL., in., 576, 606. 4 GASC., 229; 
ANGL. SACR., 11., 369. s HARD., 364. 6 JuRADE, 49. ? MONSTR., i.,. 
130; WAURIN, 11., 102. 



CHAPTER LXI. 

JAMES OF SCOTLAND. 

THE negociations with the Scottish Court were still continued, 
even though the Earl of Northumberland had escaped the 
snare. On January 3oth, I406, 1 an order was signed allowing 
thirteen scions of the best blood of Scotland to pass into 
England, to remain until the ist of May, in the hope that 
arrangements might be made whereby Murdach and Douglas 
would be released, and the visitors be detained in England as 
security till the ransom money should be fully paid. The list 
includes : the Earl of Douglas' eldest son and heir, Archibald ; 
his brother, James Douglas, 2 then Warden of the Marches ; his 
son-in-law, Sir Simon Glendinning ; 3 his kinsman, James, 4 son 
of Sir James Douglas of Dalkeith ; his nephew, Sir William 
Douglas 5 of Nithsdale, and his cousin, Sir William Douglas of 
Drumlanrig ; Henry Sinclair, 6 Earl of Orkney, and his brother 
William ; the Duke of Albany's second son, John Stewart 7 of 
Coul ; his relatives, Sir John Seton and Sir William Graham, 8 

1 RYM., viii., 429 ; ROT. SCOT., n., 177. 2 The argument in DOUGLAS 
BOOK, I., 435, that he was never in England, seems to be based on a 
mistake. The Traquair charter, to which he is a witness, is dated January 
4th, 1406 (ibid., in., 403), not January 5th, 1407. 3 DOUGLAS, BARONAGE, 
235; ARMSTRONG, 156. On April 26th, 1407, he was made Baillie of 
Eskdale for the Earl. DOUGLAS BOOK, m., 53. In DOUGLAS, PEERAGE, 
186, the son-in-law is Sir John Glendinning. 4 DOUGLAS BOOK, I., 344. 
5 Ibid., in., 404. He is supposed to be the son of that " yhowng joly 
bachelere," William Douglas of Nithsdale, natural son of Archibald the 
Grim. Ibid., i., 358; WYNT., in., 30. 6 He married Egidia, niece to 
the Eari of Douglas (DOUGLAS BOOK, i., 358; in., 404), and his son 
William afterwards married Elizabeth (not Margaret, as GODSCROFT, 115* 
DOUGLAS, PEERAGE, 186), the Earl's daughter. DOUGLAS BOOK, i., 398, 
399; m., 400, 404. 7 Page 264. 8 EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., in., 61 ; 
RYM., viii., 388, 445 ; ROT. SCOT., 11., 174, 178. 



I 4 o6.] Letters. 383 

Lord of Kincardine; Walter Haliburton, 1 of Dirleton, who 
afterwards became his son-in-law ; and Alexander, eldest son of 
the Earl of Crawford. But before they could start on their 
mission, events had overtaken them, and the release of the two 
distinguished prisoners had to be again postponed. 

The weakness of the Scottish King was daily increasing, 
and it was decided to remove his young son James out of 
the country. The motive for this step is one of the riddles 
which historical research has, thus far, failed to read. In after- 
days, when the character of the Duke of Albany was estimated 
at its worst, it was believed that the King had himself sent the 
lad away to escape from his uncle's cruelty, and that he sent 
letters with him, addressed to the Kings of France and England, 
to be used at either court as circumstances should require. 
One hundred and twenty years after the events, the contents 8 
of the letters, with a strong spice of Ste. Barbe 3 Latinity, were 
given by Hector Boyis, writing in his new University at Aber- 
deen, but we know that his material was drawn solely from the 
old chronicle of Bower and its duplicate of Pluscardine ; * 
and, being puzzled, as all the world has been, by the singular 
nature of the transaction, he thought himself justified in filling 
in the details where the picture seemed to require it. Our 

1 On February 2nd, 1408, the Duke calls him films noster. REG. MAG. 
SIG. SCOT., 232. He had married Isabel, daughter of the Duke of Albany 
and widow of Alexander Leslie, Earl of Ross. EXCH. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., 
72; MENTEITH, i., 238. 2 In hunc ferme modum. BOECE, xvi., 340. 
The metrical version makes short work of the letter. " It is so langsum 
for to put in verss." BUIK CHRON. SCOT., 58985. BELLENDEN (in 
HOLINS., in., 255), translating it into " the Scottish tong," omits a good 
deal of the tumidity of the original ; but HALLE (27) gives a full translation 
into English, as if it were a genuine state-paper. LESLEY (257) and 
GRAFTON (432) deal very shortly with the letter, and BUCHANAN (x., 105) 
dismisses it in a line : " In quibus multa de sua multa de communi 
hominum fortuna erant lamentabiliter scripta." The authenticity of the 
letter, however, in some form has been accepted by all subsequent writers, 
including LINGARD, in., 437. 3 For College Ste. Barbe, see FRANKLIN, 
ii., 353 ; ALZOG, n., 848. 4 For view of Pluscardine in 1790, see GROSE, 
II., 278. 



384 James of Scotland. [CHAP. LXI, 

safer plan will be to keep closely to the facts as given in the 
earlier narratives, even though we cannot see a way through all 
the difficulties of the story. One point, however, may be taken 
as now fully established, viz., that the Scottish chroniclers, 1 
Wyntown and Bower, are wrong in placing the events in 1405, 
and that the English records are right when they assign them 
to the earlier months of 1406, though recent writers 2 of both 
countries have still inclined to the wrong year. 

Whoever sent him, the reason given was to get him off to 
France to learn French ways, 3 and so prepare himself for his 
future career. Early in February, 1406, he was placed under 
the charge of Sir David Fleming, and the boy and his guardian, 
with a strong retinue of Lothian lords, travelled with all speed 
through East Lothian, till they came to the coast at North 
Berwick. Here a small boat was ready to take them 4 over to 
the Bass Rock, 5 where James was lodged safely in the prison- 
fortress, awaiting the next step in the plan. Fleming then went 
back to the shore 6 and turned his face homewards, but his 
recent service to the Earl of Northumberland had roused the 
hatred of the friends of Douglas, who found their expectations 
balked, and their leader still a prisoner in English hands. 
Old family feuds were re-opened, and every household 7 was 
astir for any deed of blood and vengeance. 

1 RAMSAY, i., 97. 2 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 304; BURTON, TL, 384 \ 
TYTLER, in., 155; LINGARD, in., 435; BROUGHAM, 58, 370 ; PAULI, 
v.,42; GARDINER, 295 ; SKEAT, 41 ; KNIGHT, n., 19 ; CHALMERS, 2 ; 
CRAIK, i., 382; WARD, i., 129; MORLEY, vi., 165; RYE, in NORFOLK 
ARCHAEOLOGY, vn., 279; TIGHE AND DAVIES, i., 277; TOUT, in DICT. 
NAT. BIOG., xxvi., 40. For discrepancies in date, see NICOLAS, ROYAL 
NAVY, ii., 371 ; PINKERTON, i., 82; due to placing too much confidence 
in Rymer. 3 ANN., i., 419; WALS., n.,273; SCOTICHRON., n.,439; 
MONSTR. , ii., 55. 4 This cannot have been March I2th, as MORLEY, vi., 
167. 5 PROCEEDINGS OF SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, New 
Series, vin., 54 ; SLEZER, Plates 56, 57. 6 Schire Davy buskit hamwart 
sone. WYNT., IX., xxv, 22. 7 Omnes commovebantur ad omnia. ANN., 
418. PLUSCARD. (i., 347) says the reason usually assigned was that Fleming 
had been one of the principal actors in the capture of Robert II. 



1406.] Long Herdmanston. 385 

James Douglas, the Earl's brother, 1 who had not yet put on 
his four stone of " talch," 2 was on his way out from Edinburgh 
with Alexander Seton (Fleming's nephew), William Sinclair of 
Herdmanston, 3 Walter Haliburton of Dirleton,* and " uthir 
mony gentilis ma." They met Fleming at Longherdmanston 
Moor, near Haddington, on February i4th, I4o6, 5 set upon 
him and killed him after hard fighting, in which many of his 
band were made prisoners, though they were subsequently 
released. On the following day, the body of Fleming was 
carried into Edinburgh, and buried in front of the altar of St. 
Nicholas in Holyrood Abbey, " where he had ordained his 
sepulture," 6 beneath the glass windows 7 emblazoned with his 

1 SCOTICHRON., ii., 43; EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., in., 567, 616, 618, 
620, and Vol. iv., passim. Not " uncle " (as PINKERTON, i., 81, followed 
by SIR WALTER SCOTT, i., 240), or "son," as TYTLER, in., 156; ABM- 
STRONG, 156. The Earl made large grants of land to him, e.g., Balvany, 
in the barony of Mortlach, in Strathspey ; Abercorn, on the Forth ; Aber- 
dour, on the north coast of Aberdeenshire, &c. , &c. REG. MAG. SIG., 
SCOT., 7, 8, 9 ; EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., Iviii.; DOUGLAS BOOK, i., 
438. He became Earl of Avondale, in Lanarkshire, and subsequently 
seventh Earl of Douglas in 1440. He died March, 1443, and was buried 
in the parish church of St. Bride at Douglas. For his tomb, see DOUGLAS 
BOOK, I., 442 ; II., 623. 2 " Beand bowellit he had mair nor iiij. stane of 
talchinhiswom.be." AUCHINLECK CHRON., quoted in DOUGLAS BOOK, 
I., 443. He was afterwards known as the Gross, "because he was a cor- 
pulent man of body." GODSCROFT, 157 ; DOUGLAS, 186. 3 He had been 
taken prisoner at Humbledon. SCOTICHRON., n., 435 ; HIST. MSS., IOTH 
REPT., vi., 78. 4 For description, see GROSE, i., 72. 5 SCOTICHRON., xv., 
18. Fleming was dead before March i8th, 1406. DOUGLAS BOOK, i., 
435. He is referred to as dead in an account dated March 1 5th, 1405, cum 
continuatione dierum, in EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., in., 615 ; but there are 
certainly instances of inaccuracy to be found in the Rolls, e.g., iv. , 20, 
where the King is spoken of as dead in an account closed apparently on 
March I7th, 1406, though he did not die till April 4th, 1406. 6 HUNTER, 
480. 7 Cf. the will of Nicholas Braybrooke, January, 1399, who leaves ten 
marks, ad faciendum et vitriandum unam fenestram, in the cloisters at St. 
Paul's. ARCH/EOL. JOURN., xxxi., 184. STAFF. REG., 384, 395, shows 
405. to help re-glaze a window. Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, 123, March 
2nd, 1402, refers to making a great window in the private chapel in Hert- 
ford Castle. In 1323, the accounts of Exeter Cathedral have 8s. for twelve 
pieces de vitro colorato. -OLIVER, BISHOPS, 328. In 1357, 5s.4d. is paid for 
making a glass window in the chapel at Beaurepaire. BURROWS, BROCAS, 
402. In 1411, Robert Gloucester of London, the king's glazier, receives 

A 2 



386 James of Scotland. [CHAP. LXI. 

arms. His son Malcolm received his castle of Cumbernauld 
by charter dated April 2nd, I406, 1 but his murderers " all passit 
hame agane " unmolested and undisturbed. 

The boy James waited weeks 2 on the Bass, while a merchant- 
ship was preparing at Leith. A small company had assembled 
on board, including the Earl of Orkney ; s Sir Archibald Edmond- 
stone ; 4 Alexander Seton, 5 Fleming's young nephew, afterwards 
Lord of Gordon, and his brother William; a bishop whose 
name is not known; 6 Sir John Towers of Innerleithen; 7 and a 
squire named William Giffart, 8 who had been Marshal to Queen 
Annabella, young James' mother. There were few attendants, 
but a rich supply of silver vessels, jewels, and other gear 9 to 
suit the Prince's rank, if ever he should arrive at his destination. 
And yet, with all this precious freight, they carried 10 no means of 

I2d. a day in officio vitriarii. PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 14. TEST. VET., i., 
161, July 2Oth, 1402, has loos, left to make a glass window over the high 
altar at Healing, near Grimsby, with the arms of T. Missenden. At Vad- 
stena in Sweden, the brethren made their own glass windows. FANT, I., 
117. At Poissy in 1400, Christine de Pisan notes that " les voirrieres y 
sont de belle face." PISAN, n., 171. 

Cf. Both wyndowes and wowes ich wolle amenden and glase, 

And do peynten and portreyn. P. PLO., iv., 65 ; xvn., 42. 
See HOLT, 60. 

1 HUNTER, 484. 2 RAMSAY, i., 97, thinks that the transaction was a 
secret, and that James was kept " in hiding on the Bass Rock." 3 FON- 
BLANQUE (i., 242) puts young Henry Percy on board also, and supposes 
that he escaped somehow. 4 Q. R. WARDROBE, 8 8 ; EXCHEQ. ROLLS, 
SCOT., iv., Ixxviii. s SCOTICHRON., xv., 18. 6 Quemdam Episcopum. 
ANN., 419. SPEED (632), followed by ECHARD, i., 429, and LEDIARD, 
I., 64, calls him Bishop of Orkney ; a mere confusion with the Earl. The 
Orkneys then formed part of the see of Trondhjem in Norway. WALCOTT, 
176. GUTHRIE (n., 422) calls him Bishop of St. Andrews. See also 
ASSOCIATED ARCHITECTURAL SOCIETIES' REPORT, 13, 202. i EXCHEQ. 
ROLLS, SCOT., in., 285 ; MELROS LIB., n., 466, 479 ; iv., 578. Sir John 
Stewart is also named as of the party in ARCH^OL. JOURN., xxxv., 400. 
In 1412, Jean Stuart dit Escot is in the service of Charles, Duke of Orleans. 
MICHEL, i., 102, quoting CATALOGUE OF BOOKS OF M. DE COURCELLES, 
Paris, 1835, p. 3. 8 EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., in., 561; RYM., ix., 2; 
ISSUE ROLL, 8 H. IV., 6, December loth, 1406, quoted in EXCHEQ. 
ROLLS, SCOT., cci. 9 CHAUCER, MAN OF LAW, 5220. 
10 Na thare wes fandyn nakyn gere, 

Wappynis or Armour maid for were. WYNT., ix., xxv., 85. 






1406.] " /' the Bass-Rock foot" 387 

defence or weapons of war. They dropped down the Forth, 
touched at the Bass, took the Prince on board, and then, " with 
many farewells to fellow and friend," 1 they hauled their anchor, 2 
drew up sail, 8 and put to sea, knowing that an English fleet of 
ten armed vessels was hovering about the coast, and that within 
a few days the treaty would expire, 4 and relying innocently on 
English honour, which no Scot professed ever to be able to 
trust. For a time the chief concern was on account of the lad's 
sea-sickness, 5 and they hugged the Yorkshire coast for shelter. 
Here they were in the very focus of English plunderers. Not 
only the ports of Scarborough and Flamborough, but every 
creek on the Norfolk coast, from Cromer to Wells, had its 
experts who practised freely on the Scottish and Flemish ship- 
ping making for the Humber and the Wash. As they lay off 
Flamborough Head 6 " upon the waves weltering to and fro," 
they were pounced upon and made prisoners, on Palm Sunday, 7 
March 3oth, 1406, by a party of rovers 8 under Sir John 
Prendergest, 9 an outlaw hailing from the little port of Cley, 

1 CHALMERS, 32; ANGLIA, in., 235. 2 HALLE, 28. Cf. "They hale 
up anker with the cable." GOWER, CONF. AM., 430. 3 Cf. "With sail 
up drawe." Ibid., 256, 263, 414, 428 ; " Hale up the saile." Ibid., 282, 
412; "Up goth the saile and forth they went." Ibid., 308. 4 RAMSAY 
(i., 97) thinks that the last truce had expired April ipth, 1405. 5 BOECE, 
xvi., 339. BELLENDEN, in HOLINS., 255, translates : "Because he might 
not awaie with the air of the sea, being brought far out of quiet in his head 
and stomach therewith." See also BUCHANAN, x., 105. RAPIN (TiN- 
DAL'S translation), 498, has: "went on shore for refreshment." "Sikenesse 
of the see." GOWER, CONF. AM., 114. 6 SCOTICHRON., xv., 18. ? Ibid.; 
not April 4th, as WYNT., ix., xxv., 69. 8 BOECE, xvi., 341. 9 CHRON. 
GILES, 52 ; SOUTHEY, IL, 48. In 1400, he was at Calais in the service of 
the Earl of Somerset. MONSTR., i., 13. In CABINET PORTRAIT GALLERY 
OF BRITISH WORTHIES, IL, 22, the captain is called John Joliffe, probably 
from CLAUS., 7 H. IV., 2, September 2nd, 1406 ; RYM., vin., 450; ROT. 
SCOT., II. , 1 80, which contains complaints of Scots against him for captures 
at sea. But this is explained by CLAUS., 7 H. IV., 19, which shows that 
John Joly captured a vessel from Perth and Dundee, with cargo valued at 
2,299 nobles (766 6s. 8d.), and took it to Scarborough after Michaelmas, 
1405. In HAKLUYT, i. , 182, John Jolly of Blakeney is captain over crews 
from Scarborough, Blakeney, and Cromer. In NORFOLK ARCH/EOLOGY, 
vil., 279, the captor of King James is called Robert Bacon of Cromer. See 
also HERALD AND GENEALOGIST, VIL, 71. 



388 James of Scotland. [CHAP. LXI. 

in Norfolk, 1 a noted haunt for lob, 2 ling, and pirates. 3 They 
were taken to London, received "with honesty," and enter- 
tained in the Tower at the English King's expense. 4 

When Henry heard the purpose of their journey to France, 
"to lerne that tonge and eke curtesie," 5 he laughed aloud. 
"These unkind Scots!" 6 he said, "Surely they might have 
sent the lad to me to rear and teach. I can French ! " 7 And 
the jest not only marks his literary bent for, in an age when 
French was to stay-at-home Englishmen 8 and Scotchmen 9 an 
unknown language, he could understand it and speak in it like 
his birth-tongue 10 but it also shows the suddenness with which 
a nation can be made ignorant by Act of Parliament. In the 
first half of the fourteenth century, the children of English 
gentlemen were taught to speak French " from the time that 
they beeth i-rokked in here cradel." " French was " the 

1 ANN., 419. Not Wye, as MICHEL, i., 107. 2 STAT., i., 356 ; ISSUE 
ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH., December nth, 1406; Q.R. WARDROBE, *, 
App. B. 3p ATt) 6 H. IV., i, i8d; CLAUS., 7 H. IV., 18. Besides 
Joliffe, we know the names of the following wreckers at Cley, viz.: 
Wytton, Clerk, Herriesson, Mergate, Snelling, Quarshe, Noble, Wyndesore 
Crisping, Fish, Pers, Moy, Gulwere, Wyndaler, Parker, Levysson, Dowe 
and Glydown. PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 29 d. * Q.R. WARDROBE, 6 8 8 , App. B 
which fixes the year distinctly at 1406 (7 H. IV). 5 CAPGB., 293. 6 ANN. 
419; WALS., ii., 273; SHAIRP, 244. For ingratus, see HIGDEN, vm. 
25; CHESTER PLAYS, n., 114; P. PLO., B. xiv., 169; xvn., 253; C. xx. 
219. For " unkindenesse," see CHAUCER, MAN OF LAW, 5477. " Un- 
kindeship. GOWER, CONF. AM., 279, 282, 335. " Unkindely. " Ibid., 
1 66. It is all one to say unkinde. 

As thing which done is ayein kinde. 

Ibid., 276, 288, 382, 393, 409, 431. 

7 Cf. I can no frenche in feith. P. PLO., B. v., 239. I can no more 
Tranche. TOWNELEY, 153. Of all languages well I can. CHESTER 
PLAYS, ii., 132. Our language they can as well as we. Ibid., n., 137. 

8 WYCL. (M.), 302. 9 The Scottish Earl of March in his letter to King 
Henry (I., 128), says: Mervaile yhe nocht that I write my lettres in 
Englishe, fore that is mare clere to myne understandyng than Latyne or 
Fraunche. ROY. LET., i, 24; NAT. MSS. OF SCOTLAND, IL, 53.; MEN- 
TEITH, i., 171. The, Earl of Crawford writes in French, but he had 
travelled abroad. LINDSAY, i., 105. I0 HIGDEN, IL, 161. " Ibid., 159 ; 
JUSSERAND, 387. In WRIGHT'S VOLUME OF VOCABULARIES, p. 142, is 
a treatise, written at the close of the thirteenth century, for teaching French 



1406.] " I can French /" 389 

Volapuk of the polite," 1 the language of wits 2 and poets, 
made by God himself for his own honour and praise, so sweet 
and lovely that it might be the tongue of the angels in 
heaven, 3 and anyone who wanted to be " i-tolde of" " fonded 
with great business for to speak " it. In 1362,* the use of 
French in the law courts was forbidden by Act of Parliament, 
and it was ordered that henceforward all "counts should be 
counted" 5 in English. Twenty-three years afterwards, an 
English writer 6 laments that " in all the grammar schools of 
England, children leaveth French and construeth and learneth 
an English, and conneth na more French than can hir lift 
heele." 7 At Oxford, there were no lectures in writing, reading, 
and speaking French, and the Masters in Grammar were re- 
quired to give their scholars the meanings of words in French 
as well as in English, " that the French language might not be 
altogether left out" 8 In 1394, Jean de Montreuil 9 was in 
England, and wrote letters to King Richard 10 and his uncles, 
and several of the more learned Englishmen. He usually wrote 

to the children of the English nobility, i.e., Walter de Biblesworth, see 
JOSEPH MAYER, LIBRARY OF NATL. ANTIQUITIES, i., 142, from ARUNDEL 
MS., 220; WRIGHT AND HALLIWELL, RELIQUIAE ANTIQUE, i., 134. 
See also All Souls MS., CLXXXII., in PECKHAM REG., i., 1. 

1 DARMSTETTER, in CONTEMP. REV., January, 1893, P- 93- 2 " Certes 
there been some that speaken their poisye mater in French." CHAUCER, 
TEST. OF LOVE, Prologue. For protest against the use of French, see 
CURSOR MUNDI, 231-248. 3 La parleure en est plus delitable et plus 
commune a toutes les gens. SCHWAB, 79, from PAULIN PARIS, iv., 352 ; 
P. MEYER, 375, 376, 382. ^STAT., i., 375; ROT. PAUL., 11., 273; 
CAPGRAVE, WORCESTER, 433, Edition HEARNE ; DUGDALE, ORIG., 96; 
DENTON, 5 ; P. MEYER, 379. Yet in Welshpool, in 1406, it is ordered 
that none shall plead in the manor courts nisi in Gallicis verbis vel in 
Anglicis (i.e., excluding Welsh). MONTGOM. COLL., I., 307. For friars 
begging in French in 1383, see WYCL., SERM., in., 222. 5 Page 182. 
LIB. ALB., i., 665. 6 TREVISA, in HIGDEN, n., 191. i Cf. "No more 
than hir wit were in hir heele." HOCCL., 43. 8 MUNIM. ACAD., 302, 438. 
s MONTREUIL, in MART. COLL., IL, 1314; A. THOMAS, 8; RYM., viz., 
783; ECOLE DES CHARTES, XLV., 371; PISAK, n., iv. I0 Richard II. 
read and spoke French fluently. APPLEYARD, in., 51, quoting FROIS., 
iv., Chap. Ixiv. 



390 James of Scotland. [CHAP. LXL 

in Latin, but when he wanted to be secret he put it into French. 
The French boasted that their language was " the best under- 
stood throughout the whole world"; 1 but Henry's diplomatic 
agents, though the best educated Englishmen of their day, were 
unable to communicate with Frenchmen 2 except through the 
medium of Latin; and, in I396, 3 a Suffolk man who had lived 
at Orleans and regarded French as the noblest spoken language, 
except school Latin, had to write specimen dialogues to help 
Englishmen to chop morsels of French if they should find 
themselves abroad. Yet French and Spanish were often the 
channels of King Henry's private correspondence, 4 and when 
the Danish envoys visited England in 1405, they preached 5 
before him in Latin. 

King Robert III. did not long survive. Within a week 
from the day on which his son was captured, he breathed his 
last in the castle at Rothesay, 6 April 4th, i4o6. 7 Some years 
before, he had begged that they would bury his poor crippled 
body 8 beneath a dung-heap, and write over him as an epitaph : 
"the worst of kings and the wretchedest of men"; but they 

1 " La plus connue par 1'universel monde." CHRISTINE DE PISAN, in 
THOMASSY, ixxxi. z Vol. I., 440. In the reign of Henry V. the crafts- 
men of London protest that " the Latin and French before these times used, 
they do not in any wise understand." HERBERT, i., 106; cf. BLOXAM, 210. 
The Ordinances of the Grocers, written in French for the Pepperers 
in 1345, were turned in English in 1418 by the advice of the Fellowship. 
GROCERS' ARCH., in ; HEATH, 61. HALLAM'S (LiT., i., 52) estimate 
that at this time "the average instruction of an English gentleman of the 
first class would comprehend a considerable familiarity ivith French and a 
slight tincture of Latin," seems incorrect. 3 P. MEYER, 375, 376, 382. 
4 RYM., vni., 390, 683 ; M. A. E. WOOD, i., 85. s ANN., 412. 6 SCOTI- 
CHRON., ii., 439, 440. WYNT., in., 2719, says Dundonald in Ayrshire, 
but he seems to be confusing him with Robert II. (ibid., 1095, and in., 338.) 

7 PlNKERTON, I., 8l ; RUDDIMAN, NOTES TO BUCHANAN, I., 436; NlCO- 

LAS, CHRON. OF HIST., 338; ROT. PARL., in., 569. BOWER, in SCOTI- 
CHRON., ii., 440, has "iv. Kal. Aprilis," meaning April 4th (there is no 
need to substitute "die" for " Kal." as RAMSAY, i., 97). PLUSCARD., i., 
347. The earliest official mention that I find of his death is in ROT. PARL., 
in., 605, June igth, 1406, " qui darrein morust." HARDYNG, 365, places 
his death in 1408-9. 8 Claudus impotens et decrepitus. SCOTICHRON, II., 
431, 440; LESLEY, 252. 



1406.] Death of Robert IIL 391 

laid him with his fathers before the high altar in the great 
Cluniac Abbey at Paisley, 1 and the captive James became de 
jure King of Scotland. 

In one of the contemporary English accounts the capture is 
considered to have been accidental, 2 and this is likely enough, 
seeing that no preparations were made to avert the most 
obvious of dangers. But when the mischief was done, one 
would have looked for strenuous efforts to secure some remedy. 
Four months before (December i4th, 1405), an armed galley, 
the " Barge de Calace," manned by English scummers, cruising 
off the coast of Scotland, fell upon a Flemish vessel bound for 
St. Andrews, with a cargo valued at ^1,000. The Englishmen 
ran in with their prize to the harbour in Holy Island and there 
distributed the spoil. But the merchants of St. Andrews had 
friends at court. They appealed to their lord, the Earl of 
Crawford, who, on January 2nd, I4o6, 3 despatched from 
Dundee a written remonstrance demanding restitution. On 
the loth of January, 4 letters in a similar strain were sent by 
King Robert, the Duke of Albany, Bishop Wardlaw, and Sir 
David Fleming, and all the great ones of the land protested 
against this violation of the truce. But now, with the King of 
Scotland in captivity, the very scantiest efforts were made at a 
half-hearted protest for his restitution, and nothing was done to 
bring the titled murderers of Fleming to justice ; for pretenders 
are safest when mewed 5 in a foreign cage, and dead men tell 
no tales. 

1 DUCKETT, i., 197. 2 Fortuito. ANN\, 419; WALS., n., 273. 3 En- 
conter la vertu des treulx ja pie9a prins. VESP. F., vn., 118 (103); 
LINDSAY, i., 105. 4 VESP. F., vn., 22 (26), 89 (82), 116 (102), 117 (102). 
A translation of the letter of the Duke of Albany is printed in MENTEITH, 
(i., 187) from NATL. MSS. OF SCOT., n., 55. The letters are undated as 
far as the year is concerned, but they do not appear to suit 1405, in which 
year the Earl of Crawford would be just about starting for England (p. 62). 
Yet his letter is dated at Dundee, January 2nd, and has no reference to a 
personal interview. He was back in Perth by March 1 5th, 1405 (ExcHEQ. 
ROLLS, SCOT., in., 613). s GOWER, CONF. AM., 158. 



392 James of Scotland. [CHAP. LXI. 

The expiring truce was renewed for another year by an arrange- 
ment made at Kelso, 1 and commissioners were afterwards sent 
into England to request the liberation of the captives. But 
nothing resulted, except extra claims on the Scottish Exchequer 
for the expenses of the envoys, while friendly intercourse 
between Falkland and London never ceased. The Bishop of 
St. Andrews wanted timber from the Baltic for roofing the nave 
of his cathedral, which had remained unfinished since the fire 2 
of 1378; the King of England granted for his goods a full 
exemption from attack by sea. 3 Two of the Duke of Albany's 
servants wished to make a pilgrimage 4 to the shrine of St. 
James, at Compostella, in Galicia ; the English King granted 
them, as far as lay in his power, his protection for their voyage. 
The Provost 5 and chaplains of the Earl of Douglas' new 
college at Lincluden, found themselves worried and harassed 
by the border warfare raging round them; King Henry ex- 
tended to them his gracious protection, at the request of his 
" beloved cousin," the Earl. Within a few weeks of the capture 
of the Prince, a " condite " was issued for the Governor's 
nephew, the Earl of Mar, 6 who was treated with " numerous 
courtesies and favours"; 7 and the Earl of Crawford 3 and 
William Sinclair, 9 brother to the Earl of Orkney, had also 
permits to pass some time in England. In fact, Scottish lords, 
squires, and chaplains, chiefly in the interest of the Duke of 

1 MENTEITH, i., 204, 205. 2 WYNT., in., 563 ; WALCOTT, 78, quoting 
KEITH, 28. 3 ROT. SCOT., IL, 178, May nth, 1406; ROT. VIAG., n, 
August 1 7th, 1407. For similar permit for the Duke of Albany, January 
i8th, 1406, see ROT. SCOT., IL, 176. For " merrien," see DESCHAMPS, i., 
312; in., 163. " Merem'." NORF. AKCH^OL., i., 351. 4 RYM., vin., 
446; ROT. SCOT., ir. , 178. 5 ROT. VIAG., 9 H. IV., 5, April 2nd, 1408, 
shows Alexander Carnys as Provost. Cf. DOUGLAS BOOK, in., 405, 408; 
RYM., vin., 635. For his tombstone at Lincluden, see DOUGLAS BOOK, 
i., 381. 6 RYM., VIIL, 437, 450 ; ROT. SCOT., IL, 177, 179, April 6th and 
September 5th, 1406. 7 VESP. F., vn., 81, translated in MENTEITH, L, 
207. 8 ROT. SCOT., ii., 178, 181, May 3rd and December nth, 1406. 
9 Ibid., 178, May 8th, 1406. 



1406.] Governor Albany. 393 

Albany, were pouring into London as fast as passports 1 could 
be made out for them. 

In June, I4o6, 2 a General Council was held at Perth, which 
declared James to be King of Scotland. For the last twenty- 
four years, the Duke of Albany had been Chamberlain 3 of 
Scotland and Lieutenant 4 for the King; henceforward he 
appears as Warden 5 and Governor of the kingdom of Scotland 
" by the grace of God," and, till his death, he dealt with the 
Scots in official documents as his subjects, 6 the captive James, 
in whose name he professed to act, being often merely " son of 
the late King." 7 In June, I409, 8 when King James was nearly 
of age, the Duke of Albany and the Earl of Douglas entered 
into a bond for mutual support against " all deadly persons," 9 
in which they contemplate the possibility that the Duke might 
"grow in time to come to the estate of King." 10 But, for- 
tunately for the captive, he was out of their danger ; and when, 
in 1411, a peace was concluded between England and Scotland 
to last till Easter, 1418, it was expressly stated that no 
prisoner should be released u who had been captured previously 

1 RYM., vni., 445, 461 ; ROT. SCOT., n., 178, 179, 181 ; EXCHEQUER 
ROLLS, SCOT., iv., clxxxviii. 2 WYNT., in., 98. Not 1402, as ABERDEEN 
RECORDS, i., 382. 3 With a fee of ,200 per annum. MENTEITH, i., 146 ; 
EXCHEQ. ROLLS SCOT., in., 657, and passim. 4 Page 65 ; MENTEITH, i., 
186, 187. s So called in a letter dated Perth, June 28th, 1406, in KUNZE, 
303. Cf. MENTEITH, i., 192 ; FRASER, n., 20 (Perth, October 24th, 1407, 
gubernacionis nostre anno secundo) ; also REPT. ON FCED., D. 128; 
TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 159; vni., 216 (Perth, January, 1407 or 1408). 

6 EXCHEQ. ROLLS SCOT., iv., xlvii. For his seal, see MENTEITH, i., 238. 

7 PlNKERTON, I., 96; RYM., VIII., 484; GLAUS., 8 H. IV., 4; ISSUE 

ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., October 24th, 1408; EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., 
iv., 102 ; MENTEITH, I., 196. Though called " regis Scotios," in EXCHEQ. 
ROLLS SCOT., iv., cci. " Le Roy Descoce." ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 304. 

8 EXCHEQ. ROLLS SCOT., iv., ccix.; MENTEITH, i. 210 ; n., 277 ; DOUGL. 
BOOK, I., 380 ; n., 369. 9 " All dedelik persounes." Cf. " all deadlye." 
DOUGL. BOOK, i., Ixiii.; or "all dedelike." ROBERTSON, iv., 176. 
" Deadli mennis wil." PURVEY, REMONSTR., 12, 22, 38. "A deadly 
man walking in earth." APOLOGY, 53. " Erthely dedly wrecche." 
WYCL. (M.), 232. I0 MENTEITH (i., 145) thinks that "the phrase was 
one of mere precaution." " Minime frethietur. RYM., vni., 738. 



394 James of Scotland. [CHAP. LXI, 

to Michaelmas, 1410. No man has received higher praise 1 
from his contemporaries than the Duke of Albany for godliness,, 
honesty, soberness, wisdom, tenderness, pity, and chastity ; yet, 
somehow, his name has come down to us as that of an un- 
natural and cruel monster. This estimate is, I believe, a gross 
exaggeration, due largely to the inventions of Boyis, popularized 
and circulated in English dress through the labours of Halle, 
Grafton, and Holinshead ; yet there is obviously some founda- 
tion for it, and the detailed story of his policy displays him 
as a calculating schemer, 2 unable to resist the promptings of 
ambition, when they pointed to the advancement of himself or 
his family. 

The captive King and his companions were lodged for a time 
in the Tower of London. The Bishop had escaped, 3 and the 
Earl of Orkney 4 was allowed to travel about in the retinue of the 
English Court. There was already a safe-conduct signed for 
him on March i5th, I4o6, 5 allowing him to remain unmolested 
in England until Midsummer, 1406 ; and, though this may have 
been practically cancelled by the fact of his capture, yet he 
accompanied the English King to Lynn when the Princess 
Philippa sailed for Denmark ; he was with him as an honoured 
guest at the visit to Bardney Abbey, 6 August 2ist, 1406; and 
by October yth, I4o6, 7 he was back in London. On August 
1 9th, 1407^ his brothers, William and John, had permission to 
come to England for an interview with the King; and, on 

1 See the eulogy in WYNT., in., 98-101, obviously written at his death. 
See also SCOTICHRON., n., 466. He was created Duke of Albany, April 
28th, 1398. EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., clxxvii. For a thorough-going 
defence of him, see MENTEITH, i., 131-238; DOUGLAS BOOK, i., 366.^ 

2 In WYNT., in., vii., 669, he is praised for " governyng and gret besynes. 

3 ANN., 419. 4 WYNT., in., xxv., 2700. s ROT. SCOT., n., 177. 6 LEL. 
COL., vi., 300. ^ ROT. SCOT., n., 180. 8 RYM., VIIL, 410. 



1406.] Negotiations. 395: 

September i3th, 1407,* he was allowed to return to Scotland' 
on condition that he presented himself at Durham before the 
ensuing Christmas, his brother John remaining in the meantime 
as a hostage in his place. By 1409,2 he appears to have been 
finally released. Alexander Seton^ also returned to his own 
country, but Giffart and Towers remained in captivity with the 
Prince, as did also a chaplain whose name appears as " Sire 
Donkirton." 8 By the close of the year 1406,* a strong com- 
mission, consisting of Gilbert Greenlaw, 5 Bishop of Aberdeen 
and Chancellor of Scotland ; Robert Cardney, Bishop of Dun- 
keld ; the Earls of Crawford 6 and Mar ; and Sir William 
Graham, came to England to announce the death of King 
Robert, to discuss as to the liberation of his son, and to treat 
for peace generally; though, at this very time, four Scottish 
envoys were in Paris, 7 renewing the league with France. 

A welcome batch of original letters having reference to 
these transactions breaks in upon the general barrenness of our 
knowledge for this year. From these we gather that Albany's 
main anxiety lay in the approaching expiration of the truce. 
It would terminate at Easter, 1407, and his letters are most 
pressing for its renewal, but of the liberation of the King of 
Scotland there is not a word. When the envoys were ushered 



1 RYM., viii., 415. ROT. SCOT., n., 183, shows that he was in London 
on April 8th, 1407. EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., IV., 102, has a payment to 
him of ^20, laboranti pro negociis serenissimi principis filii regis nostri. 
The payment was made between March 27th, 1408, and May 2Oth, 1409. 
See also